From the collection of the
7 n
T> «r m
o Prelinger
i a
AJibrary
s
t
San Francisco, California
2007
SURVEY GRAPHIC
VOLUME xxxiv, JANUARY-DECEMBER, 1945
SUBJECT AND TITLE INDEX-
Agenda for the American people, Clm.^-.
13
Air age transportation, Ogburn, 55
Aladdin's wonderful lamp, Kaempffert,
89
Alcoholism, roads to, Myerson, 49
Allied choices, three, Hill, 478
American choices, Mlllis, 241
American invasion, Mclver, 165
Among ourselves, 3, 35, S3, 115
Amphibious medicine, Brunner, 443
Anti-discriminatory legislation : On the
calendar of our consciences, Polier, Jus-
tine and Shad, 47
Art:
"Alert, the," painting by Alex Mac-
pherson, 203
"Atomic power," cartoon by Fitz-
patrick, 356
"Attila," etching by Ralph Fabri, 155
"Bernard M. Baruch." bronze sculp-
ture by Max Kalish, 401
"Britain's heritage," wartime post-
ers, 184
"Bullets and Barbed Wire," drawing
by Kerr Bby, 289
China in wartime, 130
"China's pursuit of light," Li Hwa,
cover illustration, Apr.
"Common Stream of Justice," murals
by Boardman Robinson, 236
"Communal Feeding Center," painting
by Leonard Daniels. 204
Cover illustrations, see Cover illus-
trations
"Ebb Tide, Tarawa," drawing by
Kerr Bby. 288
"Encamped Britain," paintings by
David Lax, 158
"Franklin Delano Roosevelt, 1882-
1945," portrait bust by Jo David-
son, 169
"Ghost Trail," drawing by Kerr Eby,
287
"Manufacturing the Larger Size
Bombs," painting by Leslie Cole.
205
"President Harry S. Truman," bronze
sculpture by Max Kalish, 308
"Ruby Luftus, skilled war worker,"
painting by Dame Laura Knight,
"Sandbag Workers," painting by
Ethel Gabain, 205
"Small Mortar Loading," drawing by
Kerr Eby, 287
"Tarawa : Deathless Victory On the
Island of Death," drawing by Kerr
Eby, 288
"V-splrit of the people," paintings,
203-205
"Vannevar Bush," bronze sculpture
by Max Kalish, 428
"We Couldn't Have Done So Good
Without Him," drawing by Kerr
Eby, 289
"Women's Land Army : Dairy Train-
ing," painting by Evelyn Dunbar,
204
Atlantic Charter :
Four freedoms and, Shotwell, 172
Text of, 168
Atomic bombshell, the. Gilflllan, 357
Atomic energy, control of, Shotwell 407
Australia: Partners in the Soutlh Pacific
Nevins, 228
Babies on the doorstep, Davis, 438
Book reviews :
Abend, Hallet, Treaty ports, 132
Adams. James Truslow, Big business
in a democracy, 453
Alland and Wise, The Springfield
plan, 449
Authoritarian attempt to capture edu-
cation, 451
Baker, Ray Stannard, American
chronicle, 136
Bartlett. Ruhl J., The league to en-
force peace, 69
Beals, Carleton. et al. What the
South Americans think of us, 454
Becker, John, Negro in American
life, 332
Berge, Wendell. Cartels — challenge
to a free world. 72
Beveridge, Sir William, The price of
peace, 448
Binper, Carl, The doctor's job. 299
Brandt, Karl, The recontruction of
world agriculture, 136
Brogan, D. W., The free state, 488
Bryson, Finkelstein, and Maclver,
Approaches to world peace, 69
Buck, Pearl S.. Tell the people, 132
Chase, Stuart, Democracy under pres-
sure, 298
Chase, Stuart, Men at work, 348
Chatto and Halllgan. The story of
the Springfield plan, 449
Churchill, Henry S., The c-ity is the
people, 449
Clark, John Maurice, DemobWasation
of wartime economic controls, 298
Cleghorn, Sarah, The seamless robe,
416
Colcord, Carver, Sea language conies
ashore, 105
Collins, Frederick L., Uncle Sam's
billion-dollar baby. 455
Daniels. Josephus, The Wilson Era :
Years of peace — 1910-1917. 25
Davis, Harriet Eager, ed., Pioneers
in icorld order, 448
deHusxiu1. George B., New perspec-
tives on peace, 104
Du Bois, W. E. B., Color and democ-
racy, 415
Duffus. R. L., The valley and its peo-
ple. 71
Karhart, Mary. Frances Willard, 74
Eddy, Sherwood, / have seen God
work in China. 132
Kmbree, John P., The Japanese na-
tion, 415
Ernst, Morris L., The best is yet, 297
Feis. Herbert, The sinews of peace,
104
Finer, Herman, The TV A — lessons
for international application, 71
Finletter. Thomas K., Can repre-
sentative government do the job
332
Fitzpatrick, Edward, McCarthy of
Wisconsin, 74
Fleisher. Wilfrid, What to do with
Japan, 134
Forman. Harrison, Report from Red
China, 132
Fry, Varian, Surrender on demand.
349 ,
Ooldmann. Franz, Public medical
care. 488
Gordon, R. A., Business leadership
in the large corporation. 298
Graham, George A., and Reining-.
Henry. Jr., Regulatory administra-
tion, 28
Gruber. Ruth, 7 went to the Soviet
Arctic, 73
Hansen, Alvin H., America's role in
the world economy, 348
Hansen. Alvin H.. and Perloff, Har-
vey S., State and local finance in
the national economy, 27
Harvard Committee, General educa-
tion in a free society. 376
Hauser, Heinrich, The German talks
back, 488
Hinshaw, David, A man from Kansas,
487
Jaffe, Bernard, Men of science in
America, 348
Jensen, Vernon H., Lumber and la-
bor, 454
Juran, J. M., Bureaucracy: A chal-
lenge to better management, 28
Kingdon. Frank, An uncommon man :
Henry Wallace and 60 million jobi,
378
T.a Farge, Oliver, Raw material, 347
Ijasker, Bruno. Asia on the more,
135
Lawrence, Josephine, Let us consider
one another, 331
Lorwin, Lewis L., Time for planning,
377
MacNeil. Neil, An American peace,
69
Maki, John M., Japanese militarism,
its cause and cure, 331
McWilliams, Carey, Prejudice : Jap-
anese Americans, symbol of racial
intolerance, 415
Miller, Arthur. Situation normal, 138
Milletl. Fred B., The rebirth of lib-
eral education, 137
Mises, Ludwig von, Omnipotent gov-
ernment, 104
Morgan, Arthur E., Edward Bellamy,
26
Mumford, Lewis, City development,
416
Murphy. Gardner, ed.. Human na-
ture and endurinij pence, 416
Niggi, Josephina, Mexican village,
464
Norris, George E., Fiuhtino liberal.
295
Ortega y Gasset, Jose, Mission of the
university, 137
Palencia, Isabel de, Smouldering free-
dom, 450
Payne, Robert. Forerrr China, 450
Perry, Ralph Barton, One world in
the makintj. 447
Richter, Werner, Re-educating Ger-
many, 415
Pink, Louis H., Freedom from fear,
an author replies, 75
Rosenman, Dorotihy, Million homes
a year, 296
Rosinger, Lawrence K.. China's crisis.
348
Roth. Andrew, Dilemma in Japan,
RumI, Beardsley, Tomorrow's busi-
ness, 298
Sands and Lalley, Our jungle diplo-
macy, 70
Shaw, Bernard. Everybody's political
what's what, 70
Smith and Zucher, A dictionary of
American politics, 75
Snow, Edgar, Pattern of Soviet
power. 490
Staley, Eugene. World economic de-
velopment, 70
Stapleton. Laurence, Justice and
world society, 72
Stegner. Wallace, One nation. 452
Tillich, Paul J., et al, The Christian
answer, 448
Tocqueyille, Alexis de. Democracy in
America. 332
Tong, Hollington K., China after
seven years of war, 132
Twentieth Century Fund, The pnti-rr
industry and the public interest, 71
Wales, Nym, The Chinese labor
movement, 132
Walton, Frank L., Thread of victory,
456
Warburg, James P., Foreign policy
br/iins at home. 69
Ward, Robert S., Asia for the Asi-
afirs, 414
Welles, Sumner. ed.. An intelligent
American's guide to peace, 349
White, Walter, A rising wind. 452
Ziff. William B., The gentlemen talk
of peace. 70
Zucker. Morris, The philosophy of
American History, 489
Bridges of the future, Shotwell. James
T., 37
British viewpoints, symposium, 185
By their French bootstraps, Roche, 476
California's health insurance drama, Sar-
tain, 440
Canada : Northern neighbor, MacCormac,
225
Cartoons : Fitzpatrick in St. Louis Post-
Dispatch, Mar. cover
Charter of the Golden Gate, Shotwell, 309
Child labor: They harvest New York's
crops, Close, 21
China in wartime, woodcuts, 130
Citizenship, trail-blazers in, Carlson, 362
Clean sweep in Puerto Rico, Clark, 63
Close-up, Gannett, 15'J
Collective bargaining-, new boundaries in,
Harris, 433
Congress: Will Congress clean house?
Kreighbaum, 409
Conscription, postwar, why now? Thayer.
314
Cover illustrations :
Bow of hospital ship "Solace," of
Okinawa ( photograph ) , Nov.
Call to work (photograph), Oct.
Cartoon by Fitzpatrick, Mar.
Crossed flags, Reiss, May
Helicopter, Aviation News, Feb.
Hungry, stateless, displaced persons
(photograph), Dec.
Liberty alight after V-E Day (photo-
graph), June
Modern research, U. S. Rubber Com-
pany (photograph), Jan.
"Pursuit of liglht," Li Hwa, Apr.
Stettinius. Edward R. (photograph),
July
Television control rfoom (photograph).
Aug.
Victory, Sept.
Crops, New York's, harvest of, Close, 21
Delinquents, they can be made over, Mc-
Cormick, 127
Displaced persons : A USA close-up,
Karpf, 282
Dumbarton hopes, Mowrer, 3
E
Economic bill of rights. Murray. 397
"Economic high command," Batt and
Mullen, 181
Education :
In a complex world, Hansen, 103
Reconversion on the campus, Thomp-
son, 366
Veteran goes to college, Andrews,
402
Electron tube : Aladdin's wonderful lamp,
Kaempffert, 89
Employment, full :
Act of 1945, 395
American bill : From patchwork to
purpose, Keyserling, 95
British plan : What Beveridge pro-
poses, Stewart, 93
Postwar taxes and, Newcomer, 60
Europe and the Mediterranean, Dean, 190
Farmers must go fishing, Davis, 125
Figlhting against time. Lehman, 474
Finch, Earl M., "An ordinary American."
Close, 52
Flanner House (photographs), 338
Fortunate city, Riis and Waldron, 339
Four freedoms :
Atlantic charter and, Shotwell. 172
Text of, 170
From the rubble up, Hagen, 477
Full Employment Act of 1945. 395
Future is already here, Amidon, 6
G
Germany :
Four horsemen over, Hagen, 434
Looking in on the Germans. Hansen,
24
What shall we do about? Shotwell. 99
Ginger in the British medicine chest.
Davis, 212
Go political, young man, Fischer, 322
Great Britain :
American invasion, Mclver, 165
British viewpoints: As tihey ft- it.
185
Ginger In the British medicine chest.
Davis, 212
Things of the spirit, Commager. 237
United Kingdom since Dunkirk.
Browne, 206
What the British face. Coyle. 213
When the coalition ends, Barnes, 2"!
Great partnership, the, Reed. 178
H
Hatch. D. Sprncer : Neighbor in n Jlcxi-
can valley, McEvoy, 290
Health :
Babies on the doorstep, Davis, 438
Better, for country folks. Glover and
Harding, 372
California's insurance drama. S;>r-
tain, 440
Care for all, Davis, 280
Farmers must go fishing, Davis, }-'<
Ginger in the British medicine chi-si.
Davis, 212
Legs of the hospital bed. Davis. :!2S
More things than one, Davis", 342
Progress, a milestone in, Davis, 185
Public health in the postwar world.
Winslow, 119
Statesmen discover medical care,
Davis, 101
Today and tomorrow, Davis. 40
When doctors disagree, Davis, 412
Housing, public, charts its course, Klutz-
nick, 15
India, Pacific basin and. Carter, 199
Insurance, buying, against sickness.
Klem, 483
Interdependent world, Shotwell, 359
Japanese-Americans :
Ordinary American, an, Close, 52
We're Americans again. Toriumi, 325
Joe Doakes, patriot, deFord, 43
Labor :
Problem .with a future, Lewar, 19
They harvest New York's crops.
Close, 21
Land — and the Union of South Africa,
Bennett. 232
Last hundred thousand. Harrison, 460
Legislation, anti-discriminatory : On the
calendar of our consciences, Polier, Jus-
tine and Shad, 47
Legs of the hospital bed, Davis, 32S
Lend-lease, two-way (photographs), 172-
177
Letters and life, Hansen :
Education in a complex world. 10"
Looking in on Germany, 24
To be young, poor, and black, 68
West and the Far East, 131
White of Emporia, 487
Letters to the editor: About "Juan,"
Garcia, 305
Life savers, new. Galdston. 292
London's burning. Stuther (poetry). 217
Looking in on the Germans. Hansen. 24
M
Maps : Niger and its territory, 9
Medical care, statemen discover, Davis,
101
Medicine, amphibious, Brunner. 443
Mediterranean, Europe and the. Dean.
190
Milestone in health progress, Davis, 485
N
National personnel department, Corson
432
Negroes :
Fortunate city. Riis and Waldron,
339
"My Happy Days," these make up
(photographs), (ifi
To be young, poor, and black, Han-
sen, Harry. 68
Neighbor in a Mexican valley, McEvov,
290
New Zealand, partners in the South Pa-
cific. Ncvins, 228
Niger valley, Rossin. 8
Norris, George W. : Champion of popu-
lar rights, Hansen. 295
O
On the calendar of our consciences, Po-
lier, Justine and Shad, 47
Our "endless frontier," Shotwell, 429
Our last great chance, Agar, 153
Pacific Basin and India, Carter, 199
Palestine as a refuge from fascism,
Hirschmann, 195
Palisades, the — 3d call, Lament, 317
Peace :
Bread and. Dewey, 117
Empty pay envelopes and. Hal!, DIM
Permanente Health Plan, that Kaiser
built, Garfield, 480
Personnel department, a national, Cor-
son, 432
Photographs :
Aircraft to lit varying postwar needs,
56
"Along the Palisades." 320
Blitzed cities look ahead, 218-220
i >ewey, John, 116
Flanner House, 338
Fortunate few, the, 468
del tins? acquainted, 162-164
"Lest we forget," 392-393
"My Happy Pays." these make ui>.
86
"On the Niger River." 2
San Quentin prison, war production,
44
ShoUvell. James T., 36
Szoltl. Henriftta. 18KO-1945, 84
Two-way lend-lea.se, 172-177
"V" that does not stand for victory,
388
Wagner, Robert F., 276
Poetry: London's Burning, Struther, 217
Political: Cli-an sweep in Puerto Rico
Clark, 63
Postwar :
Air age transportation, Ogburn. 55
('(inscription, why how? Thayer, 314
Future is already here, Amidon. 6
Health — today and tomorrow, l>avis,
40
Public health in the postwar world.
Winslow, 11!)
Taxes and full employment. New-
comer, 60
Public housing charts its course, Klutz-
nick, 15
Puerto Rico, clean sweep In, Clark. 63
R
Race relations : Fortunate city, Riis nnd
Waldron, 339
Reconversion :
Is not enough, Haber, 389
On the campus. Thompson, :ii;ii
Roads to alcoholism, Myerson, 49
San Quentin prison : Joe Dnakcs, patriot.
deFord, 43
Security, more secure, Corson. 277
"Sixty million jobs" if — , Amidon. 400
Social security, ten years of, Altmever,
368
Statesmen discover medical care, Davis,
101
Szold, Henrietta, 1860-1945 (photograph),
84
Taxes, postwar, and full employment,
Newcomer, 60
Television in 1960, Kaempffert, 344
Things of the spirit, Ciimmagor, 237
Toward a bigger pie, Grant, 285
Trail-blazers in citizenship. Carlson, 362
Transportation, air age, iiuliurn, 55
U
Unemployment: Empty pay envelopes and
peace, Hall, 394
Union of South Africa, land and, Ben-
nett, 232
United Kingdom since Dunkirk, Browne,
206
Veterans :
As uniforms are shed, Buell, 401
Goes to college, Andrews; 402
W
Wagner, Robert F (photograph), 276
War production, San Quentin prison,
deFord, 43
West and the Far East, Hansen. 131
White, William Allen, of Emporia. Han
sen, 487
Without a country. Chamberlain, 85
World War II :
American invasion, Mclver, 165
Common tasks and common purposes,
Roosevelt, 170
"Economic hig'h command." Batt and
Mullen, 181
Great partnerships, the Reed. 178
How one partner prized another
Churchill, 167
United Kingdom since Dunkirk.
Browne, 206
What the British face. Coyle, 213
Yalta charter, from, to the Golden Gate.
Shotwell, 123
-AUTHORS INDEX
Agar. H.rbert. <iur last great chance. 153
AJtmeyer, Arthur J., Ten years of social
security, 368
Amidon, BeulaJh :
"Best is yet, the," Morris L. Ernst
(book review), 297
Future is already here, the, 6
"One nation," Wallace Stegner (book
review), 452
"Sixty million jobs" if — , 400
Andrews, John N., Veteran goes to col-
lege, 402
Arnold, Thurman, "Cartels — challenge to
a free world," Wendell Berge (book
review), 72
Ascher, Charles S. :
"Bureaucracy : A challenge to bet-
ter management," J. M. Juran
(book review), 28
"Regulatory administration," George
A. Graham and Henry Reining, Jr.
(book review), 28
"Uncle Sam's billion-dollar baby."
Frederick L. Collins (book re-
view). 455
"Valley and its people, the," R. L.
Duffus (book review), 71
Astbury, B. E., British viewpoint, 189
Barker, Sir Ernest, British viewpoint,
189
Barnes. Joseph, When the coalition ends.
221
Batt, William I,., and Mullen, Robert R.,
"Economic toigh command," 181
Bennett, Hugh H., Land — and the Union
of South Africa, 232
Beveridge, Sir William, British view-
point, 185
Bradley, Phillips. "McCarthy of Wis-
consin." Edward Fitzpatrick (book re-
view). 74
Browne, Mallory, United Kingdom since
Dunkirk, 206
Brunner, Endre K., Amphibious medi-
cine. 443
Buell, Bradley. As uniforms are shed,
401
Burris, Quincy Guy. "Mexican village,"
Josephine Niggli (book review), 454
Buttenheim, Harold S.. "Million homes a
year," Dorothy Rosenman (book re-
view), 296
Carey, Jane Perry Clark, "Can repre-
sentative government do the job,"
Thomas K. Ftnletter (book review),
332
Carlson, Avis D., Trail-blazers in citizen-
ship, 362
Carter, Edward C., Pacific basin and In-
dia, ,199
Chamberlain. Joseph P., Wittiout a coun-
try, 85
Chase. Stuart, Agenda for the American
people, 13
Churchill, Winston. How one partner
prized another, 167
Clark. Dean A.. "Public medical care,"
Franz Goldmann (book review), 488
Clark, Marjorie R., Clean sweep in Puerto
Rico, 63
Clark, Sir Kenneth, British viewpoint,
186
Close, Kathryn:
Ordinary American, an, 52
They harvest New York's crops 21
Commager. Henry Steele. Things of the
spirit, 237
Constant, Julie d'Estournelles de :
"An intelligent American's guide to
peace," Sumner Welles, ed. (book
review), 349
"Price of peace," Sir William Bever-
idge (book review), 448
"The gentlemen talk of peace," 'Wil-
liam B. Ziff (book review), 70
Corson, John J. :
More secure security, 277
National personnel department. 433
Coyle, David Cushman. What the British
face, 213
Dacey, W. Manning, British viewpoint,
189
Davidson, Jo, Franklin Delano Roosevelt
1882-1945, portrait bust, 169
Davis, Kingsley :
"Asia on the move," Bruno Lasker
(book review), 135
"Japanese militarism, its cause and
cure," John M. Maki (book re-
view), 331
Davis, Michael M. :
Babies on the doopstep, 438
Farmers must go fishing. 125
Ginger in the British medicine chest,
212
Health — today and tomorrow, 40
Health care for all, 280
Legs of the hospital bed, 328
Milestone in .health progress, 485
.More things than one
Statesmen discover medical c;^ :
"The doctors job." Carl Binger
(book review), 299
Whi'ii (inctor? disagree, 412
Iv.'in. Yera Alicheles, Europe and the
Mediterranean, 190
deFord, Miriam Allen, Joe Uoakes, pa-
triot, 43
Dewey, John, Peace and bread, 117
Dickerman, Judson C.. "The power in-
dustry and the public interest" (book
review). 71
Dodds. Harold W.. "The rebirth of lib-
eral education," Fred B. Millett (bonk
review), 137
Eby, Kerr, drawings by, 287-289
lOliel, Paul, "Lumber and labor," Vernon
H. Jensen (book review), 454
Fabri, Ralph, "Attila," etching, 155
Feibleman, James, "Justice and world
society," Laurence Stapleton (book re-
view), 72
Fischer, Louis, Go political, young man,
322
Gaklston, lago. New life savers, 292
Gannett. Lewis ,S.. Close-up, 159
Garcia, J. D., Letters about "Juan," 305
Garfield, Sidney R., The plan that Kaiser
built, 480
Gibson, George, British viewpoint, 188
Gilfillan, S. Colum, Atomic bombshell,
357
Glover, Katherine :
Better health for country folks, 372
"The TVA — lessons for international
application." Herman Finer (book
review). 71
Granger, Lester B., "Rising wind, a,"
Walter White (book review), 452
Grant, Ellsworth S. :
"Big business in a democracy," James
Truslow Adams (book review), 453
Toward a bigser pie. 285
Giver, Guy, "The city is the people,"
Henry S. Churchill (book review). 44!)
Gruenberg, Benjamin C., "Men of science
in America," Bernard Jaffe (book re-
view), 348
Haber, William, Reconversion is not
enough, 389
Hagan. Pan 1 :
Four horsemen over Germany, 434
From the rubble up, 477
Hall, Helen. Empty pay envelopes — and
peace, 394
Han.sen. Harry :
Back into the democratic . stream
(book reviews), 347
Education in a complex world, 103
"Fighting liberal, autobiography of
rjje W. Norris" (hook review)
295
Governing a troubled community
(book reviews), 330
Harvard's sixteen courses (book re-
view), 376
Looking in on the Germans, 24
Morality in the modern world (book
review), 447
Three views of Japanese life (book
reviews), 414
To be young, poor, and black, 68
West and the Par East, 131
White of Emporia (book review),
487
Harding, T. Svvann, Better health for
country folks. 374
Harris, Herbert, New boundaries of col-
lective bargaining, 433
Harrison, Earl G., The last hundred thou-
sand, 469
Hartley, Sir Harold, British viewpoint.
Haynes, George E., British viewpoint,
Herrick, Elinore M., "Smouldering free-
dom," Isabel de Palenia (book review)
450
Hill, Russell, Three Allied choices, 478
Hintz, Howard W., "Democracy in Amer-
ica," Alexis de Tocqueville (book re-
view), 332
Hirschmann, Ira A., Palestine — as a ref-
uge from fascism, 195
Hogg, Quintin, British viewpoint. 187
Holmes, Oliver. "Our jungle diplomacy "
Sands and Lalley (book review), 70
James, Earle K., "What the South
Americans think of us," Carleton Beals
et al (book review), 454
Johnson, F. Ernest :
"Christian answer, the," Paul .1. Til-
lich, et al (book review), 448
"The seamless robe," Sarah Clegliorn
(book review), 416
Jones, Allan Creech, British viewpoint,
187
Kaempffert, Waldemar :
Aladdin's wonderful lamp, 89
Television in 1960, 344
Karpf, Ruth, Displaced persons : A USA
close-up, 282
Kellogg, Richard Patrick, "Situation nor-
mal." Arthur Miller (book review), 138
Keyserling, Leon H. :
From patchwork to purpose, full em-
ployment, 95
"Time for planning," Lewis L. Lor-
win (book review). 377
Klem, Margaret C., Buying insurance
against sickness, 483
Klutznick, Philip M., Public housing
charts its course, 15
Kreigihbaum, Hillier, Will Congress clean
house? 409
Laider, Harry W.. "Edward Bellamy,"
Arthur E. Morgan (book review), 26
Lament, Corliss, The Palisades — 3rd call
317
Lasker, Bruno :
China from the bottom up (book re-
views), 132
"China's crisis," Lawrence K. Ros-
inger (book review), 348
Laski, Harold J., British viewpoint, 180
Lasswell, Harold D., "Demobilization of
wartime economic controls," John Mau-
rice Clark (book review), 298
Lax, David, "Encamped Britain," paint-
ings by, 158
Lehman, Herbert H., Fighting against
Lewars, Diana, Labor problem with a
future, 19
Lindeman. Eduard C., "City develop-
ment," Lewis Mumford (book review),
416
Lindsay, Kenneth, British viewpoint, 187
Locke, Alain :
"Color and democracy," W. E B
DuBois (book review), 415
"Negro in American life," John
Becker (book review), 332
MacCormac. John, Northern neighbor, 225
MacDonald, Lois, "Wtorld economic de-
velopment," Eugene Staley (book re-
view), 70
Mallon, J. J.. British viewpoint. 187
McCormick, Elsie, They can be made
over, 127
McDonald, James G. :
"New perspectives on peace," George
B. deHuszar, ed (book review),
"The sinews of peace," Herbert Feis
(book review), 104
McEntire, Davis, "Prejudice : Japanese
Americans, symbol of racial intoler-
ance," Carey McWilliams (book re-
view), 415
McEvoy, J. P., Neighbor in a Mexican
valley, 290
Mclver, Honora Bruere, American in-
vasion, 165
Mead, Nelson P., "Surrender on demand "
Varian Fry (book review), 349
Mickle, Joe J.. "What to do with Japan "
Wilfrid Fleisher (book review), 134
Millis, Walter, American choices, 241
Moorhead, Helen Hovvell, "Pioneers in
world order," Harriet Eager Davis, ed
(book review), 448
Mowrer, Edgar Ansel. Dumbarton hopes 3
Mullen, Robert R., see Batt. William L
Murray, Philip, An economic hill of rights,
397
Myerson, Abraham, Roads to alcoholism
49
Neilson, William A, "Mission of the uni-
versity." Jose Ortega y Gasset (book
review), 137
Neumann. Sigmund. "Re-educating Ger-
many," Werner Riohter (book review).
415
Nevins, Allan, Partners in the South Pa-
cific. 228
Newcomer, Mabel. Postwar taxes and full
employment. 60
Ogburn, William Fielding, Air age trans-
portation, 55
Phillips. Lena Madsin, "Frances Wil-
lard," Mary Earhart (book review) 74
Pink, Louis H., An author replies, Free-
dom from fear, 75
Polier, Justine and Shad, On the calendar
of our consciences, 47
Reading, Lady, British viewpoint, 188
Reed. Philip D.. 'Great partnership, 178
Reiss, Winold, cover illustration by. May
Riis, Roger William, and Waldron,
Webb, Fortunate city, 339
Roche, Josephine, By their French boot-
straps, 476
Roosevelt, Franklin D.. Common tasks
and common purposes, 170
Rosinger, Lawrence K., "Forever China,"
Robert Payne (book review), 450
Rossin, Maurice Claude, The Niger val-
ley, 8
Ryan, John M., British viewpoint, 189
Ryan W. Carson, "Authoritarian attempt
to capture education" (book review).
451
Sartain, Geraldine, California's health in-
surance drama, 440
Scandrett Richard B., Jr. :
"American chronicle," Ray Stun-
nard Baker (book review), 136
"Everybody's political what's what,"
Bernard Shaw (book review), 70
Shinwell, Emanuel, British viewpoint, 188
Shotwell, James T. :
Bridges of the future, 37
Charter of the Golden Gate, 309
Control of atomic energy, 407
Four freedoms and Atlantic Char-
ter, 172
From Yalta to the Golden Gate, 123
Interdependent world, 359
Our "endless frontier," 429
What Shall we do about Germany?
99
Springer, Gertrude :
"Let us consider one another," Jose-
phine Lawrence (book review).
331
"Sea language comes ashore," Carver
Colcord (book review), 105
Stiger, Andrew J. :
"I went to the Soviet Arctic," Ruth
Oruber (book review), 73
"Pattern of Soviet power," Edgar
Snow (book review), 490
Stevens, Alden, "The Wilson Era : Years
of peace — 1910-1917." Josephus Dan-
iels (book review), 25
Stewart, Maxwell S. :
"America's role in the world econ-
omy," Alvin H. Hansen (book re-
view), 348
What Beveridge proposes. 93
Struther, Jan, London's burning (poetry),
217
Studenski, Paul, "State and local finance
in the national economy." Hansen and
Perloff (book review), 27
Summerkill, Edith. British viewpoint, 187
Tead, Ordway :
"Business leadership in the large cor-
poration." R. A. Gordon (book re-
view). 298
"Democracy under pressure," Stuart
Chase (book review), 298
"Human nature and enduring peace,"
Gardner Murphy, ed. (Book re-
view). 416
"Men at work," Stuart Chase (book
review), 348
"Omnipotent government," Ludwig
von Mises, 104
"Tomorrow's business," Bearsdley
Rural (book review), 298
Thayer, V. T. :
"Springfield plan, the," Alland and
Wise (book review), 449
"Story of the Springfield plan," Chat-
to and Halligan (book review), 449
Why postwar conscription now? 314
Thompson, C. Mildred, Reconversion on
the campus, 366
Toriumi, Sophie and Donald. We're
Americans again, 325
Trevelyan, George M., British viewpoint,
186
Vansittart, Lord, British viewpoint, 185
Waldron, Webb, see Riis, Roger William
Walker, Snyder H. :
"The free state," D. W. Brogan
(book reviews), 488
"The German talks back," Heinrich
Hauser (book review), 488
Waring, P. Alston, "An uncommon man :
Henry Wallace and 60 million jobs,"
Frank Kingdon (book review), 378
Weybright, Victor, British viewpoint, 185
Wilson, M. L., "The reconstruction of
world agriculture," Karl Brandt (book
review), 136
Winant, John G., British and ourselves,
153
Winslow, C.-E. A., Public health in the
postwar world, 119
Xeichner, Oscar, "Philosophy of American
history," Morris Zucker (book review),
489
JflNU^RV IQ45
SURVEV
3O CENTSfl COPV
GRAPHIC
The Future Is Already Here
Introduction by BEULAH AMIDON of a scries for"l945
Niger Valley: A New Colonial Pattern— Maurice Rossin
)umbarton Hopes— Edgar Mowrer • American Agenda— Stuart Chase
Western Union Election • Public Housing • Migrant Harvesters
General Electric answers your questions about
TELEVISION
Q. What will sets cost after the war?
A. It is expected that set prices will begin
around $200, unless there are unfore-
seen changes in manufacturing costs.
Higher priced models will also receive
regular radio programs, and in addition
FM and international shortwave pro-
grams. Perhaps larger and more ex-
pensive sets will include built-in phono-
graphs with automatic record changers.
Q. How big will television pictures be?
A. Even small television sets will prob-
ably have screens about 8 by 10 inches.
(That's as big as the finest of pre-war
sets.) In more expensive television sets,
screens will be as large as 18 by 24
inches. Some sets may project pictures
on the wall like home movies. Natur-
ally, pictures will be even clearer than
those produced by pre-war sets.
Q. What kind of shows will we see?
A. All kinds. For example: (1) Studio
stage shows — dancers, vaudeville, plays,
opera, musicians, famous people. (2)
Mo vies can be broadcast to you by tele-
vision. (3) On-the-spot pick-up of sports
events, parades, news happenings. G.E.
has already produced over 900 tele-
vision shows over its station, WRGB,
in Schenectady.
Q. Where can television be seen now?
A. Nine television stations are operating
today — in Chicago, Los Angeles, New
York, Philadelphia, and Schenectady.
Twenty-two million people — about one-
fifth of all who enjoy electric service —
live in areas served by these stations.
Applications for more than 80 new tele-
vision stations have been filed with the
Federal Communications Commission.
Q. Will there be television networks?
A. Because television waves are practi-
cally limited by the horizon, networks
will be accomplished by relay stations
connecting large cities. General Electric
set up the first network five years ago,
and has developed new tubes that make
relaying practical. G-E station WRGB,
since 1939, has been a laboratory for
engineering and programming.
Q. What is G. E.'s part in television?
A. Back in 1928, a General Electric en-
gineer, Dr.E. F. W. Alexanderson, gave
the first public demonstration. Before
the war, G. E. was manufacturing both
television transmitters and home receiv-
ers. It will again build both after Victory.
Should you visit Schenectady, you are
invited to WRGB's studio to see a
television show put on the air.
TELEVISION, another example of G-E research
Developments by General Electric scientists and engi-
neers, working for our armed forces in such new fields as
electronics, of which television is an example, will help
to bring you new products and services in the peace years
to follow. General Electric Company, Schenectady, N. Y.
FOR VICTORY BUY AND HOLD WAR BONDS
Hear the General Electric radio program: "The G-E All-
Girl Orchestra." Sunday 1O p.m. EWT, NBC— "The
World Today" news, every weekday 6:45 p.m. EWT, CBS.
GENERAL fill ELECTRIC
Outstanding Books on City Planning
The CITY
Its Growth— Its Decay— Its Future
By Eliel Saarinen
This world-renowned architect and city designer not
only shows the physical and economic causes for urban
decay but also gives a vigorous corrective plan that cries
for action. 380 Pages. Illustrated by the author. $3.50.
"I know of no single book on the subject so compre-
hensive, so free from crotchets and pedantries, so generous
and yet so practical, as Eliel Saarinen's."
Albert Guerard in The Nation
"His book may well prove to be the bible of the rebuilders
of the cities of tomorrow." Boston Daily Globe
"Mr. Saarinen bravely thinks in terms of a generation or
two, and raises questions that cannot be ignored."
New York Times
"A profoundly thought and deeply felt book."
Chicago Sunday Tribune
CITIES of
LATIN AMERICA
By Francis Violich
With exceptional discernment, the author discusses the
cultural heritage of the colorful cities studied, their plan-
ning problems, their hopes for future betterment. This
thought-provoking book will go far toward increasing
inter-American understanding and respect. 241 pages.
Illustrated. $3.50.
"A valuable and valiant plea to tackle problems which are
fundamental necessities for Latin America and for better
inter-American relations." San Diego Union
"Violich writes a felicitous prose and observes with a culti-
vated mind. Not only the city planner but the general reader
will find the book eminently worth while."
Arthur Bergholz in Chicago Sunday Tribune
"A ground-breaking work in its field. No one interested in
city planning can afford to miss what is essentially a pre-
liminary report."
Bertram Wolfe in New York Times Book Review
"Warm and enthusiastic, as well as factual and logical."
E. G. Milne in Providence Sunday Journal
"Livelier than many a South American travel book and
more vitally interesting than a South-of-the-border tale of
romance." E. A. Laycock in Boston Daily Globe
THE HOUSING MARKET
in NEW YORK CITY
By Herbert S. Swan
For the Inst. of Public Administration
This is a thorough, factual, and realistic study of the
market for both rental and individually owned housing
in New York City. It is full of meat for everyone who is
concerned with the reclaiming of real estate values in
the residential areas of American cities. $2.00.
OTHER CITY PLANNING BOOKS
NOW IN PREPARATION.
A STUDY OF LOW-COST HOUSING. By Major George
Herbert Gray. Size 81/?" x U". Profusely illustrated.
THE ART OF BUILDING CITIES. By Camillo Sitte:
translated by Lt. Charles T. Stewart, USNR.
REINHOLD
BOOKS
of current
interest to
everyone.
DISCUSSIONS
ON URBANISM
This is a report of a series
of seminars hfld by the Pfan-
n ing a nd Hou sing Division,
School of Architecture, Co-
lumbia University, from Jan-
uary 8 through April 23,
1941. Reprinted from PEN-
CIL POINTS, 1943. net, 25c
THE WAR on
CANCER
By
Dr. Edward Podolsky
Written in simple non-medi-
cal terms that pive you the
most recent findings on Can-
cer. Understand the nature
of Cancer and how it affects
you. ISO Pages. Illustrated.
$1.75
THE AMAZING
PETROLEUM
INDUSTRY
By V. A. Kalichevsky
An interesting picture of the
world's most important raw
material — petroleum. In non-
technical language, it tells
simply^ what petroleum is,
how it is obtained, what it
does. 234 Pages, Illustrated.
$2.25
SOILLESS
GROWTH of
PLANTS
By Carleton Ellis
and Miller W. Swaney
Shows how you can grow
healthy, prolific plants
WITHOUT soill This best-
seller describes all three
methods of soilless growth —
water culture, sand culture
and sub-irrigation. 160 Pages.
Illustrated. $2.75
FATIGUE of
WORKERS
It* Relation to
Inriuitriat Production
By The Committee on
Work in Industry of the
National
Research Council
Reveals causes of fatigu e,
psychological origin of
strikes, slowdowns, waste of
time. Giz>es underlying rea-
sons for the inharmony which
often exists between manage-
ment and labor. 165 Pages.
$2.50
At Your Bookstore or Direct
REINHOLD PUBLISHING CORP.
33O West 42nd Street
Also publishers of Chemical Engineering Catalog,
New York 18, N. Y.
Metal Industries
Catalog, Metals and Alloys, and Pencil Points.
BEGINNING NEXT MONTH
SURVEY ASSOCIATES
announces a new
HEALTH DEPARTMENT
under the associate editorship of
MICHAEL M. DAVIS
chairman of the Committee on Research in
Medical Economics, who will write a
monthly "column" in Survey Graphic re-
viewing current events and pointing up issues
in new plans for medical care, new programs
for legislation. Major articles will illuminate
the imminence of HEALTH as a prime factor
in POSTWAR DEVELOPMENTS.
Our regular section in Survey Midmontbly,
will deal close-in with the working relation-
ships between medical services and social
work, with the spread of public health and
the widening applications of psychiatry.
The results of the Selective Service exam-
inations have dramatized the extent of
uncared for disease and defect in American
life. Shortages of doctors has accentuated
this. Meanwhile the physical and mental
rehabilitation of discharged service men is
challenging industry and the professions.
Preventive and curative medicine will be
factors in meeting human and economic
problems bound up in demobilization and
reconversion.
On every hand, there is mounting recog-
nition of the need for making medical care
more widely available, for enhancing post-
war opportunities of the professions entering
into the cast of characters taking part in the
drama of American health.
The war itself has been a spur to scientific
discovery and invention. Returned doctors
and returned servicemen, alike, will be alive
to what's ahead both in medical science and
in the organization of medical practice. Here
at home, hospital and health insurance plans
of a voluntary sort have spread rapidly.
Proposals for public programs are on the
agenda of state legislatures and Congress.
Our new associate editor is thoroughly
versed in this field. As director for medical
services of the Julius Rosenwald Fund, he
was one of the organizers of the Committee
on the Costs of Medical Care, under the
chairmanship of Dr. Ray Lyman Wilbur.
In Survey Graphic for December, we
brought out an interpretation of the signifi-
cant report in which physicians, experts and
laymen present an "American Plan for Medi-
cal Care and Health Insurance." The article
was written by Michael M. Davis as chair-
man of this Health Program Conference.
Our association with him, however, goes
back much further. It was in 1927-28 that
we brought out a series of articles he wrote
as executive secretary of the Committee on
Dispensary Development, New York, which
broke ground for later developments.
SURVEY GRAPHIC for January. 1945. Vol. XXXIV. No. I. Published monthly and copyright 1045 by SURVEY ASSOCIATES INC. Publication Office. 34
North Crystal Street. East Stroudsburg, Pa. Editorial and business office. 112 East 19 Street. New York 3. N. Y. Price this issue 3d cents; $3 a year: Koreijm
postaue 50 cents extra. Canadian 75 cents. Entered as second class matter on June 22, 1940 at the post office at East Stroudshurg Pa under the Act of March
3. 1879. Acceptance for mailing at a special rate of postage provided for in Section 1103. Act of October 3. 1917. authorized Dec. 21. 1921. Printed In U.S.A.
How many ways can you build a globe?
As many as you please— provided the parts fit!
The communication system which carries
your voice across a continent and beyond,
works because its millions of interlocking
parts are engineered to fit. There are thou-
sands of switchboards, 26 million telephone
instruments and 65 million miles of circuits.
Each individual part, no matter how inge-
nious, is merely a unit in the whole system.
The final test is— does the system work?
This is the engineering ideal of Bell Tele-
phone Laboratories. It has helped to create
the greatest telephone system in the world.
BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM
Among Ourselves
THE LATE VICTOR LAWSON, PUBLISHER OF THE
Chicago Daily News, was far in advance of his
times when, in the early years of the century,
he spread a galaxy of star reporters over the
continent of Europe. Two young Mowrers,
Paul Scott and Edgar Ansel, were among them.
Edgar Ansel Mowrer (page 5) covered the
French, Belgian, and Italian fronts in World
War I, and between the two wars was in
turn chief of the Italian, German, and French
bureaus. He was covering Washington at the
time of Pearl Harbor; and thereafter spent
fifteen months in government service as deputy
director, first of the Office of Facts and Figures,
then of the Office of War Information. Today,
he is a free-lance, here and overseas, with a
syndicated column in a score of newspapers.
In 1939, Mr. Mowrer contributed from
Paris a major article, "Minorities of Opinion"
to the first of our "Calling America" series of
special issues. His lead article here gives the
quintessence of a speech early this winter be-
fore the Union for Democratic Action. The
charge he made to listeners on that occasion
can be passed on to our readers.:
"As individuals you have some power. As a
group, you are more powerful still. Get these
things straight in your minds and go to work.
Newspaper editors and radio commentators are
sensitive: prod them in every way you can.
Your President and your Congress are vulner-
able: remind them of this fact. Hold meetings,
write letters and telegrams, influence political
parties and groups, work through organiza-
tions, give money. Now is the time the game
has to be played."
"If We Want Small Farming"
To THE EDITOR: CHARLOTTE PRINCE RYAN, IN
her article on the small farmer [December
1944 Survey Graphic], is hitting squarely at
the fundamental cleavage in agriculture and its
most important problem. As a small farmer
myself I would uphold her as to facts and
basic interpretation.
Mrs. Ryan is perfectly clear on the point
that modern agriculture is an integral part of
our capitalist industrial society, that big agri-
culture has made its adjustment to business
and industry, and that small farmers, driven
by poverty and overwork, are playing "follow
the leader," where the leaders know all the
tricks.
If small farmers constitute so sizable a chunk
of America diat they cannot be ignored; if,
as Mrs. Ryan indicates, there persists in Amer-
ican farmers a will to independence that makes
them think of themselves as farmers even when
they become dispossessed workers and even
when adversity has produced in them selfish-
ness, suspicion, and undesirable character-
istics for good citizenship — then it becomes
necessary for us to think about our farm
In December Survey Midmonthly
So You Can Retire by Milton H. Glover
Army Mental Hygiene by S/Sgt. Alfred ].
Kahn and Sgt. Evan J. Scott
Employment of Veterans by Kathryn Smut
Education and Barbed Wire by Eunice
Glenn
Taxes and Social Work by Carl P. Herbert
VOL. XXXIV CONTENTS
Survey Graphic for January 1945
Cover: Modern Research; Courtesy of U. S. Rubber Company
On the Niger River: Photographs
Dumbarton Hopes EDGAR ANSEL MOWRER 5
The Future Is Already Here BEULAH AMIDON 6
The Niger Valley MAURICE CLAUDE ROSSIN 8
Agenda for the American People STUART CHASE 13
Public Housing Charts Its Course PHILIP M. KLUTZNICK 15
Labor Problem with a Future DIANA LEWARS 19
They Harvest New York's Crops KATHRYN CLOSB 21
Letters and Life 24
Looking in on the Germans HARRY HANSEN 24
Copyright, 1945, by Survey Associates, Inc. All rights reserved.
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC
Publication Office: 34 North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburg, Pa.
Editorial and Business Office, 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
Chairman of the Board, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN; president, RICHARD B. SCAHDRETT, JR.; vice-
presidents, JOHN PALME* GAVIT, ACNES BROWN LEACH; secretary, ANN REED BRENNER.
Board of Directors: DOROTHY LEHMAN BEHNHAJD, JACOB BILLIKOPF, NELLIE LEE BOK, JOSEPH
P. CHAMBERLAIN, EVA HILLS EASTMAN, EARL G. HARRISON, RALPH HAYES, SIDNEY HILLMAN, FRED
K. HOEHI.ER. BLANCHE ITTI.ESON, ALVIN JOHNSON, EDITH MORGAN KING, WILLIAM W. LANCASTER,
AGNES BROWN LEACH, WILLIAM M. LEISERSOH, THOMAS I. PARKINSON, JUSTINE WISE POLIEE,
WILLIAM ROSENWALD, BEARDSLKY RUML, EDWARD L. RYEESON, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR., LOWELL
SHUMWAY, HAROLB H. SWIFT, ORDWAY TEAD.
Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.
Associatf editors: REULAH AMTDON, ANN REED BRENNER, BRADLEY BUELL, HFLEN CHAMBERLAIN,
KATHRYN CLOSE, MICHAEX M. DAVIS, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, HARRY HANSEN, FLORENCE LOEB KEL-
LOGG, LOOLA D. LASKER, VICTOR WEYBRIGHT, LEON WHIPPLE. Contributing editors: HELEN CODY
BAKER, JOANNA C. COLCORD, EDWARD T. DEVINE, RUSSELL H. KURTZ, ALAIN LOCKE, MARY Ross,
GERTRUDE SPRINGER.
Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINGER; Circulation manager, MOLI.IE CONDON; Advertitmt
manager, MARY R. ANDERSON; Field Representatives, ANNE ROLLER ISSLER, DOROTHY PUTNEY.
Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue, 30c a
copy. By subscription — Domestic: year $3; 2 rears $5. Additional postage per year — Foreign 50c;
Canadian 75c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest. Index to Labor Articles, Public
Affairs Information Service, Quarterly Cumulative Index Medicus.
Survey MidmontMy published on the 15th of the month. Single copies 30c. By subscription—
Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year — Foreign 50c; Canadian 75c.
Joint subscription to Survey Graphic and Survey UidmtmtUy: Year, $5.
Cooperative Membership in Survey Associates, Inc., including a joint subscription: Year, $10.
problem not only from the standpoint of the
economics of production but from the stand-
point of an efficiency by which society best
employs its citizens.
The present economic plight of small farmers
is largely caused by the unequal relationships
whereby a small sector of farmers has gained
political power and economic control of the
distribution system as well as a dominant ac-
cess to capital and credit. This, of course, need
not be, once the situation is understood by
enough people.
I am not convinced that a society charac-
terized by monopoly and poverty is inevitable.
I am convinced that small farmers, their gov-
ernment, and the American people can so
regulate the situation that we will employ that
large section of American citizens engaged in
farming in a socially effective and satisfactory
fashion. Small farmers will, unquestionably,
have to learn the need for and the techniques
of organization, and government must secure
that right, free of external interference.
Government can also strengthen the small
farmer by removing the present hidden sub-
sidies to industrial farming and special privi-
leges now enjoyed by certain farm organiza-
tions. The provisions of the Social Security Act
could be extended to small farmers, and a
great many more things could be done to
shore up their economic and social situation.
It is only because I feel that Mrs. Ryan's
excellent analysis lacks sufficient emphasis on
possible solutions to a difficult problem that I
write this letter. P. ALSTON WARING
Co-author oj "Roots in the Earth"
Two Friends Have Gone
WE HAVE BEEN SADDENED BY THE RECENT DEATHS
of two good friends. The Rev. Dr. Endicott
Peabody, founder of Groton School and for
56 years its headmaster, had been since 1914
a member of Survey Associates. Ten years
after joining he became a $100 contributing
member. His check arrived each January 10
for twenty years, a treasured expression of his
interest and faith in our publishing enterprise.
Eunice Fuller Barnard, former education
editor of The New Yor% Times, and since 1938
the education director of the Alfred P. Sloan
Foundation, was a contributor of occasional
distinguished articles and book reviews to
Survey Graphic. The last, published in the
December issue, came to us from the country
home where she was trying to recuperate from
a long illness. It was written with all the
insight and imagination that readers long have
associated with her name.
French Press and Information Service
Fountain in the market center of Bamako, city on the Niger
ON THE NIGER RIVER
(See page 8)
Supply Mission for France
SURVEY
GRAPHIC
Dumbarton Hopes
WHETHER WE LIKE IT OR NOT, WE HAVE
entered the new age. Dominating this age
is the fact that all countries are interde-
pendent. Security and peace are henceforth
indivisible. So, probably, are freedom and
prosperity. If security and peace are at-
tacked anywhere, they are threatened the
world over. If somewhere freedom is de-
nied, it is in danger everywhere. Unless
prosperity spreads, it goes by the board.
This is a startlingly new situation and
particularly concerns the United States —
for our fundamental aims are precisely
freedom, security, peace, and prosperity.
The coming victory will have preserved
our freedom; but unless it preserves peace,
there will be no future security. No people
can be sure of winning all future wars.
Without peace there will hardly be lasting
prosperity. Preparation for war will grow
monstrous. Without peace, freedom will
shrink, for in the vain process of seeking
security through super-armament we shall
move toward dictatorship.
Nature knows but one unpardonable sin:
the failure of a living organism to adapt
to a changing environment. This some-
times results from deficient intelligence as
with the vanished dinosaur whose brain,
according to H. G. Wells, was no larger
than the ganglia of its rump. That inter-
esting bird, the dodo, simply sat and
ignored the advent of the Ice Age. Un-
happily, these creatures have reincarnated
in human form. Even in the groves of
Capitol Hill in Washington, D. C., a nature
student can find splendid examples stub-
bornly heading for extinction.
"Winged Peace or Winged Death"
The New Age is not around the corner
— it's here. In his recent book, Air Marshal
William A. Bishop, a Canadian airman of
thirty years experience, puts it bluntly:
"The air age faces mankind with a sharp
choice — the choice between winged peace
and winged death." "Billy" Bishop asks us
to choose winged peace. At this, our dumb
dinosaurs and inattentive dodos hiss and
cackle: "Isolation was good enough for our
fathers. Through it we became the greatest
nation on earth. Leave well enough alone."
They have not grasped the coming air
age. Today, American scientists can pro-
duce rocket bombs with which New York
could carry on trans-Atlantic war with
London. Mexico might engage in a bomb-
EDGAR ANSEL MOWRER
— By an ace American correspondent
and columnist (see page 3).
tossing contest with Canada over the heads
of New Yorkers — unaware of them until
a dud, dropping into Times Square would
bring down the Hotel Astor. The German
vengeance weapons, V-l and V-2, are only
first crude harbingers of winged death.
Clearly, we stand at the beginning of a
change in living conditions as startling as
when our remote ancestors finally found
the courage to creep from protecting caves
and live in the sunlight. Yet, if we fail to
stave off global technological war, back
into the caves we shall go. Doubtless these
will be de luxe caverns — guaranteed bomb-
proof and insulated against poison gas.
They will be air conditioned, central heat-
ed; will gleam with marvelous plastics and
twinkle with new gadgets. But they will
be caves just the same — marking not an
amusing interlude but a major defeat in
the history of man. Unless we re-adapt to
changed conditions, the new age will be a
calamity. Yet it could be the most glorious
age in the history of mankind, with the
whole earth the possession of its children.
War or Permanent Peace
The choice — collectively speaking — is
ours. The problem is war; the solution,
permanent peace. Nothing less can guar-
antee us against the caves and a new ice-
age of the human spirit. Only when we
face this can we see the transcendent im-
portance of the Dumbarton Oaks pro-
posals for a United Nations' Organization.
In these proposals lies the hope of the
world! How then, ought citizens to think
about them? Surely, as my old philosophy
professors used to say, ideologically — in
terms of their adequacy to their purpose.
This purpose is the establishment of lasting
peace on earth. Other purposes exist, but
are all secondary. Civilization will not sur-
vive the winged death of the air age. Right
there is the criterion.
Let us remember that other devices for
preserving the peace have been tried and
regularly failed — isolation, armed imperial-
ism, a balance of power, preponderant alli-
ances. Many who see this still insist that
the time for an effective international or-
ganization— that is to say, for peace — has
not come; that we must put our trust in
armed national might and alliances. The
amount of naked power wedded to a "sov-
ereign" state cannot possibly prevent war.
It never has and it never will. By insistence
on sovereignty — which in last analysis
means freedom to wage war — sovereign
states perpetuate what they seek to avoid.
The cure for sovereignty is super-national
law. The purpose of an international organ-
ization worthy of the name is to establish
and enforce such law. Only that and readi-
ness to uphold it can guarantee lasting
peace. "Exactly," the sovereignty-with-
power-alliance boys interrupt. "Just what
we said. More important than structure is
the desire to make it work." Just a minute.
Few have the patience to chop hard wood
with a stone ax. We need not choose be-
tween "making the instrument strong" and
"making it work." The stronger it is, the
easier to make it work.
Weak Peace or Certain Death
Which brings us back to the Dumbarton
Oaks proposals. These — at this writing —
do not envisage a true international admin-
istration to enforce super-national law, but
rather an International Vigilance Commit-
tee. They are not the long awaited sure-fire
guarantee against war, but merely a step
between lawlessness and law. They may not
even provide for coercing those big powers
who alone can make big wars.
Nonetheless, the Oaks proposals contain
within them a seed that could develop into
a real guarantee. That is the clause which
excludes violence or threat of violence by
national states except at the behest of the
international community. Once deprived
of the right to use violence for national
purposes, even the most powerful sovereign
states must come to rely on law for secur-
ity. Thereby lasting peace becomes possible.
Between now and the adoption of the
final statute of the United Nations' Organ-
ization, we should work to make that
organization strong. Once the final text is
written, we must fight to get it accepted
by the American Senate and implemented
by the American Congress. Then we must
struggle to make it work; struggle to make
it the supreme point in our political life, to
make it the custodian of super-national law.
The stakes are the highest in the world
— nothing less than the lives and happiness
of our children and our children's children.
Do not send them back to the caves. Give
them the planet as their playground!
The Future Is Already Here
Wonders wrought by science in a period of production miracles, which
will change our postwar lives — an introduction to a series of articles.
WAR CASTS A GRIM LEDGER. ON THE RED SIDE
fall the casualty lists, with their incalculable
totals of lost talent, energy, and leadership.
But in paying this great price, civilization
gains not only the essentials for victory but
immeasurable advances in discovery and in
the application of new knowledge.
Today's headlines carry word of "secret
weapons," of mysterious ways of dealing
death and destruction. These gains on the
debit side of war's ledger are not "new."
They are the result of two decades or more
of exploration and discovery in the labora-
tories of many nations. They represent mili-
tary and industrial advantages that, without
war, would not have come for many years.
But, too, they represent vast potentials on
the other side of the ledger — the side of
man's conquest over the forces of the uni-
verse, of happier and more secure ways of
living on this planet.
As the scientist sees the horizon of man's
understanding, war brings nothing hitherto
unknown. The tanks, planes, radio, medical
care of the last war — the weapons and the
medical advances of this — do not represent
fresh discoveries, except possibly in medi-
cine. Today's "new technology" is chiefly
evidence that a process begun long ago has
been accelerated.
The Airplane of Tomorrow
Look, for instance, at modern planes and
high-octane gas, the motor fuel of today
and the future; at rocket motors and jet
propulsion. Consider the airplane of to-
morrow, in sight just out there on the
hangar apron, behind the jet-propulsion
bird:
"It will leave the ground smoothly, im-
pelled by rocket motors which will assist
its jet engines to get it off with huge loads,
hitherto beyond our thinking. Once off,
power will switch from the rocket engines
to the jet engines, for the excellent reason
that an airplane will fly comfortably with at
least 50 percent more load than it can take
off from the ground. The jets will attend
to the provision of motor power until very
high altitudes (in today's conception of
altitude) are reached. Ultimately, however,
the new aircraft will come into stratospheric
altitudes in which the jet, requiring oxygen,
will tire and finally quit. Then the rockets
will come into play again. . . .
"The plane will then thrust forward
smoothly through the stratosphere at some-
thing faster than the speed of sound, and
probably somewhere between 1,000 and
1,500 miles an hour. That will go on until
the destination is, say, some 500 miles and
30 minutes away. Then the nose will turn
down the long hill, and near the airport
the jets will come into action and before
the passenger in his air conditioned and
BEULAH AMIDON
— By the associate editor of .Survey
Graphic who has general responsibility
for the series, with Waldemar Kaempf-
fert, science editor of The New 'York
Times, as counselor.
In the next months:
Transportation in the Air Age, by
William F. Ogburn, University of Chi-
cago, who has just completed a special
study of the subject.
Television: the New Communication,
by Robert W. King, of the Bell Tele-
phone Laboratories.
Electronics: the Mind of the Machine,
by Waldemar Kaempffert.
Later:
Synthetics — from Laboratory to Mass
Production
Drugs and Plasma: the New Life
Savers
Public Health: New Levels of Preven-
tion and Care
sound-proof cabin knows it, he will be back
on terra firma, after crossing the Atlantic
Ocean in three hours, perhaps less."
These are the words, not of a contempo-
rary Jules Verne, but of Air Marshal
William A. Bishop of the Royal Canadian
Air Force. They give some indication, not
of laboratory hypotheses, but of the facts
of the world to which you and I must ad-
just our thinking and our lives.
Advertisers today dream up for us a
fantastically pleasant and convenient post-
war scene in which we are to enjoy an
infinite variety of engaging gadgets and
comforts. But these playthings (and work
things) are secondary to the solid advances
of modern technology — the patient gains
of laboratory and testing field suddenly
made available to us under the forcing of
war's necessity. In chemistry, physics, medi-
cine, the advances mean that we have left
the world in which we all grew up for a
world of new dimensions in production,
transportation, communication, health; new
perils of speed, destruction, and unemploy-
ment.
Laboratory to Mass Production
There is no measure as yet of the ac-
celerated technological advances of war-
time. Take, for example, the development
of synthetic rubber. Two factors produced
it, so far as America is concerned: Japanese
conquest in the Far East, cutting off sup-
plies of natural rubber; the dependence of
mechanized warfare on tires for planes,
tanks, trucks, tractors, motor cars. Amer-
ican industry was faced with the nation's
crucial alternative — make rubber or perish.
The answer was the almost unbelievable
expansion of synthetic rubber from labora-
tory to mass production in eighteen months.
Today, the American output of synthetic
rubber is far in excess of prewar importa-
tions of natural rubber. This was a "do or
die" development, achieved without regard
for expense. The progress — scientific and
economic — of years was telescoped into
months. It trails unanswered postwar prob-
lems, including the industrial allocation of
raw materials, the question of markets, of
dislocation of manpower, of capital invest-
ment, of free enterprise. Is it more eco-
nomical to make rubber from a base de-
rived from petroleum or from grain alcohol?
Should our economy extend or narrow the
uses of synthetic rubber? What would the
further expansion of synthetic rubber mean
to the world's supplies of petroleum? To
the farmers of the grain belt? To shipping?
To East Indian planters and plantation
hands? Who is thinking of these things? •
Do we have the answers?
New Uses for Labor
"Man is a working animal," the econo-
mist reminds us. But technological advance,
making possible television, jet propulsion,
"the kitchen of the future," new conveni-
ences and comforts brings also revolutionary
changes in the use of man's labor.
For example, the technology of the future
envisages the use of the strength and light-
ness of aluminum on a very wide scale. We
know already that aluminum means lighter
trains and trucks, and hence faster and more
economical transportation. But the use oi
aluminum, as wartime developments show
it, goes much farther — and the construction
worker who calmly shoulders an aluminum
beam, instead of waiting for a crane to
swing a steel one into place, already is a
commonplace of the army engineers and
the Seabees. True, steel is cheaper in dollars
and cents today. But the use of the lighter
material makes possible huge savings in
manpower and in time.
Perhaps more far-reaching, and certainly
more mysterious to the layman, are the ap-
plications of electronics. Here is a new sort
of transfer of skill, something like the en-
dowment of the machine with intelligence.
Thus out of the laboratory to the front
pages last summer there came a super-
calculator, to which a man gives orders
through radio and the photo-electric cell:
"Total the preceding and begin to group —
and the obedient machine proceeds to
eliminate the toil of ranks of bookkeepers
and statistical clerks. The whole process of
making synthetic rubber is controlled elec-
tronically, and in the vast complexities of
the plants at Institute, W. Va., and Nauga-
tuck, Conn., one encounters very few work-
men, in the accustomed sense, but rather the
SURVEY GRAPHIC
occasional technician, giving orders to all
but sentient mechanisms.
New Production Demands
Over against such advances in the sub-
stitution of materials, processes, and devices
for manpower must be set the war-created
and war-stimulated demands for produc-
tion. For example, this country needs today
at least 10,000,000 new housing units, 25,-
000,000 to 30,000,000 cars and trucks, a vast
quantity of the household necessities of the
machine age, such as vacuum cleaners, re-
frigerators, washing machines, electric irons,
radios. Here is a market that holds promise
of maximum use of productive capacity and
full employment. But this hungry market
has in itself stimulated another sort of tech-
nical advance.
To overcome the wartime shortage in
manpower, industry has achieved increased
efficiency and output per worker. Fewer
men are required today because fewer men
are available. We have not yet had time to
consider what this will mean when, for
maximum civilian consumption, the num-
ber of workers employed may be substan-
tially under current figures.
We hear much today about the changes
the "new technology" will bring to our
daily lives. Insofar as it is possible to look
ahead, scientists agree that the major dis-
locations will be few. There will, however,
be minor adjustments which all of us will
be required to make. The test of our ability
to use the new technology will be our suc-
cess in making these adjustments. For ex-
ample, dehydrated foods offer a solution to
one aspect of what traditionally has been
called "the servant problem."
A more radical adaptation is forecast by
the present outlook for television. It is well
within the range of present possibilities to
televise movies into the home — and what
will this do to the motion picture theaters,
and their ramifications? Further, television
opens up a new range of shopping from
the housekeeping desk in the family kitch-
en, with televised pictures of foods, fabrics,
clothing, gadgets, moving across a small
icreen at the housewife's elbow.
Perhaps a major effect of technological
advance on our personal lives will be its
effect on housing. The postwar house, as the
experts see it today, will have a central
unit that takes care of air conditioning,
heating, plumbing, and electrical inlets and
outlets. The home will be designed around
that unit, just as the home of our forebears
was designed around the chimney and the
hearth. The "new" home will be a flexible
structure, with movable partitions, units
that can be added or subtracted as the
family grows or diminishes, and financing
based on the cost of the structure, rather
than on land costs. It may bring a change
in the idea of permanency, with land rented
for the home, and a housing unit frankly
designed for limited durability — a house
that will serve family needs for decades
rather than for generations.
This type of change may affect trans-
portation as well as housing. Postwar de-
velopments presage another crisis on the
railroads. Looking at wartime gains, we
know that the trip from New York to San
JANUARY 1945
Francisco by air is now possible in terms
of hours instead of days — a breakfast-to-
dinner jaunt, costing some $135. All this
means a change in the mode of the railroads
business, with pick-up freight, door-to-door
delivery in containers, and fixed schedules
as the future railroad scheme of freight
handling. In the estimation of the railroad
executive, passenger traffic always has been
secondary to freight. But in the years ahead,
the railroads must develop a scheme of
cheap handling in less than carload lots,
providing, like the trucks, the convenience
of door-to-door delivery.
But the effect of the "new technology" on
transportation does not stop with revamped
railroad practices, and networks of truck
and bus highways. There are the possi-
bilities of the helicopter as a "family plane."
As this development stands today, the heli-
copters are not as readily mastered as the
early reports forecast. But helicopters seem
to place within our grasp a form of family
air transportation which is easily handled,
requires no airport or highway system, and
promises a relatively swift means of getting
the family from the city to the country, to
the homes of relatives, on sightseeing jaunts,
and home again. Even so, this plane would
be a very minor auxiliary to stratospheric
aviation and the possibilities it holds out
for planetary travel and transportation.
In the kitchen of the postwar home, elec-
tronics seem likely to bring major changes.
The electronic range offers the possibility
of control such as the cooks of yesterday
and today never have known. Cooking in
this new adaptation can be "from the inside
out," which means that a stew or pot roast
can be prepared on top of the range in
a porcelain bowl or tureen, in which it is
brought to the table. Baking, roasting, broil-
ing, simmering, can be done in plain sight,
with complete control over time and tem-
perature, and the family kitchen, like the
synthetic rubber plant, will be a matter of
gauges and automatic control.
We Can Be Healthier
Perhaps closer to our personal lives than
jet propulsion planes or electronic cooking
are the postwar possibilities in the field of
medicine and public health. At the war's
end, some 11,000,000 men in the armed
forces will have learned what good medical
care means. Among them will be millions
who never in civilian life enjoyed the ad-
vantages of modern dentistry, hospitaliza-
tion, immunization, nutrition, and exercise.
It is questionable whether returning service
men, and women — or the physicians and
dentists themselves with service experience
— will be content with the catch-as-catch-
can medical care now available to civilians.
The logical move would seem to be an ex-
tension of the social security system to in-
clude compulsory health insurance — a way
of rationing the available medical care
among all the people.
The new advances in drugs and transport
have won headlines, as correspondents here
reported the almost miraculous accomplish-
ments at the front of penicillin, the sulfa
drugs, plasma, the new handling of frac-
tures and wounds, the checking of epi-
demics by insecticides, die increase in food
supplies through the control of insect
enemies and plant disease. There remains
the less colorful but even more far-reaching
change in attitude toward injury and
disease, toward the interrelationship of body
and spirit, with notable gains in handling
such problems as convalescence, fatigue,
shock, anxiety.
< All technological advance means a change
in education. To many authorities, the cur-
rent trend is revolutionary. Certainly the
outlook is for more vocational training, with
a corresponding shrinkage in liberal arts
education. But aside from the shift in focus
and emphasis, there is bound to be a change
in method. The forced-draft training of the
armed services have developed new prac-
tices in many fields, notably in mathematics,
languages, science, and mechanics. There
has come, too, an appreciation of the waste
of time involved in the leisurely academic
schedules of prewar years, and re-examina-
tion of the traditional long summer vaca-
tions. The outlook seems to be for an over-
hauling of the educational system, for time
saved in elementary and high schools, a
new emphasis on "tool subjects" and their
effective mastery, flexible study-job pro-
grams, closer contact between education
and the going world.
Needs of Mankind
But above all, the new technology points
to security as the most important factor in
modern life. It is an exciting adventure to
contemplate the advances in communication,
transportation, production, health, that the
new technology places within our grasp.
But even electronic ranges, television, peni-
cillin, jet propulsion planes, are unimportant
in themselves, if we cannot harness them to
constructive uses.
War has seen the development of new
weapons to destroy man and die work oi
his hands, new methods of repairing the
ravages of mechanized war in maiming
men and exposing them to unprecedented
hazards of disease, speed, and munitions.
In the months ahead, Survey Graphic
will explore some of the advances in the
fields of chemistry, physics, transportation,
communication, medicine, and public
health. But this series of articles cannot stop
with describing the miracles of synthetics,
television, the sulfas and penicillin, DDT,
rocket planes, electronics. Allied to the new
advances and discoveries are the urgent
problems of peacetime use. Economists tell
us that there will be a slight depression
immediately after the war, then a great
boom, as we harness productive capacity to
the needs of civilians around the world. But
a decade later will come the real issue —
can we gear production and distribution to
the needs of mankind?
In confronting unimagined vistas of pro-
duction, these writers will look beyond die
wartime accomplishment: How can we use
the skills and experience of the 60,000,000
workers who must be kept at work if this
nation is to maintain maximum production
and full employment? How can we apply
the advances of technology so that they will
mean around the world more secure and
happier lives for men and women and their
children?
The Niger Valley
The land and people along a great African river, once called the "Nile of the Negroes," are
ready for fresh adventures — in liberty, equality, fraternity — on the part of a new France.
MAURICE CLAUDE ROSSIN
IT IS NOT ALTOGETHER ASTONISHING THAT SO
great a river as the Niger is so little known.
For, unlike the Nile, it has not inspired
historians and dramatists; much less have
its praises been sung by poets. Here in th?
United States, I have found that, at least in
the public mind, it remains a "poor rela-
tion" of that illustrious watershed on the
other side of the African continent.
Emergence from oblivion is merited by
this wonderful stream which stretches for
over 2,600 miles. It carries immense possi-
bilities in its current — vast wealth not only
of water but of transport and power. The
recompense to those who bring its riches
to light will be all the more because nature
hid them for so long and rendered their
accessibility difficult.
For twenty years and more, audacious
Frenchmen, handicapped but not halted by
World War II, have struggled to give to
this waterway its rightful place in the great
family of river basins as a nurturer of life
and culture, a generator of livelihood and
natural wealth.
The Niger rises near the sea in the semi-
tropics — less than 150 miles inland from
the Atlantic on the northern declivity of
mountains that border French Guinea. Like
Caesar's Gaul, it can be divided into three
parts:
The Upper Niger — young, turbulent, of
little constructive value, this flows from its
source northeast to Bamako along a route
of some 300 miles;
The Middle Niger — mature, wise, con-
structive, this swings by a huge curve
through the French Sudan from Bamako
to below Gao, some 1,100 miles; thereafter
The Lower Niger — old, peaceful and en-
riched, this flows south to its mouth in
British Nigeria, 1,200 miles to the south.
The Middle Niger
It is the mature Niger, midway of its
course, which is the most interesting of
these reaches, the one most likely to be
the immediate scene of creative advance.
Its history is that of a tenacious fight for
possession against the desert. This fight,
running water has won and, having won, it
offers to man an immense field of enter-
prise. Here, in the course of eons, in an
immense depression in what is now the
center of the Sudan, the river created a
vast interior delta, and filled it with allu-
vium as it flowed on its way.
Today, as the map will show you, this
vast region is the hub of French West
Africa and forms the larger part of Soudan
Francois, one of the colonies making up
the Federation known as A.O.F. (Afrique
Occidental Francaise). The others are:
Mauritania at the northwest; Senegal to
the west; French Guinea, southwest; Ivory
Coast in the south; Togoland and Dahomey
to the southeast; and Niger Colony at the
east.
The French settlements along the coastal
zone were founded in the seventeenth cen-
tury. It was only at the beginning of the
nineteenth (1823) that a Frenchman, Rene
Caille, journeyed through the Sudan and
along the middle valley of the Niger, reach-
ing Timbuktu after many adventures. He
crossed the Sahara in returning to France.
French penetration and final settlement
in the interior regions date from the last
part of the nineteenth century, with the
deeds of Archinard and Bonnier, of the
young Joffre and Gouraud. It was only
after World War I, however, that practical
interest began to focus on this region.
There was everything to be done; few or
no maps; few or no roads. A few miles
from the banks of the river and you came
to the unknown.
Nonetheless, all along there had existed
all the elements to provide ampler footholds
for native life and a new and resourceful
setting for civilization. Such as:
— alluvial soil, fertile and flat (on an aver-
age of 3 to 5 inches declivity per mile),
— By one of the first emissaries to reach
us from Dakar — the young and vigorous
chief of social and economic engineering
(as distinct from dam building and pub-
lic works) in the Niger River office.
His mission for the government of
French West Africa took him across the
United States to study irrigation —
specifically for the cultivation of rice.
He has put himself abreast, also, of pro-
grams of settlement, of rural and urban
development, in areas reached by our
new networks of canals and cables which
spread the moisture and energy of run-
ning streams.
Mr. Rossin had a rounded equipment
for pioneering as a state engineer. He
holds degrees from The Institut National
Agronomique, the Ecole Superieure du
Genie Rural and the Ecole Superieure
d'EIectricite — all in Paris. Even more, he
had subsequent field experience: first in
Morocco, where he worked both in
colonization and on hydraulic installa-
tions; then with a mission of the French
Ministry of Agriculture to Egypt and
the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan.
The French apply the word "exploita-
tion" to the Niger program for recap-
turing land and water; for building up a
food supply and a labor force. But as
Mr. Rossin outlines these early stages,
the pattern would seem a complete break
with old formulae of imperialistic coloni-
zation, and with our own hoary tradi-
tions of "sharecropping."
extending over a territory of several mil-
lion acres;
— a river which pours sixty billion cubic
yards of water into the sea each year;
— a climate permitting the cultivation of all
tropical plants;
— a primitive population which, although
sparse, is friendly, hard working, land
loving.
N. V. A.
Nature had disposed these factors gen-
erously, but unfortunately had not united
them. It was up to modern men to make
the necessary integration, and in 1932 the
French government entered upon the task,
establishing an "Office du Niger." Develop-
ments since have been strongly influenced
by its great American contemporary, the
Tennessee Valley Authority.
First came difficult topographical studies;
then dam building and intensive agricul-
tural experimentation. Finally, after early
attempts at colonization, the foundations of
a rounded program were laid with objec-
tives that are at once social and economic.
The aim is social because designed to
regroup a sparse population; to afford them
better conditions of life by putting into
their hands the means of assuring maxi-
mum results from their labor; to provide
for their education, as it were, from the
ground up; and to encourage their advance-
ment, materially and in things of the spirit.
The aim is economic because a country
which lived on itself (and lived badly),
and which exported nothing, is being trans-
formed into a productive region that will
exchange products with the rest of West
Africa — and the world.
Let me say that to these tasks dozens of
engineers, administrators, and agricultural
technicians have devoted themselves. The
magnitude of the work to be done enticed
them, along with the wish to build and
with the fascination of creating something
new. These young pioneers have given a
splendid example of courage, of team spirit,
and faith in their work, often under diffi-
cult conditions— especially during the pres-
ent war.
First: Dams and Canals
When discovery and planning gave place
to construction, the earliest stage was the
erection of a diversion dam at Sansanding.
This is at the head of the interior delta of
the Niger and was completed by 1941.
From this dam stem irrigation canals,
with their ramifications, which will bring
water to the immense area that ultimately
will be put into cultivation. Partly metal
and partly masonry, the dam itself is 2,700
feet long and is extended by an earthwork
more than 6,000 feet in length.
The great "mother" canal which leads
out from the dam is 170 feet wide at its
SURVEY GRAPHIC
•|6 Sb.Louis
DAKAR,
GAMBIA*1?
WEST
Timbuktu y
AFRICA
_
G<3O
NIGER
COLONY
-8°
MAURITANIA
FRENCH
PORTUGUESE
GUINEA ..•>
Conakry
NTIC
OCEAN
TO BE PUT UNDER IRRIGATION
0 100 '200 300 400 500 MILES
Survey Graphic map by Harold Felber, of The New York Times
The Niger and its territory; with particular reference to the little- known development along the Middle Niger, in French Sudan
bottom (it will be twice that width in
time) and some 12 to 15 feet deep. After
a course of about five miles, this divides
itself into two principal branches — one tend-
ing toward the north; the other, toward
the northeast, paralleling the main river.
After about twenty miles, each of these
two canals joins up with an extinct river
bed of the Niger — and thereafter these,
in turn, serve as main canals. Thus, by
digging no more than forty-five miles of
artificial waterways, a principal irrigation
network was obtained more than one hun-
dred and fifty miles in length. All these
principal canals are now navigable through-
out the year and are equipped with locks
where necessary.
Next came the digging of irrigation
ditches, land clearing and preparation; the
building of villages, the transport of native
colonists, and their provision with farming
implements, cattle, seed, food to tide over
the first season — all involving investment
on the part of the French government in
disclosing the possibilities of a great fron-
tier and rendering it at once productive
and livable.
During the last four years, the members
of the staff of the Niger Office determined
to stick to their last. They were less con-
cerned as to the jeopardy of their own live-
lihoods under wartime conditions than with
the hazard that all their works of hand
and imagination would revert to wilder-
ness. When I recently visited a great plant
which manufactures agricultural imple-
ments in the American Middlewest — to see
when we might secure postwar delivery
of great tools — I could tell them that our
mechanics had patched up their prewar
output with pieces of hardwood and scrap
metal so thoroughly that they would
scarcely recognize them.
Today, with the counter invasion of the
Allies, and the deliverance of France, the
Niger Office is responsible to the Governor
General of French West Africa at Dakar
and on to the Ministry of Colonies, at
Paris, under the French government.
Next: Settlement
The World War inevitably retarded the
project. Nonetheless, approximately 50,000
acres of land, which a dozen years ago
were covered with jungle growth, unpro-
ductive and uninhabitable, have been com-
pletely cleared, cleaned, irrigated.
These tracts are peopled with nearly
20,000 natives, who produce ten to fifteen
times more crops than they had hitherto
wrung from the soil through uncertain
and archaic husbandry.
They have come from neighboring re-
gions of identical climate. On their arrival,
they have found land free of underbrush
and provided with a complete system of
irrigation. They have found homes in
villages constructed in advance. Each family
therefore starts housekeeping in a dwell-
ing set aside for it; each receives a mini-
mum of agricultural equipment (plows,
harrows, and carts); together with cattle
required to pull the farm vehicles, seeds
necessary for initial planting, and food
adequate to sustain the family until the
first harvest. Each family works for its
own livelihood and gain, with its own
materials, and on its own plot of ground.
Each, as will be developed later, is re-
warded in proportion to the amount of
work they put into the land.
For every unit of 15,000 to 20,000 acres,
the native colonists are grouped in what
are called Associations Agricoles Indigenes
(native agricultural associations). These are
a sort of mutual cooperative, with officers
or head men elected by its members. Each
is endowed with civil rights, and is utilized
by them as agent in their purchases and
sales. Moreover, such an association pos-
sesses tools of production and processing
over and above the requirements of the
individual family — trucks, for example,
barges, rice mills, threshers, tractors. The
association concerns itself not only with the
sale of the harvest but with buying spare
parts, equipment, farm animals, which it
sells, in turn, to its members.
The Settlers
Thus, each family works for itself, and
earns in proportion to its work — but at the
same time, benefits from the advantages
secured by mutual enterprise on a larger
scale. Thus, the colonists are not isolated
workers; their association is a powerful
means of self-protection and cooperative
action, of education and self-improvement.
The members take an active part in the
workings of these native associations and
are aided in the task by a corps of agents
— both French and native — who serve as
counselors and teachers. Such advantages are
complemented by medical and veterinary
assistance afforded by the Niger Office, no
less than by schools.
The Africans populating French West
JANUARY 1945
Supply Mission for France
Carding cotton after the fashion of the tribes of French West Africa
French Press and Information Service
Native boatmen of Gao, town situated at the end of the Middle Niger
Africa arc of various types. There is even
one group, whatever its origin, whitish of
skin. There are Maures and Touaregs from
the desert, and other migrant folk. But
for the most part they belong to various
tribes, different in customs and language,
but all of Negro type, generally tall and
strong. They are not without crafts and
arts. Without a written language, they
have intelligence, if not book learning.
They are swift in youth to learn to speak
French and to get the hang of tools; quick
to participate and carry responsibility in
their cooperative associations; eager to
make the most of their new opportunities.
In the immediate neighborhood of the
Niger delta, they fall into three vocations,
each with its own characteristics — fisher-
men, herdsmen, farmers. It is from this
third group that we draw our settlers, for
the most part, so that the change is not
from one calling to another (as in the
case of many Palestinian colonists, for ex-
ample) but from one level of work to an-
other of the same sort.
The Villages: Old and New
So difficult is life in the old order, so
exhaustive the primitive cultivation of the
soil, that the native villages we draw from
are often twenty miles apart. In North
Sudan, in particular, these impress you as
beset with poverty. The houses are set
fairly next to each other along narrow
crooked streets. Each village lives on it-
self, and the distance to the next makes
intercourse and trading difficult.
But there is always one open space re-
served at the center of a native village
where special care is taken of a wide
spreading tree, often a cailcedra or a ficus.
Under the shade of its thick leaves, the
villagers are prone to talk over all the
problems and events, important or futile,
which concern them. Men usually predom-
inate in this "forum"; rustic benches sur-
round the tree, and here is the center of
the spiritual life of the community.
In the new settlements in the irrigated
zone, an effort is made to maintain, while
improving so far as light and air and
sanitation go, the traditional native style
of house. Thus, the casement of the outer
door is left unfinished, as that is some-
thing each household likes to contrive foi
itself. All the streets are wide, all straight,
all shaded by trees. Three innovation*
these; but that does not mean that the
ancient center has been overlooked. Rather,
several trees are placed there; a well for
drinking water dug; seats provided for
gossip and high talk.
Fruit trees are planted near the home*
for and by each family; and vegetables are
grown in gardens all around the villages.
Little by little, comforts in the homes im-
prove with the increase in returns from
the crops. Bedsteads and bedding, mos-
quito-nets, chests, pots and pans, and other
handy little articles come into use and
multiply.
The New Fields
Where formerly there were only a few
dwellings crowded together, there are now
real farms. Farming implements (plows,
harrows, carts) can be seen, proudly dis-
played, in a corner of the clean yard. There
are bulls and cows, chickens and ducks. The
fruit trees begin to bear; the family garden
yields vegetables for daily meats; store-
rooms are full of cereals from the fields.
The same metamorphosis goes forward
on the soil. Instead of tiny patches sur-
rounded by the jungle, tilled by hand, there
are wide fields regularly set out
At sunrise in sowing time, the vast plain
becomes alive with plowing teams. The
fertile land is ripped open, the plowshares
shine in the sunlight. A life devoted to
work, but to a work which brings reward,
develops everywhere. And before the day
of traditional festival, everyone competes for
the best clothing which is a sign of the
new prosperity.
The time will come when these vast
acreages will be tilled by tractors. The
tractors will be handled by natives — who in
not a few instances have shown aptitudes
for machinery. Today, however, for the
most part they are going through an earlier
revolution summed up in the ox — their
first use of great beasts to ease their own
back muscles.
Now Sudan oxen are accustomed to lib-
erty and to wandering in the jungle. It is
not a small or inexpert task to transform
them into draft animals. Their teaching
is a slow process, a matter of weeks before
they can be asked to pull a plow, even at
the hands of native "specialists" charged
with this work.
Then, the farmer himself has to grow
accustomed to use both ox and plow — for
the native cultivator tends to be slow to
grasp the advantages of the new methods.
SURVEY GRAPHIC
He, in turn, has to go through a patient
process of education. The native teacher
has many farmers to teach, and very often
as soon as he turns on his heel, an oldster
will pick up his hand hoe and begin again
the hard toil of his ancestors. So it is
necessary for the teacher to come back, to
persuade little by little, and mainly by ex-
ample, that results can be obtained better,
easier, faster, with the "bull's" help. Other
farmers can sometimes make this clearer
than the teacher; the facts soon speak for
themselves; and a little later, the plowman
becomes an example for later colonists.
Meanwhile, when the morning sun
streams over the irrigated land with its
plowing teams at planting time, this is
why you so frequently see bulls led by
young boys, proud of their youthful skill,
conscious of doing their part.
Cooperation
It has been the finest reward for those
of us who have shared in this new type of
pioneering not only to see the fields yield
greater crops, but to sense advances by the*
native farmers in that other field of which
[ have spoken, the administration of their
agricultural associations.
As the natives are of various races, lan-
guages, customs, care is taken that in their
new setting they find themselves, if possi-
ble, among friends, or at least among those
of the same tribe. Their habits are always
respected. Being freed from uncertainty as
to their "daily rice" the year through, they
can give more time to higher things, if
you will; and these, in turn, carry new
conviction as to what may be obtained
French Press and Information Service
The village center, with spreading tree, is retained in the new settlements
Ewing Galloway
This is not a crowd in North Africa, but the market place of Timbuktu, French Sudan
through the modern techniques to which
they have been introduced from seed time
to harvest.
It must be borne in mind that on their
arrival many of them have never handled
much money — the small coin of incentive
in our Western world. The war has done
such violence to our French franc in inter-
national exchange that perhaps it has been
just as well that tangible things have play-
ed so large a part in the bargain they
strike with life. In prewar days, there was
a strong preference for small bills, and
plenty of them, in their dealings with their
associations. There was decided preference
for a pile of 5 franc notes as against one
for a thousand francs. You could hold
them in your hands and see that you had
gained much for your labor. Sometimes we
had to clamp down on the practice of cer-
tain shrewd individuals who feathered their
own nests by exchanging an alluring dozen
of small bills for one for a thousand francf
held by a naive neighbor. But money,
like tools, like motive power from the ox
up, yields to expanding experience.
Even more does self-reliance mount in a
cooperative association. Thus, at harvest
time, each native family first puts aside
for their own store the amount of cereali
they will require for nutriment in the year
ahead. The basis is 600 Ibs. per person.
Then, they set aside the amount of seed
necessary for future sowing.
The rest of the crop is sold by the co-
operative to the best advantage of its mem-
JANUARY 1945
11
BARRAGE SUR LE NIGER A SANSANDING
Sansanding diversion dam, at the head of the interior delta of the Niger: a drawing
bers, and for their benefit. From the net pro-
ceeds are deducted costs covering transpor-
tation and processing (threshing, milling
of rough rice, and so on); and the expenses
of the cooperative itself.
Of the remainder, a share (about one-
third) is turned over to the government in
redeeming outlays involved in installing
and equipping the colonists at the outset
and so paid off on an instalment plan.*
The rest represents the net return in the
case of each family on the basis of its con-
tribution to the crop that has been sold.
And we have repeatedly been struck by
their choices, each year, to employ a share
of it for common tools, like barges or
trucks, for the cooperative in its service to
members.
Rice Bowl of West Africa
Such are the general principles — and
simple examples in their application —
which today govern the development of a
region which tomorrow will turn the Niger
delta into the granary for this whole part
of Africa.
Glance at the map of this territory and
you will see how readily the three principal
colonies which border the valley — Senegal,
French Guinea, and the Ivory Coast — can
be reached. In the prewar years, they had
to import rice from faraway Indo-China.
Yet these three colonies can themselves fur-
nish valuable products for cash export —
such as peanuts, palm oil, noix de palme,
cocoa and coffee (the demand for which,
from the point of view of the war effort,
has been pressing). The production of
such exports is, however, contingent upon
the degree to which these coastal colonies,
in turn, can receive food supplies adequate
to meet their daily sustenance. The stra-
tegic goal of the Niger River Valley devel-
opment is to satisfy just that.
What remains to be solved is assurance
of equipment in the Valley — equipment for
constructing and operating canals, for pre-
paring and cultivating the ground, for
transporting crops safely and swiftly. When
* The land itself is retained by the government, in
order to avoid its re-sale in ways which would
bring great areas into the hands of owners who
would not themselves work it
these factors are accounted for, the age-old
problem of providing West Africa with the
necessities of life will be solved.
Again the role of the Niger itself enters
into the solutions called for. Thus the river
is naturally navigable during six to seven
months of the year and is accessible to
small boats during the entire year. With
water storage reservoirs, a considerable part
of the year-long transportation problem
will be solved. This great stream, more-
over, is destined for other "multiple pur-
pose" benefits, of which irrigation and
transportation are but two aspects.
On its upper valley and those of its trib-
utaries are perfect sites for power and
storage dams. The electricity produced will
find many uses outside of domestic con-
sumption— such as the processing of crops
and minerals, especially those natural phos-
phates which are found near the Niger
River Valley. Above all, this power can
be utilized for refrigeration in a region of
tropical heat. As the acreage under irriga-
tion in the Niger Valley expands, not only
will its soil be able to furnish grains, vege-
tables, and raw materials for industry, but
the breeding of cattle, already a prosperous
undertaking, will, thanks to refrigeration,
find easy outlets for its meats.
Looking Ahead
A vast program of land improvement
lies before the French colonizers. The po-
tential resources of this primeval country
are as yet only partially known or grasped.
New activities, still unsuspected, will keep
step with the broadening of community
life. And it is thanks to the Niger, thanks
to this savage African river which will be
tamed, that a vast country — yesterday un-
productive, all but unpopulated and deso-
late— may find itself tomorrow prosperous,
animated, and happy.
Simultaneously with the discovery and
extraction of natural wealth, the level of
life of the native population will be raised.
Such is the hope and aim of the pioneers
in the colonization of the Niger Valley —
above all, to help them make themselves
full men. It is a task worthy of the new
France, the France which, reborn, is re-
building herself.
Perhaps the dream — and its accomplish-
ment over the next half century — can be
put in an incident which the engineers of
the Niger River Office tell their friends.
It has to do with but one strand in their
skein of work, but that is kindred to the
whole.
They found people living a hundred
miles or so north of the site where they
were to build the impounding dam at the
Niger delta. It was wild country, scotched
by frequent droughts. But these natives
clung to an ancient legend which ran back
beyond the memories of their grandfathers.
It had to do with a large river that had
flowed across the country, making it pros-
perous. Then, so the legend ran, the gods
must have been offended. The river died.
The richness vanished from the soil. The
people had been impoverished since.
That legend was true. The river had
been there; the Niger or one of its branches.
But the natives would not believe it when
told that the white men would or could
bring it back.
When water — water from 300 to 600
feet wide — came down the old river bed,
the people stood and marveled. No won-
der, when even a few drops can mean so
much in a country like theirs.
Healing Waters for
a Wounded Earth
Watersheds and the promise they hold
as footholds for postwar development: a
special series — in collaboration with
Morris Llewellyn Cooke, engineer and
public servant. Articles to date:
"Cinderella the Great" [Survey
Graphic, July 1944} by Morris L. Cooke,
author of "Brazil on the March." The
Amazon's little known sister runs like
the Nile, south to north — through Brazil-
ian country as thirsty as Egypt. But the
San Francisco River has latent energy
to throw open a vast hinterland to post-
war settlement and progress.
"The Grand Job of Our Century"
{Survey Graphic, August 1944} by
David E. Lilienthal, chairman, Tennes-
see Valley Authority. Men will always
dispute over economic and political ab-
stractions. Real things can cut through
dogma in an American Development
Program.
"Two Wars and Muscle Shoals" [Sur-
vey Graphic, August 1944} by Katherine
Glover, author of "America Begins
Again." A wartime dud a quarter cen-
tury ago, today the Tennessee Valley
generates 10 billion kilowatt hours a
year; three fourths for war use.
"Big Magic for the Big Muddy" {Sur-
vey Graphic, September 1944} by Rufus
Terral, editorial writer, St. Louis Post-
Dispatch. Missouri Valley, the nation's
second greatest, becomes alive to its
opportunity and — in a ferment of con-
flicting ideas — seeks a plan.
Articles to come on the Danube and
other river basins, here and abroad.
12
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Agenda for the American People
As considered at a mythical Mountain Conference high above the
smokescreens of propaganda issuing from the tents of the mighty.
SOMETIMES I HAVE A CLEAR PICTURE OF THE
way the Agenda for 1950 could be pre-
sented to the people. I see perhaps a hun-
dred leading Americans, men and women,
meeting in some high, quiet place to pre-
pare it. They are not the kind of people
who are active in Me First groups. They
are scientists, judges, teachers, university
folk, philosophers of business, lovers of
the land, statesmen — and they think in
terms of the whole community.
I picture them as people without ide-
ologies or dogmatic principles, aware of
their own shortcomings and the general
inadequacy of mankind, as Wells put it.
They are accustomed to approach a ques-
tion with the scientific attitude, and to look
at all the major characteristics of a situation
before leaping to a conclusion. They are
aware of the pitfalls of language. If there
are not a hundred of them in the country
today, America is in a bad way. We had
more than that in 1787.
They ought, I think, to go up into the
mountains somewhere. Perhaps the navy
would invite them to Sun Valley, whose
beauty and remoteness would give them
perspective. The young veterans recuperat-
ing there would remind them of the ur-
gency of their task. They could look at
the Sawtooth Mountains of Idaho, block-
ing the sky to the north, and remember
the majesty and splendor of their country.
They could hold general meetings in the
big lodge, while sub-committees, working
on detail problems, could meet wherever
they pleased. Sometimes they might meet
on the terrace of the Round House, 8,000
feet high on Mt. Baldy, at the top of the
second tow, where they could look all over
the Snake River Valley. It ought to clear
the brain. The meeting should be held in
summer rather than winter, with wild
flowers, not snow. The delegates would do
better to take their exercise on horseback,
or fishing, rather than risk their tibias on
the canyon run.
The Chairman
I can see the Chairman getting to his
feet in front of the big blue tapestry in the
lodge dining room to open the conference.
He is a social scientist from somewhere
on the Coast. His face is a little drawn,
and he drums on the table with long
fingers. He is no orator, but you can feel
the whip of his mind, releasing something
which seems to have been banking up in-
side him for a long time. I shall not quote
him directly, but paraphrase his address,
as I imagine it.
America, he says, has reached a mile-
stone. We have met here to consider what
we can do to help our country pass it safely.
It cannot be muddled past; deliberate action
must be taken. If thoughtful citizens like
STUART CHASE
— "Once Big Business, Big Unions, and
Big Farmers moved in on the scene, the
community had to develop Big Govern-
ment to cope with them." That was the
way Mr. Chase began his article on Big
Government in Survey Graphic for
December; and here is the informal
sequel to that keen analysis.
Both are advance chapters of his book,
"Democracy Under Pressure: Special In-
terests vs. the Public Welfare," which
will come from the press this month.
This book is the fourth in his series of
reconnaissance reports brought out by
the Twentieth Century Fund under the
general title, "When the War Ends."
Polls, stock market forecasts, and
weather bulletins are so many attempts
to blend prophecy with mathematics and
scientific method. Trained as a public
accountant and skilled as a writer, Mr.
Chase's talent for wringing meaning
from economic facts hangs on his gifts
of insight and imagination. And, in turn,
it is his grasp of hard fact that underpins
his essays in prophecy.
ourselves have no practical suggestions, the
action will be taken anyway, by generals —
or by demagogues.
The milestone would have been reached
without the war, but perhaps not so ab-
ruptly. There would have been more time
to turn around, but not a great deal more.
There was not much time to turn around
after the banks began to close in 1932.
The milestone, he says, is the point at
which the pressures generated by a high-
energy culture result in disastrous explosion
under a policy of drift. In one sense, this
war itself is such an explosion. Business
depressions have plowed too deep, unem-
ployment and insecurity have become too
great, to be sat through patiently as one
sits through a session with the dentist. The
depression of 1929 was probably the last
of its kind. It hardly touched Russia, which
is an explosive fact in itself. It brought
Hitler in Germany, the end of the gold
standard everywhere, the Spanish Revolu-
tion, the Japanese assault on Manchuria,
New Deals in many nations, and violent
economic changes throughout the world.
As the depression deepened, governments
shook off the rules of laissez faire and step-
ped forward to manage the economy di-
rectly— its manpower, its money, its trade.
In the process, many democratic govern-
ments toppled into the arms of dictators.
Democratic legislatures had no plans to
meet the crisis, or if they had, they could
not act fast enough in their strait jackets
of checks and balances.
The Chairman stopped a moment and
leaned forward. . . . These are hard, un-
pleasant words, I know. But democracy is
up against a hard, unpleasant set of facts.
There are no democracies in the pre-1914
sense left in the world today. The war has
forced even those few which still elect their
leaders, far along the authoritarian road.
The Participants
We who are meeting here, the Chairman
went on, represent no economic interest
except that of the consumer, which means
everybody. We are not specifically for
"labor," for "capital," for farmers, for or-
ganized medicine, for Wall Street, the West
Coast, the export trade, the department
stores, or for the manufacturers of Shock-
ing Radiance perfume.
We are not in favor of "capitalism," "so-
cialism," "fascism," "communism," "indi-
vidualism." We have gone through these
vague ideologies and come out on the other
side. We are in favor of keeping our minds
open and the machines running. We want
the community to go on, not to stop dead
in its tracks as in 1929.
We are not prejudiced in favor of private
business, government business, cooperative
business or nonprofit business. We believe
that each has its place, depending on cir-
cumstances. At one extreme stand the
courts, which are certainly a function of
government; at the other stands the afore-
said Shocking Radiance, which is certainly
a function of private enterprise — with may-
be just a dash of the Federal Trade Com-
mission in the formula. In between, it all
depends.
We have been called together to attempt
a division of the "in between." A problem
clearly stated is halfway solved. We want
to run a line between the area where the
public should be responsible, and the area
where private interests should be respon-
sible. Together they are responsible for
57,000,000 jobs.
We want to find out which monopolies
can be successfully broken up into com-
petitive units, and which cannot be without
disaster. For the latter we want a program
of control which will prevent restriction of
output and keep the machines running.
We want to determine how far labor
unions should be regulated in the public
interest, and whether the Wagner act needs
amendment. We are sure, I think, that
union accounts, like corporate accounts,
should be a matter of public record.
Everybody's Government
While some of our committees are wrest-
ling with such questions, others must
wrestle with our disintegrating political
machinery. If we had a government of
Jeffersons and Disraelis in Washington,
there is no reason to expect that even they
would get far working through the present
JANUARY 1945
13
committee system of Congress, and ham-
pered by the present division of fiscal
policy and action into a dozen jealous
bureaus. Because of the seniority rule, at
nearly every outlet to Congress stands an
old, old man, too tired to find out what
the modern world demands. Such creaking
machinery is ideal for the lobbyist.
We must have first-rate men in govern-
ment, and public service made an attractive
career to keen youngsters. We need a more
enlightened civil service, better rules for
tenure, many more schools of public ad-
ministration. We need higher salaries in
the top ranks, like the scale paid in
England.
Our subcommittee dealing with red tape
should examine the record of the Social
Security Board. The board conducts the
largest clerical job on earth, with 76,000,000
Americans on its books. It should be a
paradise for "bureaucrats." Yet in the two
years after Pearl Harbor, it increased its
work load one third, with 20 percent fewer
employes. How was it done?
David Lilienthal has given us an example
of planning at the grass roots. The TVA
works with the people of the Valley. It will
not press projects, however excellent in
theqry, that the people do not want done.
It will not undertake projects for the peo-
ple unless the people take off their coats
and help. I recommend his book to our
lubcommittee on the machinery of govern-
ment. The TVA is something new in the
world. Young men arrive from China,
Brazil, Russia, India, to study it.
We want to offer reasoned suggestions
as to which public activities should be cen-
tralized and handled from Washington, and
which should be decentralized and handled
regionally, like the TVA, or by the states,
or by local governments. We want to know
why we should tolerate 165,000 units of
government at all levels.
Management and Liberty
We want to develop some pretty dear
ideas about the three major forms of gov-
ernment control: regulation, control-with-
out-ownership, and outright ownership.
Which is best for a given activity? In con-
nection with the last, we should look
closely into examples of government cor-
porations. In many cases this form gets
them out. of politics and allows their man-
agers to practice real efficiency.
These are some of the concrete matters
we are going to take up, the Chairman
continued. I see at least two such mana-
gers in this room. They can help us. In
order to make wise recommendations we
must keep in mind some longer-range prin-
ciples. We must remember that it is the
era of abundance we are trying to adjust
to. No nation in the world has yet solved
the problem of distributing abundant pro-
duction, except by war. This war itself has
vastly multiplied our powers of produc-
tion, so that abundance can be a greater
threat than ever. We propose to find out
how to make it a promise.
The wild horses of the power age have
to be harnessed by someone, otherwise they
will kick Western civilization to pieces,
in depressions, revolutions, wars, struggles
for power at every level. The critical ques-
tion is: Who is to do the managing? The
simplest answer is to turn the job over to
a dictator. He calls in some specialists,
exerts his well known powers of divination,
and then tells you and me what to do. If
he is a benevolent despot, we may dislike
his orders less than we dislike tramping
the streets in search of work. If he is
malevolent, like Hitler, many of us would
rather die.
Since 1929, any expectation of free, un-
managed economies is academic. We all
know that — in our minds if not in our
emotional nervous systems. Men cannot
return to free, unmanaged economies so
long as inanimate energy and mass pro-
duction dominate human activity.
Furthermore, I do not know how many
of us, when we get right down to it, would
like the London of Adam Smith. We have
to cope with the age that is here. To run
away from it is to become impotent. The
parade back to unlimited free enterprise is
not an inspiring spectacle. It leaves young
people confused and baffled. They want
leaders, not retreaters.
Economic systems must now be managed.
Have people in the democracies the brains
to work out a kind of management which
deals only with a few key functions and
leaves most activities in private hands? The
Swedes and the New Zealanders have done
just this. They are small countries com-
pared to ours, but experiments in a wind
tunnel have often taught us much about
flying in the open sky.
We have come here, I take it, because
we believe our democracy can find the
brains. If anyone in this room does not
believe that a managed economy is com-
patible with political democracy and civil
liberties, some mistake has been made in
the invitations. That is one assumption we
were all supposed to make. We do not
have to assume its eternal truth, but with-
out it as a working hypothesis we can do
little here but toss a dilapidated ball of
argument around the same old dusty circle.
We assume that our democracy can man-
age its affairs, and we have met to prepare
a temporary plan of management.
... At this point I picture two or three
gentlemen getting up quietly and leaving
the room. They are not again seen at any
sessions of the conference. . . .
Brotherhood and the Power Age
Americans — the Chairman picks up the
thread of his talk — were not brought up to
plan for, or even to think about, their na-
tional survival. That was taken for granted.
Politics they considered a gaudy sporting
event, like a horse race. "Who is going to
win?" was the great question: not what
he would do to, or for, the country. A
Presidential convention was written up by
the newspaper boys in terms similar to a
championship football game in the Rose
Bowl. Brass bands and betting odds were
central on both occasions.
People grabbed for things they wanted,
and when the going was tough, they or-
ganized pressure groups to intensify the
grabbing. These groups have grown so
strong that they have distorted the whole
economy. The idea seemed to be how
much you could take from America, not
what you could give to her.
Our forefathers set up an elaborate plan
in 1787. They gave it a push and let it go.
The expanding frontier carried it on for a
hundred and fifty years. Lincoln had to do
some managing, and so did Woodrow Wil-
son. But the New Deal marked the first
time it was ever necessary to make over-all
plans coordinating banks, farmers, and em-
ployment.
Now we are managed to the rooftree in
total war. Everyone who stops to think
knows we cannot unloosen those war con-
trols without the most careful supervision,
or unemployment will run wild. We can-
not have high national income and full
employment for the long swing withoul
some controls. If the national income falls
much below $130,000,000,000, we cannot
service the debt.
Preachers have long admonished us that
all men are brothers, but they got nowhere
in the era of scarcity when there was not
enough to go around. Brothers sat on
brothers' heads. The power age has given
material foundation to the preachers' case.
For the first time in history there is no
need for brothers to push one another
down. Look at the United States in 1944,
producing twice what it did in 1940!
The economy of abundance makes the
class struggle as old-fashioned as a high-
wheeled bicycle. At the same time, mass
production gears the economy into one
organism, with intense specialization of
work. A hundred years ago sixteen out of
every twenty Americans owned their means
of livelihood. Today, seventeen out of
twenty do not. Seventeen out of twenty are
utterly dependent on the organism. Unless
the economy is operated at substantial
capacity, life becomes meaningless and in-
tolerable for them.
The Choices Before Us
To the Chairman's mind, therefore, full
employment or progressive degeneration is
the choice we have to make, the price we
must pay for the fecundity of the ma-
chine. The enemies of society are not the
rich who spend their money on luxuries,
but those who restrict production and won't
let other people work. These enemies are
found in the monopolies of both business
and labor. The pressure groups are crawl-
ing with them.
Many radical philosophers still think in
the static terms of legal title. They want
to divide property, strip the rich of their
"ill-gotten gains," have the state "take over"
the means of production. But in the mod-
ern world it is the dynamic output, the
flow of goods, which is important. Idle
assets, though the valuation figures reach
to the moon, are worthless to the com-
munity. Hence it does no good for the state
to take over things unless it can move
things. If the state can move things, it is
unnecessary to take them over. The War
Production Board owns nothing whatso-
ever. Just look at what it moves!
The Chairman paused again. . . . My
time is about up. This isn't a speech but
(Continued on page 31)
14
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Public Housing Charts Its Course
As the new Congress meets, the Federal Public Housing Commissioner evaluates
experience under the U. S. Housing Act of 1937 and offers his recommendations.
PHILIP M. KLUTZNICK
ON ALL FRONTS OF THE NATION'S ECONOMY
one senses a desire to preserve the fruits
of inevitable victory in war by insuring
a peacetime economy of abundance. The
housing front is no exception. Advocates
of more and better housing — and I am
one of them — maintain that given the
proper conditions a housing program,
including public and private operations
each in its appropriate sphere, can be a
major factor to insure full postwar em-
ployment and provide Americans with
homes worthy of our wartime aspirations.
With the possibility of building homes
for civilians — whether in war work or not
— coming nearer every day, with Congress
likely soon to consider legislation for such
peacetime needs, the time has come' to
evaluate the results and operation of the
prewar housing program which was in-
terrupted by hostilities as far as new build-
ing went. We completed more than 105,-
000 family dwellings in public housing
projects before the war, with an additional
25,000 under prewar contracts suspended
for the time being, and 62,500 built for war
needs which will revert to the low rent
housing program after the war. This ex-
perience should be scrutinized in preparing
for a postwar program.
Though one hears varying figures of the
probable need, on one premise all the au-
thors of these figures are agreed: We arc
going to enter the postwar period with a
gnawing hunger for houses and a pitiful
shortage in our supply. As veterans return,
as families reshuffle, and as temporary war
housing begins to come down, the shortage
will be increasingly felt. To relieve this
pressure, and to help take up the slack of
cutbacks, a speedy mobilization of the con-
struction and housing industry will be need-
ed. All this means a quick scramble at
some point, where everybody will be intent
on getting to work.
Every Ounce of Effort
During the war period a truce was called
on the public-private battlefront, broken
by only a few minor skirmishes. In build-
ing homes for in-migrant war workers, we
have operated under the concept that an
over-all approach to the housing problem
is essential, with private capital doing its
share in its appropriate sphere, and with
publicly financed housing being provided
in the area which could not otherwise be
served. But pent-up feelings are awaiting
the day after the war when the whole sub-
ject of public housing will again be under
consideration.
Postwar housing should not and must
not become a dispute between advocates of
public and private housing. Those in pub-
lic and private housing must shoot at the
target of better housing for America, no.
JANUARY 194.'
— A unit of the National Housing
Agency, the Federal Public Housing
Authority has charge of publicly fi-
nanced war housing, low rent housing
and slum clearance, and various other
government-financed housing functions.
Mr. Klutznick, commissioner of the
FPHA since May 1944, has been in the
public housing field for the past eleven
years. For some time he was general
counsel for the Omaha, Neb., Housing
Authority. Since 1941 he has been ac-
tive in the government's defense and
war housing programs — first, as a re-
gional representative of the National
Housing Agency, with responsibility in
a dozen states, then as assistant admin-
istrator of the NHA.
at each other. Their energies must not be
expended in civil war when every ounce
of effort must be mustered toward the con-
structive conquest of America's housing
problem.
On the one hand, advocates of a large
public housing program must give assur-
ance that they do not intend to encroach
upon the proper domain of private indus-
try— and as a representative of public hous-
ing I am prepared to give private indus-
try that assurance. On the other hand,
private industry must be ready to prove
by works, not by words alone, that it will
cooperate in seeking alternative solutions
to meet housing needs of low income fami-
lies wherever it cannot profitably serve
them.
A No Man's Land
The area in which public housing should
operate must be clearly delineated. I would
suggest adhering to three simple principles
— and I am confident that most public
housing advocates will subscribe to them:
1. No new public housing should be
provided where it is possible to fill the need
by utilizing decent existing housing.
2. No public housing should be built
that will compete with private capital in
building for families who can afford pri-
vate housing of adequate standards.
3. In recognition of the determined effort
which we hope private capital will make to
provide standard housing for the lowest
possible income market, the scope of pub-
lic housing need in a locality should leave
a gap of some reasonable percentage, say
15 to 20 percent, between the highest in-
come to be served by public housing and
the lowest income which can be reached
by new private housing. Thus, if new
private housing could not profitably be
provided for families earning less than $100
a month, then the highest income that
public housing would admit in that locality
would be something less than $80 a month.
This would leave a "no man's land"
with housing wants unfilled, offering pri-
vate capital a challenge to devise ways
to meet them. To do this job, private
capital will have to tap its fullest re-
sources and tax its ingenuity to move
downward in the housing income scale.
To produce more value at lower cost will
not be easy. It will call for the active col-
laboration of builder, investor, and worker
in the housing industry. It will require
the sympathetic assistance of government
to private building. But private capital
will also have to make something of an
about-face. It can no longer refuse to
venture into new fields, nor can it retreat
to the false security of a higher-priced field.
No longer can a smug attitude be tolerated
— that it will be time enough after the
cream of higher cost housing has been
skimmed off, for private industry to turn
attention to other needs.
I hope that I will not be misunderstood
if I express a friendly warning. People
will not wait forever. They have been pa-
tient about their housing needs. They are
beginning to tire of talk and demand ac-
tion. There is real danger that, if private
capital and industry do not fill this void
in the no-man's land of housing need, the
government will be forced, by pressure of
need and popular demand, to use its powers
to provide. This is not a threat. It is a
realistic estimate of a situation which pri-
vate capital must recognize.
It is my hope that the field of public
housing will never have to be expanded
vertically into the next higher income
group — but that, in fact, it will be forced
progressively lower as good, low cost pri-
vate housing is provided for lower income
groups. This is not just wishful thinking.
Already, the simple guides I have outlined
for establishing the upper boundary of
public housing make up the formula adopt-
ed by the Federal Public Housing Author-
ity. In preparing applications to be used
by communities in determining needs for
postwar public housing, FPHA requires
that this margin of safety in family in-
comes of 15 to 20 percent should be used
in computing the local public housing mar-
ket.
Public Housing's Task
Even with much more of the housing
field thus fenced off for private capital
than it now is able to serve, the task left
for public housing is still so huge and ur-
gent that to .attempt to expand it further
would not be wise. The need for decent
housing by families whose incomes can-
not support good private housing at a
profit under any circumstances at present
conceivable is still appallingly large. Here
15
let me point out that an analysis of the
1940 housing census indicates that nearly
30 percent of the urban dwelling units are
in need of major repairs or are deficient
in necessary facilities.
How many new dwellings will be need-
ed after the war? The National Hous-
ing Agency estimates that 12,600,000 ad-
ditional homes will be required in the
next ten years to achieve any substantial
reduction of existing substandard housing
and to provide the additional accommoda-
tions necessary when soldiers return and
families unscramble. This means an aver-
age of a million and a quarter homes a
year, 36 percent of which fall in rental
brackets of less than $30 a month and 22
percent in rental brackets under $20 a
month. Even with wide allowances for
error, obviously the area of need for pub-
lic housing is a tremendous one, since
private housing of adequate standards to
rent much below $35 a month has never
been produced in substantial quantities.
Today, families who cannot afford the
rents necessary for good private housing
must live in slums, or else decent homes
subsidized with public funds must be built
for them. What will our decision be?
To try to provide decent homes — or to
continue with our slums and their mounting
cost in crime, disease, fire, juvenile de-
linquency, and destructive community at-
titudes that result?
Our short term experience in the attempt
to provide low rent housing for this large
group of Americans under the U. S. Hous-
ing Act has developed a workable and de-
sirable pattern. The act permits federal
loans to local housing authorities up to 90
percent of the capital cost of housing
projects, in addition to annual subsidies
in order to achieve low enough rents.
However, experience has also shown that
the formula should be improved and made
more efficient.
Redeveloping Our Cities
Besides recommending certain improve-
ments which I shall later outline, it is
my opinion that not only public housing
objectives, but the larger over-all housing
job would be easier to accomplish if the
nation were committed to an "urban re-
development" program. In its broadest
implications, such a program opens the way
to the wholesale reclamation of misused
and abused sections of our great cities on
an over-all plan which would involve
proper development of business sections
as well as residential, and provide for the
destruction of decayed structures as well as
the rehabilitation of sound ones. The pro-
gram should include a recognition of the
responsibility to make provision elsewhere
for the persons displaced from the sites
redeveloped, and emphasize the need to
enrich cities and preserve their future
rather than to enrich individual owners of
reclaimable property.
This is a subject for independent dis-
cussion. Redevelopment of our cities em-
braces goals and therefore difficulties which
are more complex than those that have usu-
ally confronted us. The assembly of land
into areas of sufficient size and character
to permit sound and substantial re-growth;
the acquisition of land at costs low enough
to allow for its proper re-use; the methods
of absorbing the write-off of land values
necessary for their recapture and proper
redevelopment; the problem of controlling
density both in redeveloped areas and in
areas of resettlement of displaced families
— these begin to picture the difficulties that
must be met by coordinated and rull use
of community and governmental talents and
resources.
But such a program would not be im-
possible of achievement, for there are a
number of cities where local housing au-
thorities already have the power needed
to acquire land, and dispose of it to private
individuals as well as to public agencies.
The formula of annual federal contribu-
tions to local authorities borne under the
aegis of the U. S. Housing Act, could
likewise serve as a means of absorbing the
mark-down between acquisition cost of
land and its true value.
Furthermore, the proven acceptability in
the financial market at low interest rates of
the securities of the local authority could
provide a pattern for an urban redevelop-
ment program and thus eliminate the time-
consuming and uncertain task of creating
the body of legal opinion and market
backgrounds without which the securities
of an agency might have questionable sale
value. Finally, with the many huge pub-
lic housing projects that have been built,
experience in reasonably large scale rede-
velopment has already been gained under
the U. S. Housing Act.
This is a matter deserving thorough
study and consideration by every commun-
ity. At the same time, forgotten or ne-
glected aspects of the public housing pro-
gram and the constructive improvements
necessary to make it more serviceable in
the postwar era must receive attention.
What About Rehabilitation?
In the last few years a great deal of
controversy has centered around the pos-
sibilities of rehabilitating old housing. But
no one really has made a studied effort
to find out what can be done to preserve
the value and livability of our current
Federal Public Housing Authority
Blossoming backyards, result of a garden contest held by families living in a publicly financed housing project in San Francisco
16
BEFORE: Crowded, haphazard mass of dreary slum dwellings in a downtown section of Louisville
Federal Public Housing Authority
AFTER: Sturdy row houses and flats, planned with ample space for light, air, and recreation
housing inventory instead of letting it decay
into slums. As a result of this omission,
our ideas as to the practicability of such
a program range all the way from assump-
tions that rehabilitation holds the key to
the whole housing problem to categorical
statements that rehabilitation is rarely feas-
ible.
While I do not feel that the rebuild-
ing or renovating of old structures can pro-
duce a large volume of housing — particu-
larly if carried on in line with the basic
concept that remodeling, repair or recon-
As a complement to new construction,
the rehabilitation of old structures in a post-
war public housing program should be
based on certain principles:
1. The objective should be the use of
existing buildings for low rent housing
under certain circumstances instead of new
construction.
2. Loans and annual contributions
should be available to public housing
agencies for this purpose when it involves
the remodeling, repair or reconstruction of
existing buildings located in neighborhoods
Federal 1'ublic Housing Authority
Same family, same rent, same town; but what a contrast between their former slum home —
struction should be done only where it will
prevent or arrest the spread of blight in a
neighborhood — I am confident that we can
capitalize on some part of our existing
housing asset if we substitute genuine ef-
fort for guess work in an effort to rehabili-
tate housing not too far gone.
Let me emphasize my conviction, how-
ever, that it would be tragic if such a tool
were used to perpetuate the life of build-
ings structurally inadequate or located
within neighborhoods which have gone
down-grade so far that their recoupment
would be contrary to the public interest
The U. S. Housing Act of 1937 doffed
its hat, in passing, at rehabilitation of ex-
isting housing. Under that act, an effort
was made to make possible rehabilitation
of reasonably good housing. It failed be-
cause the formula did not provide adequate
subsidy which, when added to the antici-
pated income from the rehabilitated prop-
erty, would be sufficient to take care of
maintenance, operation, and replacements,
in addition to amortizing the debt during
the anticipated life of the rehabilitated
property. To make the maximum use of
such existing houses for families of low
income, additional congressional authority
will be necessary.
where the spread of blight can be prevented
or arrested by this means.
3. Instead of a 60 year period during
which annual contributions would be pay-
able, the period should not exceed 30 years.
This more closely reflects the expectancy
of rehabilitated existing housing.
4. In order to recognize the realities
of this situation, the permissible annual
federal contribution should be 4'/2 percent
of development cost for rehabilitation as
against a maximum of 3'/2 percent for new
construction.
5. Within the limits of the economic
expenditure of subsidy, public housing
agencies should have the option of pur-
chasing or leasing the existing buildings.
One might ask, why spend an additional
one percent in subsidy in order to rehabili-
tate rather than to build new? The an-
swer is simple: If by a relatively small in-
crease in expenditure we not only add to
the supply of decent and sanitary housing
for families of low income but, at the same
time, arrest or prevent the blight of en-
tire neighborhoods, that additional annual
cost becomes justified.
The Rural Slum
Another neglected area that should be
considered as a major aspect of the post-
war housing program is that of rural hous-
ing. When our public housing program
was initiated, the concentrated, dramatic
slums of our cities invited the almost ex-
clusive concern of public housing. It is
amazing how little attention has been given
to rural slums, one of the greatest housing
ills in our nation.
The U. S. Housing Act contemplated
the beginning of an attack on this prob-
lem, and an industrious effort was made
to use an urban formula to produce rural
housing. Some 500 rural units were con-
(Continued on page 29)
— and the trim housing project which they share with 317 other families in Macon, Ga.
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Labor Problem with a Future
More than the rival claims of CIO and AFL will be decided when 60,000 Western Union
employes vote this month in the NLRB election that climaxes a year-long controversy.
DIANA LEWARS
BETWEEN JANUARY 2 AND 10, THE NATIONAL
Labor Relations Board will direct a collective
bargaining poll to decide whether 60,000
employes of the nation's newest monopoly
prefer to be represented by the American
Federation of Labor, the Congress of In-
dustrial Organizations or by neither.
The employer in the case is Western
Union Telegraph Company, which recently
completed its merger with Postal Telegraph
under the Federal Communications Com-
mission's direction. NLRB, which at this
writing is preparing to get ballots to some
19,000 telegraph offices from coast to coast,
has said that the imminent election is the
most complex and involved it has ever been
called on to conduct. Observers of the labor
scene add that it is probably one of the most
important that the headline-making labor
board ever has had to referee.
The Clash Between the Unions
The "dispute over representation" — legal
euphemism for the most determined AFI^
CIO fight to date — began a little over a
year ago when Postal Telegraph's oper-
ations were absorbed into Western Union.
FCC kept an alert eye on the proceedings
as guardian of the public interest. With few
exceptions, the multiplicity of problems —
legal, social, and economic — raised by the
merger have been settled without anyone
claiming to have been fouled. But the major
exception, the one big problem which re-
mains, promises a plague of labor trouble
for postwar America.
One question presented to the govern-
ment by the merger was, which union
should represent the merged employes.
AFL's Commercial Telegraphers Union
held contracts with Western Union; CIO's
American Communications Association was
the recognized bargaining agency in Postal
Telegraph. The NLRB ordered hearings in
New York under a trial examiner and
eventually the board invited the rival unions
to come to Washington to put their case.
During these hearings, protracted over
many months, both unions attained a fierce
degree of antagonism. As the NLRB poll
nears, AFL and CIO, in open hostility, are
competing for the votes of telegraph work-
ers from coast to coast.
This competition brings the two rival
labor groups into a head-on national clash
for the first time since the historic split in
1936, when John L. Lewis led the exodus
from the American Federation of Labor
and set up the CIO. At this point, each
organization is engaging in an all-out battle
to retain its stake in the telegraph industry.
As a preview of an emerging postwar
pattern, the labor conflict at Western Union
has exceptional significance.
American unionism is entering a new
stage. With over 15,000,000 wage earners
— Diana Lewars, a Swarthmore graduate,
is a partner in the New York firm of
Martin Dodge and Company, specializ-
ing in labor public relations. She is
associate editor of D-M Digest, a fort-
nightly review of the American labor
press subscribed for by employers,
unions, public officials and libraries.
in this country carrying union cards, the
major problem in labor organization is no
longer one of converting non-union workers.
The big job is going to be holding members
— holding them particularly against the
raiding operations of rival unions.
What Lies Ahead
This is not to say that all industries
are fully organized, or that all steel or meat-
packing firms, for example, are 100 percent
unionized. The white collar field has hardly
been scratched; and as foreman unionism
continues to expand, supervisory employes
can be counted on to fill out labor's ranks.
But, by and large, the frontier days are
over, the era of building fences is coming in.
What lies just ahead are battles to shift
the division of union power, influence, and
membership strength. For the most part,
these battles will see AFL and CIO affiliates
pitted against one another, with independent
organizations like John Lewis' miners and
Matthew Smith's Mechanics Educational
Society joining the contest, fending off raids
and raiding in turn whenever there is an
opening.
Fighting it out among themselves, labor
organizations will more and more tend to
make inter-union competition a primary
concern, to some extent relegating union-
employer issues to the sidelines. But at the
same time, unions are fearful that employers
will take advantage of any schism in labor's
ranks to put through a program of union-
busting. Anticipating that some employers
may take V-Day as a signal to start settling
old scores, fearing that a concerted employer
effort will develop to restore open-shop
conditions over a wide segment of Amer-
ican industry, labor feels a critical need for
solidarity. All labor factions are agreed on
one thing: the necessity for labor unity.
Union spokesmen, preparing for the post-
war era, have sent out the Number One
order of the day — "Close Ranks."
Hence, paradoxically enough, a drive to
consolidate labor's forces will parallel the
development of jurisdictional conflict among
union organizations. As long as unions seek
to increase their power and strength at the
expense of other unions, the nation will see
a turbulent period of competitive" agitation
straining the industrial structure. Labor
unity will thus tend to be sacrificed to the
union vs. union struggle for power.
As a prototype of the struggle, the West-
ern Union case now before the country pro-
vides a full scale model of this far-reaching
development in the labor movement.
The Pattern of the Conflict
When the Western Union-Postal Tele-
graph merger closed down union frontiers
in the telegraph industry, the two laboi
groups brought into conflict were the
American Communications Association
(ACA-CIO) and the Commercial Teleg-
raphers Union (CTU-AFL). The number
of dues-paying members in these unions
was very close in 1943, with ACA-CIO
standing at 18,353, and CTU-AFL at 20,-
000, according to Florence Peterson of the
U. S. Department of Labor. Today, in
Western Union, AFL is believed to repre-
sent a coast-to-coast majority of the work-
ers; while ACA-CIO has an unchallenged
majority in Western Union offices in New
York City, Detroit, Duluth, and Salt Lake
City, and claims to represent most W. U.
telegraphers in the company's Eastern,
Great Lakes, and Pacific districts.
Because of this uneven geographical dis-
tribution of strength, the National Labor
Relations Board has been in an extremely
difficult position. AFL petitioned the gov-
ernment for one general election for all
employes. CIO asked for an election by
units and proposed that the system be
divided for this purpose into over one
hundred separate voting districts.
Arguing from the fact that the communi-
cations industry "must and does function
as a single and very closely integrated oper-
ating union" dnd that working condition!
were "greatly similar throughout the sys-
tem," the AFL claimed it was appropriate
to have only one national voting unit — and
one national union.
On the other hand, the CIO union,
representing ex-Postal employes and not
having yet extended and consolidated its
strength throughout the whole industry, al
first opposed any election as "untimely"
until after the war. When NLRB threw out
the postponement plan, CIO then proposed
the multiple election units, suggesting that
all cities voting for the same union should
group together after the poll, thus forming
two national bargaining agencies, CIO and
AFL.
The place of the company in this dispute
was on the side of the AFL. Western Union
also requested a single voting unit, on the
grounds that two bargaining agents would
promote union rivalry among employes and
"chaos" in labor relations. (From the point
of view of industrial efficiency, Western
Union would prefer to negotiate only one
contract covering all its employes.)
The government, however, ended up with
JANUARY 1945
19
a compromise. NLRB ordered seven voting
units, six on a regional basis consisting of
the geographical districts of the Western
Union company; and the seventh, Western
Union's home office in New York City.
Samuel H. Jaffee, NLRB examiner, pro-
posed this arrangement because "the time
since merger is too recent, conditions are
too unsettled and abnormal, to declare now
as most appropriate a unit which by its
nature tends to finality." The government's
ruling — acknowledging that the dispute
will outlive the election — successfully avoids
playing union favorites, but is actually pleas-
ing to none of the interested parties. Since
neither union is strong enough to win all
seven districts, the immediate result of the
election will be to formalize rival unionism
in the industry.
Because of the key position of the com-
munications industry, the vast geographical
area covered by Western Union, and the
power and prestige which will accrue to the
union that shows greatest strength, both
CIO and AFL consider this election crucial.
Each organization is turning to and throw-
ing its machinery into high gear on behalf
of its contending affiliate.
The Strategy and Weapons
Philip Murray, CIO president, has called
Western Union "the No. 1 CIO organizing
job this year," and a special Murray message
which local CIO officials are directed to post
on shop bulletin boards in plants all over
the country states that "every affiliate of the
CIO has a stake in this election."
According to Lawrence Kammet, pub-
licity director of the American Communica-
tions Association and editor of ACA News,
national CIO has contributed "over $50,000"
to the campaign coffers, and a partial listing
of contributions from CIO affiliates includes
$10,000 from the Automobile Workers;
$5,000 apiece from the Steelworkers, Elec-
trical Workers, and National Maritime
Union; $2,500 from the Fur and Leather
Workers, and substantial sums from the
Rubber Workers, Marine Shipyards Work-
ers, Office Workers, and Amalgamated
Clothing Workers. In addition to 100 full
time, paid ACA organizers in the field,
practically all CIO affiliates have loaned or-
ganizers of their own.
William Green, AFL president, has also
requested cooperation from all Federation
affiliates in backing CTU, but the AFL is
not geared to the brisk, coordinated applica-
tion of pressure on a nationwide scale which
CIO developed to an efficient level in its
Political Action Committee work.
Like ACA-CIO, the Federation has close
to a hundred professional organizers in the
Western Union drive, but they work their
beats on a regional basis without the direct
wire to headquarters which characterizes
CIO operations. The AFL union, however,
claims to use organizers who know their
way around the telegraph industry and can
talk to employes in their own language.
"This," says an AFL spokesman, "is in
contrast to the non-telegraph professional
soap-box orators utilized by the CIO whose
silly-tongued smoothness weaves their webs
of communistic theory, but who fail to de-
ceive intelligent workers."
The Campaign Arguments
Analyzing the campaign oratory from
each of the competing unions reveals basic
patterns which will show up again and
again during jurisdictional friction in the
years just ahead. The sales talk will pick up
fresh news angles as history goes on, but
the underlying propaganda techniques are
already molded and set. For example, chief
selling point of the American Communica-
tions Association is CIO's general, "win-
the-war, no-strikes, jobs-for-all" program;
while AFL's platform emphasizes the
strength-through-unity theme: "A national
union and ... a national contract." Thus,
for some time to come, the CIO will play
itself up as the party of progress and action,
and the AFL will fight its opponent as the
divisive factor in the labor movement.
Following a long established procedure
which it will carry on into its postwar
battles, the AFL is trying to make com-
munism a major issue in the Western
Union election. Publicizing the record of
ACA officials, alleged to be part of the red
bloc in the labor movement, is the chief
offensive weapon employed in AFL propa-
ganda. (Communists are ineligible for
membership in the Commercial Teleg-
raphers' Union under the CTU-AFL inter-
national constitution.) The AFL is making
determined efforts to get into the hands
of every Western Union employe a copy
of the Dies committee report on Joseph
Selly, ACA-CIO president. ACA's rebuttal
follows standard pattern — it does not deny
charges of communism, but counters "red-
baiting." Selly says he is "flattered" by the
Dies report appraising him as "potentially
one of the most dangerous individuals in
the country."
CIO's attack on its rival centers, to a
large extent, on a charge of company union-
ism. (To which AFL retorts, "The ACA-
CIO continues to underestimate the intelli-
gence of Western Union employes.") Any
possible indications that AFL might be
teacher's pet are fully exploited in CIO
propaganda. But the nub of CIO's "com-
pany union" charge has to do with two of
the AFL's "federal" unions in the telegraph
area, representing between them about ten
thousand W. U. employes in the Southern
and Gulf districts of Western Union. These
AFL affiliates, Telegraph Employes Union
and Telegraph Workers Federal Labor-
Union, replaced the company union which
was outlawed by the NLRB in 1940.
The history of this intra-AFL relation-
ship is one of bitter jurisdictional warfare
between the Commercial Telegraphers
Union and these other AFL units, in the
course of which "company union" was not
an unusual epithet. Now, the AFL is hav-
ing difficulty living down its past, and ACA
campaign literature is not making it easier.
Against the common CIO enemy, the
AFL affiliates in Western Union have
banded together and will appear on the
NLRB election ballot simply as "AFL."
According to J. J. Lenahan, executive board
member, CTU-AFL, not only are past
quarrels k made up and past epithets re-
tracted, but even closer relations among
the AFL groups are expected after the elec-
tion. If AFL should win an overwhelming
majority in Western Union, AFL President
Green might conceivably use the situation
to draw the local groups into the Com-
merciaj Telegraphers' fold.
Meanwhile, ACA's newest angle is the
traditional "smear" technique with a fresh
coat of paint. It draws a parallel between
the AFL election campaign and "the Hit-
ler-like Dewey campaign of confusion, Iks,
bigotry, and red-baiting" with the Western
Union campaign being waged by "AFL
misleaders."
"Misleaders" is a favorite ACA epithet.
In order to avoid charges of dual unionism
and splitting the labor movement, CIO is
being careful to refrain from direct attacks
on the AFL itself. The CIO line: The
American Federation of Labor is an ancient
and respectable house of labor, but it has
fallen to corrupt, tyrannical leadership.
The New Line-up
In the course of this vast electioneering
project, both CIO and AFL hinge an appeal
for telegraphers' votes on the wage issue —
traditionally basic to union organizing cam-
paigns. ACA-CIO's literature stresses wage
demands. The AFL line minimizes CIO-
won pay boosts as "crumbs," and promises
instead to get "MILLIONS OF DOLLARS in
wage increases ... in its nationwide con-
tract negotiations." But the line-up on the
wage controversy is not that of workers vs.
the boss. Wage claims are advanced as bait
for augmenting membership.
At bottom, no new union strategy has
developed during the Western Union con-
flict to forecast novelty in future inter-union
hostilities. The contestants have merely
adapted standard organizing techniques to
the new struggle. Only one of the regular
trappings of a union organizing campaign
is largely ignored: boss-baiting. Because this
new labor struggle is between unions, the
embattled organizations attack each other
instead of concentrating their fire on the
employer. A few years ago, any president
of Western Union might have taken his
place in labor literature along with Weir,
Girdler, and Ford; significantly, the present
president, A. N. Williams, is not even
mentioned in the current union war.
Thus, in the postwar clashes, documented
in advance by the Western Union case,
the weapons will be familiar but the battle-
ground will be shifting. As to the outcome
— the present case study leaves that up in
the air.
The National Labor Relations Board
election at Western Union will not per-
manently solve the conflict or end the com-
petition. The AFL predicts it will win six
out of the seven election districts. ACA-
CIO claims it will win four out of seven.
But whether CIO or AFL comes out on top,
both unions will continue their organizing.
The winner will attempt consolidation; the
loser will fight for a new majority. Raiding
the new boundary lines will continue until,
at the first opportunity, another election is
demanded by one or the other union as it
seeks to capitalize on a shifting employe
loyalty. To this writer, the cycle of jurisdic-
tional conflict holds no promise of orderly
progress — for labor, or for America.
20
SURVEY GRAPHIC
They Harvest New York's Crops
How the richest state in the Union handles its indispensable
crop-followers: a picture of the little-known Joads of the East.
KATHRYN CLOSE
IN THE EARLY SUMMER OF 1944, THERE WAS
a truck accident near Binghamton, N. Y.,
in which two children and an adult were
killed, and thirty-four others were seriously
injured. The truck had been crowded with
thirty-seven women and children on their
way from Scranton, Pa., to a farm labor
camp in New York State. Since it had no
tailboard, there was nothing to prevent its
occupants from being thrown out and
strewn along the roadway.
Like other tragedies in the past, that acci-
dent may turn out to be a motivating force
in producing some long needed social re-
forms. By throwing a dramatic light on the
dangerously crowded conditions to which
migrant "pickers" are subject on the long
hauls to the crops, it helped call public
attention to the fact that crop-following
families exist in the East as well as in the
West, and that their problems have not all
been solved by war prosperity.
The fact that every summer thousands
of persons are brought into New York, New
Jersey, and other northeastern states to pick
fruits and vegetables has been overshadowed
by the great industrial activities of these
states. Few people realize, for instance, that
there are within the state of New York
some 150,000 farms, with a total of about
17,000,000 acres under cultivation; nor that
this state ranks high in the production of
beans, peas, tomatoes, corn, celery, onions,
cabbage, cucumbers, lettuce, spinach, carrots,
potatoes, beets, cherries, strawberries, apples,
peaches, prunes, raspberries, and grapes; nor
that, of the 120,000 persons required to
harvest this abundance, from 10,000 to 20,-
000 are usually imported from outside the
state.
Guests at Harvest Time
Ever since the U. S. Senate's Committee
to Investigate Interstate Migration (the
Tolan committee) held a section of its hear-
ings in New York four years ago, an uneasy
awareness has been growing that all is not
as it should be among these indispensable
summer guests. Last year, the New York
Consumers League, spurred on by the Bing-
hamton accident and other ugly reports,
determined to find out more about condi-
tions among them and sent an investigator
into twenty-two farm labor camps in nine
New York farm counties.
What the investigator found stands out
as a dark smudge on a record of a state
noted for its social enlightenment. This was
a picture of hundreds of migrant families
living as pariahs, shunned by the resident
population, frequently cheated, and rele-
gated to living arrangements so substandard
as to compare unfavorably with the worst
city slums.
Some of the families who work in New
York fields in the summer are year-round
— An associate editor who concentrates
mainly on Survey Midmonthly, Kathryn
Close occasionally writes for Survey
Graphic as well. Off hours she has just
woven together into a telling pamphlet,
shortly to be published by the New
York Consumers League, the results of
its investigation of conditions among
New York's migrant families. Here we
are privileged to give an advance di-
gest of the league's study.
crop followers who come from as far away
as Florida. Many are Negroes without home
or settlement, whose winter existence as
pickers on Florida farms is probably no
better than their summer life in the North.
Others come from crowded industrial
areas within the state or from nearby Penn-
sylvania, and are pickers only in the sum-
mer. Among them are many women of
foreign origin — Italians, Syrians, Poles —
who go to the farms without their hus-
bands, but with their children, to pick and
earn a few extra dollars.
All are recruited by agents of the farm-
ers who usually send out trucks to get them,
or by contractors (padrones), who make
their living furnishing harvesters to farmers.
Glowing pictures of the camps and the
wages to be earned — with little relation to
reality — are often painted at the point of
recruitment. When families arrive at a camp
hundreds of miles from home and find a
different picture, they have little choice but
to accept it as it is.
These families have none of the protec-
tions afforded industrial workers in New
York State. Since they do not come under
the State Workmen's Compensation Act,
they receive no compensation for injury un-
less voluntarily insured by the farmer.
Neither the state's minimum wage law nor
the federal wages and hours law includes
them. They have no unions to protect them
on wage promises or working conditions.
Sixty hours composes the usual work
week for migrant pickers in New York
State — ten hours a day for six days a week,
for men, women and some children. Last
summer there was at least one camp where
women and children were forced to work
ten hours a day for seven days a week.
What They Earn
Wages among farm laborers normally
are scandalously low and work is irregular.
Because farmers cannot always predict when
the crops will be ready for picking, workers
often arrive at a farm too soon, and so have
to spend many days or even weeks in idle-
ness. Even last summer, in the midst of the
farm labor shortage, eighty migrant work-
ers at one cannery-owned farm were idle
for four weeks.
On the whole, however, last summer good
crops and the wartime manpower shortage
brought wages and seasonal earnings that
were far above those of other years. The
50 cents a bushel then being paid for peas
and beans would have been unheard of
two or three years ago. But the standard
weight of a bushel varied from thirty to
thirty-four pounds. Where the heavier
weight was demanded there was much
grumbling, and some workers packed up
and left before the crops were all in.
At the lighter weight, an adult picking
average size beans at a normal speed gath-
ers about fifteen to seventeen bushels in ten
hours. Other crops, such as carrots, corn,
cabbage, and celery, last summer paid
around 50 cents an hour for women and
65 cents for men, as compared to 35 cents
and 40 cents in 1942, and 10 and 12 cents
in 1937.
The average total earnings of these mi-
grant families for the six to eight weeks
they are in the state is an elusive figure.
No records are kept, much depends on the
condition of the crops and the weather, and
an important factor is the size of the family.
Frequently, the contractor or farmer makes
deductions in pay for transportation to the
camp and home, for daily transportation to
and from the fields, and sometimes even
for rent. In six weeks, last summer, some
families cleared as little as $75; others made
over $300.
Their Parents' Helpers
Children over six are usually "pickers"
as well as their parents and spend the same
long hours in the fields — rarely less than
ten a day, not infrequently twelve, and oc-
casionally thirteen or fourteen. Sometimes
even those who are hardly out of the baby
stage will go along to the fields, as did one
four-year-old who proudly told the league's
investigator of the bushel and a half of
beans he had "picked for mama."
The youngsters, of course, are not listed
on the farmer's payroll. They are their
parents' helpers, a fact which hardly eases
the strain for them. Many parents constantly
nag their children on to greater production.
But "picking won't hurt them when they
are with their parents," say the farm
operators.
Poem and story often praise the construc-
tive value of the varied chores a country
boy does on his father's farm. But the child
pickers on New York's large industrialized
farms learn no useful skills in their long
backbreaking days of monotonous work.
They are subject to all the disadvantages
of children in industry, to none of the ad-
vantages of the farmer's child.
At one New York farm last summer, the
league's investigator found sixty school age
children working in the fields on a weekday
JANUARY 1945
21
long after the school term had begun. Such
interference with normal school attendance
is one of the worst aspects of migrancy
among children, but it cannot be blamed
entirely upon the parents' eagerness to make
money. A child will prefer the fields to a
school where he is snubbed as "one of those
pickers." Few communities seem to enforce
school attendance laws as far as migrant
children are concerned.
A ten-hour work day for a migrant farm
worker means ten hours of continuous
work, with the exception of a short time
off for lunch. Rest periods are unknown.
Sanitary facilities in the fields are complete-
ly lacking. Drinking arrangements consist
of a bucket of water with a common dipper.
At the end of the day, the workers ride the
ten or even twenty miles back to their
camp as they came to the fields in the morn-
ing— in trucks which are sometimes so
crowded with standing persons that no one
could possibly sit down.
The "Home Away from Home"
The most shocking conditions endured by
families who come to New York State to
pick, however, are in their living quarters
rather than in the fields. Among the farm
labor camps owned and operated by the
padrones or the farmers are some so bad
"that it would seem that the only step to-
ward improvement could be to set a match
to them. Others, less hopeless, still fall far
short of being fit for human habitation;
some would be all right if they were not
overcrowded.
To accommodate anywhere from six or
seven to 400 persons, the camps commonly
offer two types of construction: long rows
of attached one-room cabins, built especially
to house the harvesters; and farm buildings,
such as barns, silos, warehouses or aban-
doned dwellings, converted to this purpose.
The best are the cabins, for each at least
has a window for ventilation, and complete
walls which afford some measure of family
privacy.
Not so much can be said for the barns
and other converted buildings. Though
these often "accommodate" from thirty to
sixty persons of both sexes and all ages,
some of them have no partitions in the
sleeping quarters. Others are divided, by
partitions extending part way to the ceiling,
into stable-like stalls opening on a common
corridor. Two windows at opposite ends of
the long corridor are often the only ones in
Photos courtesy Koclieatcr LJtnwcrat and Chronicle
Crowded sleeping quarters, with little ventilation, in a New York farm camp
trie building. At least one camp has actually
put old horse stalls into use as compart-
ments for human beings. In one partition-
less barn last summer a few of the families
had made a pathetic attempt at privacy by
stringing wires around their bunks and
throwing coats over them to serve as screens.
Overcrowding is the rule in all types of
accommodations. When, as occasionally
happens, a family of four has only one
double bed at its disposal, the members
sleep crosswise so they will not roll off. Each
cabin unit is generally inhabited by an entire
family — four to five occupants being not un-
common, and nine not unknown.
The migrant women usually do the
family cooking within these crowded,
screenless sleeping quarters, on oil stoves
which they have brought with them. Most
of the camps, however, provide some cook-
ing facilities, euphemistically called "kitch-
ens." Often these are no more than wood-
burning ranges placed out in the open or
in lean-tos next to the barracks or barn.
When the investigator for the Consumers
League arrived at a camp at dinner time
one evening last summer, she found it look-
ing like a "gypsy encampment," with fires
blazing every few feet. Many women were
cooking on sheets of tin held over a wood
fire by two small piles of bricks. Water for
drinking, cooking, washing, and bathing
in this camp of 250 persons was provided
by two outdoor cold water faucets. Some
camps of similar size have only one faucet.
Naturally, most of the camps are dirty,
for extreme overcrowding, little or no camp
supervision, insufficient equipment, inade-
quate screening, and poor ventilation pro-
vide little incentive to cleanliness. Garbage
and papers are strewn about the grounds
and in the hallways. In the sleeping quar-
ters, the bedding — sometimes no more than
a cloth thrown over a bundle of straw — is
filthy. Flies and other insects are abundant,
both inside and out. At one camp last sum-
mer, a tenant maintained that the moldy
orange peels and melon rinds lying about
the place had been there when she arrived
on the day the camp opened and were evi-
dently left from the year before.
To make matters worse, in many of the
camps unsanitary privies, situated close to
the sleeping quarters, are rarely cleaned out
or equipped with disinfectants. Even these
"conveniences" are often not available in
sufficient numbers and sometimes there is
only one for both sexes. At one celery farm
last summer the one privy provided for
thirty-eight migrants became so offensive
that they refused to use it and took to the
nearby woods.
Something Besides Work
One recent improvement in some farm
labor camps has been the inauguration of
centers for the . day care of children con-
sidered even by the farmers and parents as
too young to pick. [See "Care for Migrants'
Children," by Mebane Hunt Martensen,
Survey Midmonthly, May 1944.] The cen-
ters are operated by the New York State
Migrant Committee, a joint committee of
the Home Missions Council of North
America and the New York State Council
of Churches, largely with federal funds se-
SURVEY GRAPHIC
cured under the Lanham act through the
child care committee of the State War
Council. Not all camp operators have been
interested in this form of "pampering,"
since the camp must put up part of the
money when a nursery is established. Last
summer, out of nearly 400 farm labor camps
in the state only nineteen had such centers.
A few centers are well equipped for good
child care programs, but others are hardly
more than makeshift arrangements. How-
ever, all have an adult in attendance to
supervise tots who would otherwise be left
to run wild all day, or be taken along to
the fields. In addition to child care, the
centers usually provide the setting for a
weekly medical clinic.
Since few of the camps provide board,
nearby shopping facilities are important to
the occupants. What they find is usually no
more than a roadside stand, selling only
kerosene, bread, canned vegetables, soda
pop, and smoked meats. Operated by a con-
cessionaire or occasionally by a representa-
tive of the contractor or grower, these stands
sometimes embody all the evils of a "com-
pany store."
Since pickers are human, in their few
waking hours away from the fields they
naturally seek entertainment. In many
camps gambling becomes the big diversion,
for there is nothing else to do. Only in the
few camps where the child care centers are
equipped with juke boxes for evening
dances has there been any attempt to pro-
vide recreational facilities.
The camps are usually too far from town
for the migrants to be able to go to a movie
or even to church. When the pickers are
within walking distance of town, too fre-
quently they find a frigid welcome on the
part of a community which regards them as
disease-ridden and dirty.
The Home Missions Council alone at-
tempts to bring something besides work into
the migrants' lives, sending clergymen into
a few of the camps to conduct religious
services and occasionally also to promote
wholesome recreational activities. Though
in the latter task the lack of facilities has
presented an almost insurmountable barrier,
the young missionaries have made a little
headway in the promotion of baseball games
and other sports.
Health Is a Problem
In most camps, there seems to be a gen-
eral assumption that "the boss will git the
doctor" if anyone falls sick, but at one camp
last summer the investigator found a six-
teen-year-old boy who had been in bed for
three days without a doctor having been
called. Only those camps with child care
centers have weekly medical clinics with a
doctor or a county nurse in attendance. The
doors of local hospitals are shut to migrants
as "non-residents," except in cases of emer-
gency.
That virulent epidemics do not sweep
through the migrant camps periodically,
taking a heavy toll of lives and spreading
to the surrounding community, is perhaps
due to the alertness of county health officers
to whom every case of the more obvious
contagious diseases, such as smallpox, scar-
let fever, or typhoid, must be reported. The
A barn-like camp community "kitchen"— crude equipment and wood-burning stove
somewhat miraculous escape from such
scourges may also be attributed in part to
the state health department's insistence on
periodic water testing within the camps —
the one regulation of the state sanitary code
that seems to be strictly enforced.
It is doubtful, however, whether the
migrants are escaping the ravages of the
more subtle and insidious contagious dis-
eases— such as tuberculosis and the vene-
real infections — diseases that spread rapidly
from victim to victim, but do their maiming
and killing slowly, so that what is in reality
an epidemic remains unnoticed. True, the
state sanitary code prohibits the admission
to the camps of persons "capable of trans-
mitting a communicable disease," but such
a prohibition can hardly be expected to be
effective without provision for pre-entry
physical examinations. The extreme over-
crowding under which the migrants live is,
of course, the most favorable climate that
could be provided for the spread of such in-
fections.
The Tolari committee, in its report pub-
lished four years ago, revealed that the "con-
stant characteristics of the disadvantages of
migrancy," wherever it existed, were poor
housing, overcrowding, lack of sanitation,
poor water supply, "absence of ordinary
facilities," non-enforcement of school at-
tendance laws, discrimination against mi-
grant children within schools, child labor,
and exclusion from normal community life.
That was in 1941 but, in spite of war pros-
perity, conditions in farm labor camps are
unchanged — at least in New York State.
By Way of Contrast
Yet while American migrant families con-
tinue to live under such disadvantages, farm
workers imported to this country from
Jamaica and the Bahamas, because of the
wartime labor shortage, are provided with
good living arrangements. Brought in under
international contracts, these imported pick-
ers command at least the same wages as
our native migrants (or often better) but
with safeguards denied the latter — a guar-
antee of work for 75 percent of the time
covered by their contracts, and $3 a day
for each day they are unemployed. In addi-
tion, they are provided with full dental and
medical care by the federal government.
Since their contracts specify standards of
living arrangements, most of them are
housed in places that put the ordinary farm
labor camps to shame.
For instance, a former CCC camp near
Ithaca, N. Y., last summer housed 125
men from the Bahamas. Its stained and
painted wooden barracks are grouped
around a central lawn. Other buildings con-
tain a well equipped kitchen and dining
room (where board was provided for $8 a
week); sanitary showers, lavatories, and
toilet facilities; a recreation hall with a
piano, two billiard tables, and a small stage.
The provision of living quarters is, of
course, a more complex problem when
whole families are involved. Never-
theless, here and there a forward looking
farm operator, interested in helping his
pickers, has proved that decent family
camps can be achieved. For example, the
manager of a large New York hop farm,
besides establishing a wage inducement of
10 cents an hour extra for every worker
who stays the entire season, has set up a
camp which must seem luxurious to mi-
grants who have long followed the crops.
Attached cabins are equipped with run-
ning water, electric hot plates, comfortable
double-decker beds, and a heat blowing ar-
rangement for damp, cold weather. Two
shower houses of eight units each have hot
and cold water, as does an indoor laundry
with four tubs. A cafeteria offers appetizing
food at reasonable prices. A child care center
is located in a new building, adequately
screened and provided with hot and cold
(Continued on page 30)
JANUARY 1945
23
LETTERS AND LIFE
Looking in on the Germans
MANY AMERICANS ARE CONVINCED THAT
there is no difference between Hitler's party
and the German masses; that their aspira-
tions coincide to such an extent that the less
violent Germans are willing to accept Nazi
ruthlessness as the price of victory. Numer-
ous agencies, official and nonofficial, are try-
ing to determine what methods shall be
used to suppress this aggressiveness and
make the German a tractable world citizen,
but few are trying to find out what makes
the German behave as he does today.
There are a few contemporary documents
that give a picture of this German of today.
Oddly enough, the most sympathetic is
drawn by a Pole, a prisoner of war who
was employed as a farm laborer in Ger-
many. Here "sympathetic" is a relative
term. The author does not express friendly
sentiments, but he understands human
nature so well that he can see how German
peasants are themselves prisoners — of their
traditional attitudes, their readiness to take
orders without question, and their ability
to make workhorses of themselves.
Stolid Peasants
Alexander Janta, who draws this portrait
in "I Lied to Live: A Year as a German
Family Slave" (Roy Publishers; $2.75), was
better equipped than American correspon-
dents to get close to the German peasant.
As a Polish journalist he had been in close
touch with Germans, and he had had wide
experience with other nations. A volunteer
in the French army, he was taken prisoner
at the collapse of France. He and another
Pole agreed to pass themselves off as French,
in order to get better treatment and possibly
the chance to escape. His friend confessed
his nationality and was shot. Mr. Janta,
though he was thrown with two Polish
peasants in his farm work, had to pretend
ignorance of his native tongue to carry out
his plans.
The reader will find this one of the most
valuable books on "inside Germany" that
has come out of the war. It concerns itself
less with officials than with plain human
beings. In certain of their dealings, these
people were what the German peasant has
been for many generations; in others they
had been warped by the Nazi regime.
The Schnabel family, on whose farm Mr.
Janta worked, consisted of the browbeating
head (an Oberfeldwebel of cavalry in the
first World War), his drudge of a wife, an
arrogant son, and "Granny," who, like
many elderly German women, was appre-
hensive of the future. Their driving power
tired out the help, but the Germans worked
equally hard. They read from the gospels
every Sunday and "found it easy, by quot-
ing from the Bible, to justify more than
one of their deeds."
(All boo\s
HARRY HANSEN
The two Polish peasants had been taken
from their homes and forced to do farm
work, but Mrs. Schnabel "always insisted,
as though trying to foothe a not quite pure
conscience, that her Poles were 'volunteers'
from Poland." The Schnabels had to make
some payment for their workers to the
central camp administration and the labor-
ers were allowed a pittance to spend at
certain shops. Poles were treated as an in-
ferior people, and many German farmers,
having understood that they lived in filth,
were surprised to find them industrious and
scrupulously clean. Some attributed this
cleanliness to German influence.
When the laborers tried to buy a few
bare necessities "the German looked the
other way and sometimes even gave them
hints where they could get things cheapest.
If they worked, they let them do what they
liked outside of working hours." The Ger-
man guards were corruptible by small gifts
and once they had succumbed they were
exploited by the prisoners.
The natural expressiveness of the Polish
girl offended the Schnabel family. The
prisoners ate with them, although this was
against regulations, because Mrs. Schnabel
was unwilling to have the extra work of
two tables. The Germans "wore a stiff and
rather tight-fitting mask of conventional be-
havior and adhered to it strictly, as though
they were ashamed of possessing such things
as human feelings." Readers will recognize
this as a universal German trait, the other
side of that excessive sentimentality, nos-
talgia, and Wehmut also characteristic of
the German nature.
The German peasants whom Mr. Janta
saw had not changed much with the years.
Their pride in German victories, their
horror of Frenchwomen who painted their
faces, their willingness to cheat the govern-
ment, were traits observed during the first
World War. The age-old fear of Russia was
shown when Russia and Germany went to
war; the Schnabels were unsettled, Granny
kept repeating, "This will be dreadful!"
and Schnabel became cooperative, until
Hitler's victories again restored his con-
fidence and arrogance.
This is an old story, but it has meaning
for us. It indicates that when Germany is
defeated these peasants will remain the
dogged workhorses of the soil, shrugging
off political events. (From the evidence in
this book I doubt that the German under-
ground will be able to recruit many peasants
for a dangerous secret war.) Mr. Janta's
account — which has many other valuable
facets, notably its description of how pris-
oners get along among themselves and how
their isolation weighs upon their spirits —
leads me to believe that the stolid German
peasant will remain what he was and, in
ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will
24
consequence, will make less trouble for the
Allied administration than the strongly
nationalistic groups of the cities.
Conquerors in Poland
In Poland, the Germans took their gloves
off and wore brass knuckles. They pillaged,
burned, and murdered. Jan Karski, member
of the Polish underground, now working
with the Polish government in London,
saw members of the Hitler Jugend walk
into the newly created ghetto of Warsaw,
take pot shots at windows, and laugh loudly
when a yell of pain resulted. He went to
Belzec, 100 miles east of Warsaw, put on
the Estonian uniform and witnessed the
death ride of many Jews who were thrust
into freight cars filled with quicklime and
taken to a lonely spot many miles away.
He writes this without dramatic emphasis
in his "Story of a Secret State" (Houghton,
Mifflin; $3). It is not the sort of thing one
expects to find told dispassionately, but Mr.
Karski may have seen too much to be in-
terested in anything but the plain facts.
He describes how the various groups of
the Polish underground carried out orders
without knowing who the members were.
He explains the rigid discipline, which per-
mitted no cooperation with the Nazis and
thus made a puppet government impossible.
He was present when the underground "ex-
ecuted" a traitor. The Poles had a tradition
of conspiratorial action from the Tsarist
days and the underground had the support
of the patriotic. They seem to have taken
inordinate risks. Mr. Karski speaks of a
woman who "subscribed to the secret press
and did the normal things that were de-
manded of her," living in fear that the
secret newspaper might be found in her
purse when she was with the German civil
officer billeted in her house.
A woman worker of the underground
defended those Polish women who ac-
cepted the attentions of Germans in order
to live, explaining that "an unfortunate,
average woman who wants to live through
the war and wait for her husband" had no
alternative. Others were made of sterner
stuff; they suffered terrible torture for their
opposition to the Germans, and they died.
It may be said that a nation survives by
both — the inspiration of its heroines and
the dogged clutch on life of its stolid
women who must become the mothers of
the next generation.
In Hitlerland
While Mr. Karski does not add much to
what we already know of the Nazis, Jose
Antonio de Aguirre, one-time president of
the Basque republic, has several contribu-
tions to make in his personal memoir,
"Escape via Berlin." (Macmillan; $3). The
be postpaid)
Basques have a long tradition of liberty and
were given a measure of self-government by
the republic of Spain. When that govern-
ment fell, Mr. Aguirre became a fugitive
with a price on his head.
With the greatest self-confidence he wan-
dered in and out of the German lines as a
Dr. Alvarez, finally going to Berlin itself
in order to get papers to leave the country
with his family. It is true that he did not
rely wholly on his wits, as did some of
the escaped prisoners who went through
Berlin. He had the help of Central Amer-
ican diplomats, who furthered his disguise
and his passage. Because of the well known
respect of German officials for documents
bearing seals (the more seals the better),
Mr. Aguirre had an easier time than most.
Aside from the adventure of hoodwink-
ing and escaping the Germans, Mr. Aguirre
tells us more about the Basques and his own
point of view than about the Germans. He
is convinced that Hitler's regime is not
bourgeois. He believes that the advocates
of freedom must arrive with superior force,
so that the German can see that liberty can
crush totalitarian doctrines.
The final half of the book reveals how
the Basque diplomat and political leader,
now a lecturer in history at Columbia Uni-
versity, sees the democracy of the future.
Firmly devoted to individual liberty, Mr.
Aguirre is opposed to totalitarianism be-
cause it has no confidence in human beings
as individuals but uses them for the pur-
poses of the state or the ambitions of those
who control. He is not wholly sure that
"the parliamentary system" is needed in a
democracy, but he does insist that demo-
cratic government means a representative
government, in which the "free and legi-
timate will of the people" can be expressed.
He mentions the knotty problem of "parlia-
mentary institutions which mistook the
tyranny of the majority for democracy." The
freedom of vote unhindered and freedom
of worship are in Mr. Aguirre's charter.
Of value to us is his comment on Spanish
Americanism or Latin Americanism. "His-
panidad," he says, is the spirit of violence
and dictatorship, usually called "law and
order" by its adherents. Because of the
bridge between South America and Spain,
a dictatorship in Spain influences Latin
America and affects it unfavorably. Mr.
Aguirre feels that perpetuation of the
Franco government is a danger to the
United States and the Atlantic Charter, no
less than to the republican elements in
Spain, to which the Basques belong.
THE WILSON ERA: Years of Peace— 1910-
1917, by Josephus Daniels. University of
North Carolina Press. $4.
THIS IS ONE OF THE MOST DELIGHTFUL AND
entertaining books ever written about the
rise of Woodrow Wilson and his early
years in the White House. It is a good
natured, talkative, slightly rambling book
with humor in it, and sadness and good
stories of people.
You do not exactly read it. You listen
to Josephus Daniels as he tells it to you.
And from time to time his round, smiling
face beams at you from a photograph or
cartoon. Here is one of the men who
helped make Woodrow Wilson President, a
man who edited for many years one of the
South's great newspapers — the Raleigh
News and Observer, a paper with a daily
circulation larger than the total population
of its North Carolina hometown. Wilson's
Secretary of the Navy tells you, with great
good humor, how and why he ruled out
liquor aboard the U. S. fleet, and he is
quoting the campaign of opposition and
ridicule which followed the order.
Daniels tells of the political maneuvers
that made Wilson President. He describes
the row between McCombs and McAdoo
within the Democratic National Committee
which might have ended in disaster. He
mentions his surprise and pleasure at Wil-
son's invitation to become Secretary of the
Navy. With considerable gusto he relates
his sometimes unsuccessful efforts to get rid
of red tape and to shift socially presentable
but not especially efficient officers. He
speaks affectionately of Franklin D. Roose-
velt, appointed Assistant Secretary of the
Navy because he was the handsomest man
available. (The chapter title is "Love at
First Sight— F.D.R. and J.D.)
He talks about his friends and acquaint-
ances: Edison, Admiral Dewey, Vice-Presi-
dent Marshall (who said his chief duty
was "to sleep while Senators droned and
inquire about the health of the President"),
Senator Lodge, William Jennings Bryan-
all the important figures of the adminis-
tration.
It's a delightful pageant. It is not a com-
WINS WRITING SUCCESS
THOUGH CRIPPLED WITH ARTHRITIS
"When I became almost crippled with arthritis, N.I.A. training
proved its value. I began acting as local correspondent for two
papers. Then I started a publication of my own. 'The Michigan
Beekeeper' became a reality and a success. Were I physically
able, I would crawl to the top of the house and shout the merits
of IN. LA. training.'1 — Elmer Carroll, Route 3, Box 540, Lansing,
Michigan.
How do you KNOW you can't WRITE?
Have you ever tried?
Have you ever attempted even the least bit of training, under competent guidance?
Or have you been sitting back, as it is so easy to do, waiting for the day to come when
you will awaken, all of a sudden, to the discovery, "I am a writer"?
If the latter course is the one of your choosing, you probably never will write.
Lawyers must be law clerks. Doctors must be internes. Engineers must be draftsmen.
We all know that, in our time, the egg does come before the chicken. '
It is seldom that anyone becomes a writer until he (or she) has been writing for some
time. That is why so many authors and writers spring up out of the newspaper business.
The day-to-day necessity of writing — of gathering material about which to write — devel-
ops their talent, their insight, their background and their confidence as nothing else
could.
That is why Newspaper Institute of America bases its writing instruction on journal-
ism— continuous writing — the training that has produced so many successful authors.
Learn to write by writing
N
NEWSPAPER Institute training is based on the New York Copy Desk Method. It starts and keeps
you writing in your own home, on your own time. Week by week you receive actual assignments, just
if you were right at work on a great metropolitan daily. Your writing is indii'idually corrected and
constructively criticized. Thoroughly experienced, practical, active writers are responsible for this instruc-
tion. Under such sympathetic guidance, you will find that (instead of vainly trying to copy some one
else's writing tricks) you are rapidly developing your own distinctive, self- flavored style — undergoing an
experience that has a thrill to it and which at the same time develops in you the power to make your
feelings articulate.
Many people who should be writing become awe-struck by fabulous
stories about millionaire authors and, therefore, give little thought to
the $25. $50 and $100 or more that can often be earned from material
that takes little time to write — stories, articles on business, fads, books,
current events, sports, homemaking, local and club activities, etc. — things
that can easily be turned out in leisure hours, and often on the impulse
of the moment.
A chance to test yourself
Our unique Writing Aptitude Test tells whether you possess the fun-
damental qualities necessary to successful writing — acute observation,
dramatic instinct, creative imagination, etc. You'll enjoy taking this
test. The coupon will bring it, without obligation. Newspaper Institute
of America, One Park Avenue, New York 16, N. Y. (Founded 1925.)
NOTICE TO
CANADIANS
Newspaper Institute's
operations in Canada
have been approved by
the Foreign Exchange
Control Board, and to
facilitate all financial
transactions, a special
permit has been as-
signed to their account
with The Canadian Bank
of Commerce, Montreal.
1
1
1
1
1
tytt
Newspaper Institute of America,
One Park Ave., New York 16, N. Y.
1
1
1
1
1
1
f
Send me,
information
Mr. 1
without cost or obligation, your Writing Aptitude Test and further
about writing for profit, as promised in Survey Graphic, January.
1
Missj
1
Address . . .
1
1
(All correspondence confidential. No salesman will call on you.) 86-A-365
Lopynykt 1944 Newspaper Institute of America
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC^
25
Coming in January for SURVEY Readers
I SPEAK FOR JOE DOAKES
by Roy F. Bergengren
Managing Director, Credit Union National Association
What have the consumer credit and consumer cooperative movements to
say to the plain citizen about the problems of the peace and after?
Here a sympathetic spokesman for the common man tells in simple
language of the fears and hopes of ordinary folks and tells how they
can build the world they yearn for through agencies that social workers
will find here described. $2.00
PRACTICAL APPLICATIONS
OF DEMOCRACY
by George de Haszar
"I am excited about Professor de Huszar's book! It is the sole book of my
acquaintance which deals entirely, or almost so, with the proposition that democracy
can be learned in only one way, namely, through action. But this is not all, he
also gives some specific instructions and clues regarding the types of situation in
which the democratic process is applicable. These situations lie within the spheres of
community, government, education, art, leisure, journalism, administration and
work." — Eduard C. Lindeman, Professor of Social Philosophy, New York School
of Social Work.
"Social workers and particularly group workers will find it an inspiring guide to
action." — Charles E. Hendry, Director, Research and Statistical Service, Boy Scouts
of America. $2.00
THE ECONOMIC ORDER
AND RELIGION
by Frank H. Knight, Professor of Social Sciences, University
of Chicago; and Thornton W. Merriam, Director of U.S.O.
Training, National Council, Y.M.C.A.
Here are answers to the timely question: what has ocen tne influence of Christianity
on our economic life? That the influences have been bad and have been good are
the positions vigorously defended by two authors who debate their views in a
stimulating, cogent way. A book to stir all socially minded readers as to the
reasons for their social faith. $3.00
Already Available ....
AMERICAN
EDUCATION
UNDER FIRE
by V. T. Thayer
No other book so candidly and
clearly states the controversial issues
agitating the world of education — the
"great books" idea, the place of re-
ligion, the use of radical teachers,
the meaning of "progressive" educa-
tion. "It displays solid philosophical,
historical roots." — New York Herald
Tribune. $2.50
PUBLIC SCHOOLS
AND SPIRITUAL
VALUES
by John S. Brubacher
and others. The Seventh Annual
Yearbook of the John Dewey
Society.
A realistic approach to the "hot"
theme of the need for religious in-
fluences in public education. How
can schools committed to religious
neutrality foster those spiritual values
needed to enhance democratic living
— is the urgent topic here construc-
tively examined by leading educators.
$2.50
HARPER & BROTHERS, 49 E. 33rd St., N. Y. 16
plete history of the period, but it is far
more than a book of memoirs. Here is a
shrewd, human, liberal man, a man of
ability and of integrity, telling a part of
his life story, and making a mighty good
story out of it. It will be useful to his-
torians of the period because it contains
much new material, many new stories,
anecdotes, quotes, and explanations of
things never before explained. But perhaps
more important even than that, it is a re-
markably absorbing picture of how Amer-
ica got this way. ALDEN STEVENS
Co-author oj "Victory Without Peace"
EDWARD BELLAMY, a Biography, by Ar-
thur E. Morgan. Columbia University Press.
*5.
MOST AMERICANS KNOW EDWARD BELLAMY
as the author of the modern world's most
fascinating, effective, and widely read Uto-
pian novel, "Looking Backward" and, per-
haps, of his less popular but more scientific
treatise, "Equality."
When, more than a decade ago, Arthur
E. Morgan, then president of Antioch Col-
lege and chairman of the Tennessee Valley
Authority, was asked to write Bellamy's
biography, he consented in the belief that
the distinguished American Utopian had
been a man of only one interest, that of
conceiving and expounding social Utopias,
and that an adequate biography could be
written as a literary diversion in a few
months of leisure time.
No sooner, however, had Mr. Morgan be-
gun his task than he began to arrive at the
conclusion that Bellamy was "not just a
Utopian," but "one of the most ranging
and penetrating minds" America had pro-
duced— a man of many interests, an in-
tellectual contributor to many causes. At
this discovery, Mr. Morgan started in his
spare time, with the aid of competent as-
sistants, an exhaustive study of Bellamy's
life, collected and analyzed the scores of
manuscripts and notes of Bellamy still left
intact, interviewed the writer's relatives and
many of his friends and followers, and,
eleven years later, produced the first and
only definitive biography of the great
Utopian.
The book begins with an appraisal of
the widespread influence of "Looking Back-
ward" on leaders of modern thought and
action, brings to light many intensely inter-
esting and important facts regarding Bel-
lamy as a rebel against conventional tradi-
tions and environments, a leader of the Na-
tionalist movement, breadwinner and
father, psychologist, eugenist, economist,
lover of nature. Mr. Morgan maintains that
in psychology Bellamy was inherently as
significant as Freud, that in eugenics he
antedated present day accepted principles by
half a century, that in political economy he
was a creative genius, that as a nature lover
he ranked with Thoreau and as a philoso-
pher, with Emerson. Had Bellamy posses-
sed a vigorous physique and had he lived
to a riper age — he died at the early age of
forty-eight — Mr. Morgan believes that he
would have been widely acclaimed for his
talents along many of these lines.
Some critics of Bellamy in the past have
contended that he had no deep social con-
(In answering advertisements tilease mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
26
victions before he began to write his
Utopian novel, but that these convictions
were developed during the process of writ-
Several alternative over-all governmental
budgets are set up intended to meet re-
spectively the conditions of low, medium,
ing. Mr. Morgan challenges this point of high, and feverish private investment after
view, and brings convincing evidence to the war. These investment levels are esti-
bear that the development of his social
ideals — including that of equality — began
when Bellamy was in his early teens.
The biographer describes Bellamy's activ-
ities and writings with sympathy, under-
standing, and ardent admiration, and de-
fends him against many of the accusations,
among them that of plagiarism, which have
been brought against him. On the other
hand, he does not hesitate to criticize
Bellamy's errors of judgment in anticipating
the realization of his dream within a com-
paratively few years, and in urging a too
simplified, too all-embracing regimented
and centralized collectivism as the goal of
social progress. Throughout, the biographer
gives the reader the advantage of his own
rich experience and considered thinking on
vital social problems.
While the book would have been more
readable had some of the large number of
quotations been omitted and repetitious
statements avoided, and while the reader
might not follow the biographer's appraisals
of Bellamy's contributions in certain fields
of endeavor, the American public owes a
debt of gratitude to Mr. Morgan for writ-
ing so authoritative, complete, valuable, and
absorbing a biography of one of America's
foremost seers and prophets. It is to be
hoped that this book will stimulate a re-
newed interest in Bellamy's works and in
many of the ideals of a better life which
he so ardently espoused.
Executive Director HARRY W. LAIDLER
League for Industrial Democracy
ADMINISTRATIVE
GOVERNMENT
STATE AND LOCAL FINANCE IN THE
NATIONAL ECONOMY, by Alvin H.
Hansen and Harvey S. Perloff. Norton.
#3.75.
THIS BOOK IS CONCERNED LARGELY WITH
the interrelationships between federal, state,
and local governmental financial operations,
and their proper adjustment to changes in
private economic activity after the war. At-
tempt is made to show that "only where
the higher levels of government played a
role vigorously and efficiently are condi-
tions created under which subordinate units
of government can effectively carry out the
functions appropriate to them."
Suggestions are incorporated for the
modernization of state and local govern-
ment and their fiscal basis, needed to meet
the requirements of an expanded economy.
Special emphasis is placed on the need for
development of resources on a regional
basis and redevelopment of urban areas.
The federal government, it is said, should
undertake to maintain minimum standards
of social services on a greatly extended
scale, either by taking over completely some
state and local functions or by providing
more grants-in-aid. A compensatory fiscal
policy should be followed not only by the
federal government but, under the latter's
leadership, in a limited way also by state
and local governments.
mated at $4 billion a year at the low point,
and at $23 billion at the peak point. The
national income at these points is forecast
at $125 and $150 billion respectively. The
federal budget is anticipated in one case
to rise to $29 billion and have a deficit of
$10 billion; and in the other case, to drop
to $22 billion and to produce a surplus of
$5 billion. It is believed that main reliance
in federal postwar financing should be
placed on the personal income tax in which
substantial abatements should be allowed
for invested income. The federal corpora-
tion tax should be converted primarily into
an income tax on stockholders collected at
the source. The states should use more
extensively the personal income tax, revise
drastically their business taxes, and repeal
their general sales taxes. State and local
borrowing should be maintained at a level
of only some $800 million a year.
The book is comprehensive in scope, and
stimulating. It brings together a large body
of current thought on the subject and is
well documented. Its uniqueness lies in the
fact that it extends to the field of state and
local finance the Keynesian-Hansen ap-
proach, heretofore applied only to the field
of national finance, and attempts to outline
an integrated federal, state, local fiscal
policy for the postwar period along liberal
"You Must Have Spent Years on Shorthand"
WO.' I Learned in 6 WEEKS!
You, too, can master SPEEDWRITING, the modern shorthand, in one-quarter
the time required by symbol systems. It is far easier and more accurate to write
and transcribe. Tens of thousands of shorthand writers have been freed from the
drudgery of old-fashioned methods of learning and writing shorthand through the
marvelous SPEEDWRITING system. It has no signs or symbols but uses the
familiar letters of the alphabet. It eliminates the strain of taking dictation and is
easy to read back.
SPEEDWRITERS are employed in the better jobs all over the country. Prepare
now for one of these jobs — and for the post-war opportunities that await you
just ahead!
YOU CAN QUALIFY AS A FAST, ACCURATE SHORTHAND WRITER
IN 72 HOURS OF HOME STUDY BY THIS FAMOUS METHOD.
With no interference with your present work, with no sacrifice of your
hours of recreation, you can master this easy, natural modern shorthand
in six weeks »f home study. You can take longer if you wish; many have
learned Speedwriting in less time. Over 100,000 have studied Speedwriting
at home in their spare hours. The cost is only a small fraction of what you
would expect to pay. Speedwriting is nationally recognized
and highly endorsed by educators and business leaders. It has
been used for over twenty years in leading corporations and
Civil Service. Mail coupon below for illustrated booklet. No
cost, no obligation; no salesman will rail.
FREE!
FASCINATING NEW
ILLUSTRATED BOOKLET
Gives you full Informa-
tion about Speedwriting.
and includes easy lesson
that will have you writ
ing typical business sen-
tences in shorthand in a
few minutest
School of Speedwriting
274 MADISON AVE.,
N. Y. 16
MAIL THIS COUPON TODAY
(•••••••••••••• — •• — — ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••i
School of Speedwriting, Dept. 3501
274 Madison Avenue, New York 16, N. Y.
Please send me without obligation or expense your new
illustrated booklet containing full information on Speed,
writing — The Modern Shorthand ; also your easy, inter-
esting demonstration lesson.
Name
Address
City and State
(Include P.O. Zone No.. If any)
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
27
"Powerful"1 "Terrifying"2
"Shocking"3 "Appalling"3
"Carefully Documented"4
"Highly Controversial'4
"Highly Readable"4
CAREY
Me Williams'
new book
PREJUDICE
JAPANESE-AMERICANS
Symbol of Racial Intolerance
It brings up the crucial point
that all Pacific peoples will
judge us by the way we solve
the problem of U. S. citizens
and residents of Japanese an-
cestry.
". . . no violation of civil rights
in wartime ever more squarely
raised the issue of military
power versus the Constitution."
— Roger N. Baldwin, Director
of American Civil Liberties
Union, in PM.
"... a surgical effort to expose
to light and air one of the most
terrifying war-time develop-
ments." - Bernard DeVoto,
N. Y. Herald Tribune.
1. Chicago Sun
2. Newsweek
3. N.Y. Herald Tribune
4. N.Y. Herald Tribune
Book Review
At all bookstores. $3.00
LITTLE, BROWN & CO
(In
ines. It tends to overemphasize, however,
he need for an expansion of federal grants-
n-aid after the war and, on the other hand,
o underemphasize the possibilities for the
expansion of activities of state and local
jovernments on a foundation of their own
resources. The title of the book is a mis-
nomer. The book deals as much with
ederal as with state and local finance in
he national economy. PAUL STUDENSKI
Department of Economics
New Yor/^ University
BUREAUCRACY: A Challenge to Better
Management, by J. M. Juran. Harper. $2.
REGULATORY ADMINISTRATION, ed-
ited by George A. Graham and Henry
Reining, Jr. Wiley. #2.75.
'BUREAUCRACY" is A LITTLE BOOK WRITTEN
with restraint, understanding, humor, and
ntelligence. The author, an industrial man-
agement engineer doing his war stint as an
assistant administrator in the Lend-Lease
Administration, offers the sober judgment
that "the utilization of scientific principles
of management in government to the same
extent as it is today practiced in progressive
ndustry could cut the [federal] govern-
ment population in half, and this while
performing all the present functions with
at least present effectiveness."
Mr. Juran differs from those who (espe-
cially in a campaign year) demand the use
of the meat axe in two vital respects: as a
management engineer, he is not trying to
eliminate regulation or control in the name
of "economy"; and he sees that the problem
is one of years, "even under the best con-
ditions." It is a "vibrant and delicate myth"
that "it is in the hollow of the President's
hand to remedy all this." The President
has already "most emphatically issued" the
desired edict; but the order cannot be
carried out, "because the management
maturity of the federal government is in-
adequate to the task."
Any welfare official caught in the toils
of the audit of travel vouchers or the
rigidities of a civil service system will
chuckle over Mr. Juran's sprightly writing;
it is refreshing to look at these mechanisms
that seem to have God-given eternal verity
with the fresh eye of a skilled management
man. Mr. Juran sees, of course, how often
the problems parallel those of large scale
corporate enterprise; it is his saving grace
to recognize, on the other hand, the special
environment of the public servant. "Life in
a Goldfish Bowl," "The One-Way Street
of Criticism" (some of his lively headings)
are forces that make the problems different.
This book is highly recommended.
In his introductory essay to "Regula-
tory Administration," the senior editor ex-
plains that "viewed broadly, regulation is
the process of getting people to follow a
line of conduct that is in accord with
public policy." In a chapter full of shrewd
insight, Mr. Graham casts his eye over the
whole field of human conduct and deals
pithily with the elements "especially useful
in making an appraisal" of the regulatory
process.
First, what is the problem? "As long as
the 'miasmic' vapors of the malarial regions
were thought to produce disease, the public
answering advertisements please mention SURVEY
28
got nowhere in controlling malaria." A
new problem, says Graham in his salty
way, "means controversy if it is at all seri-
ous. Tinkering with the hive produces an
inevitable buzzing."
Second, what are the objectives? Regu-
lating milk to assure purity is one thing;
regulating its price is quite something else
again. If the legislature doesn't know what
it wants achieved, it is useless to expect
the administrator to spell it out clearly.
Third, what is the authority? "In no
country in the world does official position
carry less inherent power than in the
United States."
Who, then, is to be regulated? What is
to be the timing? And what is the appeal:
"Perhaps the easiest way to misunderstand
regulation is to fail to appreciate the wide
variety of methods by which consent may
be sought."
It was clearly the intention of the editors
that each of the collaborators would take a
field of regulation and deal with these
sophisticated questions. Each collaborator is
the best in his field: Colonel O. W. Wilson
on police; Dr. Gaylord Anderson on public
health; Dean William E. Mosher on public
utilities; Wilbur La Roe, Jr., on railroads.
But only Mr. Reining, the co-editor, in his
essay on state labor law administration has
caught fully the intent. The others have
produced solid, comprehensive accounts of
the development of regulation in their
fields, but they have addressed themselves
only obliquely to Mr. Graham's questions.
Each chapter is worthwhile; but they do
not add up to the study in comparative
administration that the editors dreamed of
a decade ago. There is a rather special
chapter by Prof. Leon Marshall analyzing
the "location and utilization of authority"
in the division of review of NRA: it is by
way of an extended footnote.
CHARLES S. ASCHER
Regional Representative
National Housing Agency, New Yorf^ City
IN 1945
Cartf)
Will
QTotoarb J!en
CHRISTODORA
HOUSE
RESIDENCE
CLUB
PUBLIC HOUSING
(Continued from page 18)
structed under the act prior to the war-
time cessation of normal construction ac-
tivity; 7891 more contracted for with local,
county, and regional housing authorities
are temporarily in a state of suspension.
Both federal agency and local authorities
had to strain their resources and ingenuity
to the utmost to produce a contract, a
procedure, and regulations which made even
this small beginning possible.
Thus, experience shows conclusively that
housing legislation must frankly recognize
the distinctive differences between an ur-
ban and a rural program. The feasibility
of "equivalent elimination" in a rural pro-
gram must be considered — the provision in
the present Housing Act which requires
that for every dwelling unit built in a
public housing project one in a slum area
must be demolished. The probability of
prospective purchase as against rent of
homes in rural areas; the limited pos-
sibilities of local contribution and the need
for a different computation of the annual
federal contribution; the intimate relation-
ship between the house as a dwelling unit
and the farm as a production unit and
source of family income — all these matters
must be faced.
Studies have been made of the living
habits in rural areas and their special re-
lationship to the design of a rural dwelling.
Studies also have been made of the func-
tion of the dwelling house in the economic
and social patterns of the farm. The re-
sults of such studies should be reflected in
legislation, if it is to be sufficiently realis-
tic to enable rural communities and farms
to participate on an equal basis with the
urban centers in a national housing pro-
gram.
Housing Minority Groups
Another problem which must be grap-
pled with realistically in the postwar period
is that of providing adequate housing for
minority groups. Behind any neat blue-
print of a well-housed country are human
complexes that cannot be overlooked. In
1940, one in every four urban houses oc-
cupied by whites was substandard. In the
case of non-whites, two out of every three
houses were substandard. But if we are to
house America adequately, we must include
housing for our large number of Negroes
and of other numerically smaller minority
groups.
The problem would be relatively simple
if it were only a matter of providing,
through subsidies for public housing or
the necessary aids to private capital, the
accommodations needed by our minority
population. Under the relatively limited
program of low rent housing under the
U. S. Housing Act up to the outbreak of
the war, the housing needs of Negroes
were being recognized. Of the 105,000
housing units built under the public pro-
gram, about a third (38,600) were for Ne-
gram 7,600 additional family homes had
been provided.
But the minority housing problem is not
one of buildings alone. More than anything
else it is a matter of finding space in which
to put the buildings. Large groups of
these people are being forced to live in
tight pockets of slum areas where they in-
crease at their own peril; they are denied
the opportunity to spread out into new areas
in the search for decent living.
The opening of new areas of living to
all minority groups is a community prob-
lem. And it is one of national concern.
It is a problem that each community must
consider and explore for possible solutions.
Plans for community development should
be studied and re-studied to include ade-
quate provision in space for all groups.
Further, where tenants are displaced to
make way for a new development, whether
residential, industrial or commercial, other
space in which they can live must be found.
This is particularly important in the case
of minority groups, for displaced tenants
must not be dumped on top of an already
overcrowded, rimmed-in quarter of town.
Matters for Congress
In developing our public housing pro-
gram horizontally, as already suggested,
certain imperfections of our present pro-
gram must be recognized and corrected.
The real answer to many vital problems
must come from the Congress with whom
the duty and the responsibility rests.
First of all, it should be made clear that
further expansion of the low rent housing
program is a matter solely for congressional
determination and that it depends entirely
upon additional authorization for subsidies.
The annual subsidy of $28,000,000 max-
imum, authorized in the U. S. Housing Act
of 1937, will be fully absorbed by pres-
ent commitments.
Apart from the need for congressional
action to provide funds for subsidies, how-
ever, experience indicates that the opera-
tion of the low rent program can be sub-
stantially improved if certain revisions to
the Housing Act are made.
For example, the act now provides for
use of federal funds to finance up to 90
percent of the capital cost of low rent hous-
ing projects. As a matter of fact, however,
local housing authorities have been able
to obtain from private sources much more
than the remaining 10 percent of their cap-
ital financing. Some authorities already
are getting as much as 85 percent of their
money from private investors. I am con-
fident that with certain amendments to
the Housing Act, local authorities could
borrow 100 percent of their capital funds
direct from private sources. If this were
done, government funds for permanent cap-
ital financing would be largely unnecessary.
A second change that should be made
in the law is to reduce from 60 to 45 years
the period during which the federal gov-
ernment is committed to pay annual cash
contributions.
From these two changes could flow a
number of improvements in the program
which would reduce the ultimnrr financial
(Continued on page 30)
The Chance of a Lifetime
FOR EVERYONE INTERESTED IN
A WRITING CAREER
HERE is A CHANCE to learn to write by
writing — under the personal direction of
successful writers and editors. The Maga-
zine Institute, a private school completely
owned and operated by editors and writers,
offers practical instruction in short story
and article writing. You work in your own
home, on your own time.
Every assignment you submit is returned
with detailed criticism. Experienced writers
patiently correct your work and help de-
velop your style to suit the demands of
the modern magazine market. You ask all
she questions you like. As your ability
grows you get a chance to concentrate on
the sort of things you do best — essays,
features, short sketches, etc.
Writers themselves active in the maga-
zine field help you find your best outlets,
often suggest markets you might never
have heard of. Send the coupon today for
the free catalog which tells you how you
may get started toward a writing career.
Inquirers will also receive "The Best Job
in the World" listing unsolicited testi-
monials from successful graduates.
THE MAGAZINE INSTITUTE. INC.. D«pt. 31-C
50 Rockefeller Plaza. Rockefeller Center. NewYorkM, N. Y.
P!ea«c lend jour catalog without obligation, to:
JVam«
(lnquiri«t confidential. JYo salesman will call.)
8 BOOKLETS BY
BERTRAND RUSSELL
Bertrand Russell, the distinguished
philosopher, mathematician, logician and
Freethinker, recently said that he en-
joyed writing booklets for E. Haldeman-
Julius because he is given the fullest
freedom of expression. In fact, it is only
in essays written for Haldeman-Julius that
Dr. Russell can give circulation to the
mind-liberating thoughts he feels should
be made known to the average person.
Most standard publishers are afraid to
issue works that are frowned on by the
orthodox and conventional. Such a restric-
tion is never encountered in the editorial
department of the H-J Publications. In the
booklets listed below Dr. Russell offers a
feast of reason, information, logic, wit and
rollicking humor. We present:
THE VALUE OF FREE THOUGHT. How to
Berome n Truth-Seeker and Break the
Chain* of Mental Slavery 25e
AN OUTLINE OF INTELLECTUAL RUB-
BISH. A HUarloim Catalogue of Organized
and Indlvldnnl Stupidity 25c
HOW TO READ AND UNDERSTAND HIS-
TORY. The Past ax the Key to the Fn-
tnre 25c
HOW TO BECOME A PHILOSOPHER, A
LOGICIAN, A MATHEMATICIAN . . 3Oc
WHAT CAN A FREEMAN WORSHIP? 25c
WHY I AM NOT A CHRISTIAN 25c
HAS RELIGION MADE USEFUL CONTRI-
BUTIONS TO CIVILIZATION? 25c
A LIBERAL VIEW OF DIVORCE 25c
We offer all eight booklets by Bertrand
Russell for only $1.45, prepaid. Ask for
BERTRAND RUSSELL'S EIGHT BOOK-
LETS. Address:
groes. Under an earlier peacetime pro-
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
E. HALDEMAN-JULIUS,
Box R-93, Girard, Kansas.
29
(Continued from page 29)
cost to the government and at the same time
expand the participation of private capital
in public housing.
Matters of Operation
Besides these improvements dependent
upon congressional action, much could be
done to advance the housing program
through improving the administrative
process itself within the framework of the
present legislation. The attitude and policy
of the federal agency and the local public
bodies engaged in this effort are perhaps
as important as perfecting legislation.
Above all, a public housing program must
arise from the communities and not be im-
posed upon them by a central agency. The
principle of the U. S. Housing Act, by
which the federal government becomes
merely the helpmate and fiduciary while
the local public body is the active initiator,
developer, and manager is sound and im-
portant.
In the Thirties, local housing authorities
were immature and understaffed; they re-
quired a certain amount of paternalism.
Today, however, with several years of ex-
perience behind them, the authorities are
prepared to accept their full responsibilities,
a situation which must be recognized both
by them and by the federal agency through
the adoption of an appropriate attitude and
administrative policy.
The federal agency has two broad pur-
poses. One is to discharge its legal and
business responsibility under the law as
enacted by the Congress. This first re-
sponsibility of the agency is to present to
the localities a forthright, concise statement
of the basic conditions under which they
may do business with the federal govern-
ment through the Federal Public Housing
Authority. To illustrate: the government
is concerned with regard to cost and mini-
mum standards in the design of a project,
for it is the intent of the law that financial
assistance shall be rendered only where
housing is to be of a decent standard and
falls in the low cost category.
• Aside from meeting such requirements,
it is for local housing authorities to de-
termine less basic questions — whether, for
instance, there shall be a porch or a breeze-
way, a pitched or a flat roof, inside tile
or plaster, or any other specific feature
adapted to local needs or preference.
The federal agency's responsibility does
not end, however, when it puts into force
what the law requires. It also has an
obligation of service to the authorities and
to the communities. Implicit here is the
obligation to display leadership in devising
methods for improvements in design, man-
agement, operations, administrative proces-
ses, and lowering of costs. The Federal Pub-
lic Housing Authority is indeed a veritable
storehouse of experience in one of the great-
est experiments in housing history. To syn-
thesize that experience and to make it
available for the guidance of local authori-
ties is one of its major tasks.
As a corollary to these functions of a
federal agency, the local public housing
body must develop certain essential char-
acteristics and attitudes. Indeed, in this
group, more than in any other place in
the chain of operations, must rest the vital
spark of initiative and accomplishment, the
understanding of the basic problem and
the ability to tackle it soundly, steadfastly,
and resourcefully.
It must be a local body in the real sense
of the word, responsible to the community
and not to a federal agency, an integral
part of the stream of community life. It
must offer leadership for those less able to
speak for their own necessities and must
work with other leadership that seeks better
housing for all. Finally, it must be a dy-
namic force unwilling to rest until the solu-
tion of housing for low income families has
been applied all across the board.
No one can foresee the destiny of the
public housing program in the immediate
future. It would be foolhardy to ignore
the existence of well-intentioned opposition
or the presence of selfish, uninformed,
and reckless critics. But good housing must
cease to be regarded as a national luxury.
It is inconceivable that this country will
continue to subscribe to the doctrine of
scarcity in the second most important neces-
sity of man's life.
The acceptance of the view that good
housing is a scarce commodity to be ra-
tioned on a high-dollar market inevitably
implies that the nation can afford the price
of all the ills that center around slums
and blight. America, strong and indomit-
able though she seems, cannot continue to
permit the ebbing of its strength through
the airless, lightless coops of her slums.
THEY HARVEST CROPS
(Continued from page 23)
running water, cooking facilities, and a
juke box for evening entertainment. Three
paid supervisors see that the camp is kept
in order. There are tightly lidded refuse
barrels before each cabin.
There Are Laws . . .
The deplorable conditions under which
most migrant farm workers live in New
York cannot be blamed entirely on the
lack of legislation. There are state laws
— many of them — which apply to mi-
grants as well as others. Under them,
no camp is supposed to operate without
a permit from the local health authority,
the issuance depending upon compliance
with the state sanitary code. Yet camp
after camp contains flagrant violations of
the code — overcrowding, inadequate ven-
tilation, lack of fire exits, cooking arrange-
ments in sleeping quarters, lack of kitchen
screening, filthy privies, absence of recep-
tacles for garbage disposal, and in some
instances location of buildings on surfaces
preventing adequate drainage. Temporary
permits, issued to allow a period for the
correction of violations, provide the loop-
hole— unfortunately they are renewable,
apparently indefinitely.
New York State law also prohibits the
farm employment of children under four-
teen, except on their own families' farms,
and requires work permits of those between
fourteen and sixteen so employed. But
most children harvesting New York's
crops never heard of working papers, nor
did their parents. The grower or con-
tractor, who needs all the hands he can
get, does not go out of his way to inform
them, since he does not care to risk losing
all of his youngest pickers.
Another law prohibits an auto truck with
twenty or more passengers from going
farther than ten miles — with more than
a third of the occupants standing; with-
out suitable seats securely attached
to the body; without side racks at least
three feet in height above the floor; with-
out a tailboard or tail gate that is securely
closed. But the truck in the Binghamton
accident, though carrying thirty-seven per-
sons a distance of more than a hundred
miles, had no tailboard and no benches.
Such amenities are rarely supplied in the
trucks that do the daily hauling to and
from the fields, and sometimes not even
in trucks that bring families all the way
from Florida. Said one driver who hauled
a "load of pickers" more than 1,100 miles
from the South to New York: "They pre-
fer to sit on their suitcases."
Attitudes Must Change
Obviously, one way to improve condi-
tions among the migrant families, with-
out whom much of New York's abundant
farm produce would go to waste, is to en-
force existing legislation. This is the first
step in a platform prepared by the New
York Consumers League as a result of its
investigation. The war emergency, the
league maintains, is hardly an excuse for
violating laws which were flagrantly ignored
long before the war, and probably will
continue to be ignored after the war un-
less definite steps are taken to impose recog-
nition of their existence. As a corollary
to this recommendation, the league urges
the elimination of their practice of issuing
temporary permits to the camps.
Strict law enforcement, however, the
league insists, must be accompanied by
other more positive activities if appreciable
improvements are to be achieved. Among
these, the league recommends additional
legislation to bring agricultural workers
in under the protection of the state Mini-
mum Wage Law and under the Work-
men's Compensation Act. Though wages
are not now the problem they were be-
fore the war, there is nothing to prevent
them from falling back to below subsistence
levels as soon as the manpower shortage is
relieved.
Pointing out that the whole problem
of insecurity among migrants is tied up
with the fact that they have no way of
holding the farm operators or padrones
to their promises, either in regard to wages
or living conditions, the league recom-
mends the regulation of labor contractors
through a system of state licensing, which
would require the use of written contracts
between padrone and worker. This would
extend to our native farm workers some
of the security now being enjoyed by the
imported Jamaicans and Bahamans.
But unless the prevailing attitudes among
most farmers and their town neighbors
toward the men, women, and children,
SURVEY GRAPHIC
who each year are drawn into the state
to gather the yield of a generous soil,
can be transformed into friendliness and a
positive interest, law enforcement will at
sest be sporadic and new legislation will
DC of little avail. On this theory the league
is girding itself to undertake an intensive
public education program in the farm areas
of the state. It has been encouraged to
find alert groups in scattered areas of the
state who are already working on this prob-
lem.
When the realization begins to dawn, in
Bouckville and Poolville and a host of other
communities, that crops are gathered not by
"pickers" but by people who feel hunger,
who think, tire, love, fear, hope, and de-
spair, then a force will be generated that
will begin to stretch democracy's tent ropes
to take in these long excluded outsiders.
AGENDA FOR AMERICANS
(Continued from page 14)
some ideas thrown out to get us started.
A preliminary draft prepared by the steer-
ing committee is now before you. Each
delegate has his copy. Your task is to
round out this preliminary draft; take it
as far as you can, as deep as you can, while
holding general agreement. We want to
obtain maximum agreement among our-
selves. None of us belongs to pressure
groups, but some of us have pet ideas.
I implore you to drop them if they stand
in the way of agreement. It isn't you who
must be vindicated, it is your country.
Broader still, it is democracy which must
be vindicated.
We are sick and tired of hearing it said
that we can never get anywhere because
our government is so rotten — meaning, in
a democracy, that we are rotten. We are
sick and tired of running around in circles
wringing our hands because we can pro-
duce so much. That is a game for people
in a mental hospital, not for civilized men.
The war has interrupted the game, but if
we let things drift die mental cases will be
back.
The question before us here is not
whether there shall be government inter-
ference in the economy. That question was
settled in the affirmative by the first admin-
istration of George Washington, when cus-
toms tariffs were enacted. The question
before us here is what tynd of government
interference. Will it be to subsidize pow-
erful pressure groups, or to keep all Amer-
ica strong?
• • •
The Chairman took out his handkerchief
and ran it across his forehead. It was a
hot morning in Idaho. Out the windows
the mountains loomed through the haze,
and the pine trees on their flanks looked
green and cool.
I guess that is all, he said. Now we have
to go to work. . . . And he sat down.
There was very little applause. The men
and women facing him knew there was
nothing to celebrate. A milestone in the
history of their country had been reached.
If it was to be safely passed it meant the
hardest kind of work.
(In answering
SAVE ALL WASTE PAPER ESPECIALLY HEAVY BROWN PAPER
Two VALUES FOR ONE
Assured Income for Life
Joy in Helping Others
OUR GUARANTEED \j
GIFT ANNUITIES
Your money works for YOU during your lifetime, and for OTHERS after
you're gone, by helping to finance the religious and charitable program
of this great organization.
A SAFE, DEPENDABLE INVESTMENT
1 It guarantees you an income for life from 2Vi to
7% according to age.
2 It is thoroughly safeguarded by certified account-
ing reports and is backed by the reputation and
resources of this national institution.
3 It has the legal reserve and surplus fund protec-
tion required by law.
A SOUND ANNUITY ... AN ACT OF CHARITY . . .
FOR THE SAME INVESTMENT
Gift annuity agreements are issued under the author-
ity of the New York State Insurance Department.
Send for illustrated booklet for full details
The SALVATION ARMY
(A New York Corporation)
130 West 14th Street • New York 1 1, N. Y.
Please send me your Annuity Booklet No. 25
telling about your plan for a life income from a gift.
Name
Address
Date of Birth.
advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
31
THE BOOKSHELF
NEW PAMPHLETS ABOUT CHILDREN
Helpful and Authoritative
Booklets for Parents
WHAT MAKES A GOOD HOME? 15C
WHAT MAKES GOOD HABITS? ISc
(both for 25e)
WHEN CHILDREN ASK ABOUT SEX. . . 2Sc
DISCIPLINE: WHAT IS IT? ISC
TODAY'S CHILDREN FOR TOMORROW'S
WOULD: A Guide to the Study of Children
from Infancy to SU Years (for group
leaden) 3OC
Order these from Dept. S.
CHILD STUDY ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA
221 We.t S7th St., New York 19, N. Y.
and write for complete list of publications
SECTARIAN WELFARE FEDERATION
AMONG PROTESTANTS
by Leonard A. Stidley
A comparative study of the I-rotestant. Jewish, and
Roman Catholic Welfare Federations with especial
emphasis upon the Federation of Protestant Welfare
Agencies. Inc.. of New York City. Throws light upon
the nature of welfare federation throughout the coun-
ASSOCIATION PRESS
347 Madison Avenue New York 17, N. Y.
BERNARD SHAW SAYS: "The future belongs
to the vegetarians." Read world-wide develop-
ments on the vegetarian creed which numbered
amonjr its disciples Shelley, Plato, Rousseau.
Pythagoras, and todav includes Mahatma Gandhi
VFrtTAo'ilw11 C.ipps> '",THE AMERICAN
VEGETARIAN. A monthly newspaper of 8
pages, packed with features, editorials, news,
special articles, personals, etc. Only $1.00 for 12
^o'r'/xr issu£s' THE AMERICAN VEGE-
TARIAN, 117 West 48th Street, Dept. S, New
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF NURSING
•hows the part which professional nurses take in
the betterment of the world. Put it in your
NVw^Y *k'°N " year' 17'° Broadwa'r at S8 St-
FOREIGN LANGUAGE DICTIONARIES
DICTIONARIES AND GRAMMARS
For 10J LUUOUUKH. Catalog Free
Schomhofs. Boi *. Harraril Stiuara,
Cambridge. Uusutauett*
_ | _ LANGUAGES _
PHONOGRAPH COURSES. Mail Orders. All
M«ke«. Bookl« G. LANGUAGE SERVICE, IS
E«t 41»t St.. New York 17, N. Y.
29 LANGUAGES BY LINGUAPHONE. Russian,
Spanish, Portuguese — Direct conversational
method for mastering any language quickly,
New York 20. CI 7-0830.
SPANISH, RUSSIAN, FRENCH, all other Lan
guages. Phonograph Courses. Bought, Sold
Y^^N. YV M£Y?07
PROFESSIONAL SERVICES
SPECIAL articles, theses, speeches, papers. Re-
search, revisjon, bibliographies, etc. Over twenty
years' experience serving busy professional per-
sons Prompt service extended. AUTHORS
RESEARCH BUREAU, 516 Fifth Avenue, New
York, N. Y.
ORIGINAL SERMONS, SPEECHES, LEC-
TURES, Club Papers, professionally prepared.
Criticism, rewriting, plotting, ghostwriting of
book-length manuscripts, short-stories, feature
articles. Testimonials galore. Printed Lectures,
Sermons and Outlines also furnished. FREE
Circular. Dept. "S." Continental Writers' &
Speakers' Bureau, 210 Fifth Ave., New York,
N. Y.
HELEN GUILES, Literary Agent. Short stories,
current articles, book manuscripts and poetry ex-
pertly criticised and marketed. 131 West 69th
Street, New York City.
MANUSCRIPT TYPING: INTELLIGENT,
prompt, inexpensive. Ambassador Office Service,
17 East 48th Street, New York. WI 2-1127.
MANUSCRIPT TYPING, also Stenotype Report-
ing, Mimeographing. Prompt, efficient service ;
reasonable rates. ROLEN REPORTERS, 351
Pennsylvania Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y. Dickens
2-0296.
WE PUBLISH, PRINT and DISTRIBUTE your
manuscripts in pamphlet and bonk form. Folder
B. WILLIAM-FREDERICK PRESS: Pamphlet
Distributing Company, 313 West 35th Street,
New York 1.
COFFEE
CONNOISSEURS, GOURMETS, people who know
coffee. . . . Famous blend, rich, winey taste,
unforgettable aroma. Send $1 for trial package —
2 pounds postpaid. Specify grind. Richard H.
Toeplitz, Suite 205, 342 Madison Avenue, New
York 17, N. Y.
COLOR REPRODUCTIONS
SET OF TWELVE color reproductions, includes
Brueghel, Cezanne, Eakins, Renoir, Picasso,
Degas and other masters. Averapre size 10x12".
Excellent for framing for home Decoration. $4.95
for set. Worth $10.00. Irisam Studio, 291 Lin-
coln Place, Brooklyn, New York.
INDIAN PIPE
SEND a dollar bill for genuine "Powhatan" hand-
made Indian clay smoking pipe, replica famous
original Virginia antique, two long stems, his-
toric booklet, directions, enjoyment, and care.
Rustic container, postage prepaid. PAMPLIN
PIPE CO., Richmond, Virginia.
BOOKPLATES
FREE CATALOG, showing several hundred
beautiful designs.
ANTIOCH BOOKPLATES, Box 218, Yellow Springs, Ohio
EMPLOYMENT AGENCY
GERTRUDE R. STEIN, INC.
AGENCY, 64 West 48th Street, New
York. Wise. 7-4961. A professional
bureau specializing in fund-raising, group
work, institutional, casework and med-
ical "social work oositinns.
WORKERS WANTED
EMPLOYERS AND APPLICANTS: Our simph-
ned, confidential service brings the right person*
together quickly and at surprisingly small cost.
Just send us complete details of the administrative
or staff position you have open or desire, together
with a three months service fee ot $3.00. (No
other charges!) Descriptions of openings are
mailed only to most likely candidates, who, if
interested then apply direct to employers on spe-
cial forms we furnish. Central Registry Service,
109 South Sunwood, Columbus 9, Ohio.
PAROLE OFFICER— Male. New York State resi-
rlents. Vacancies principally in New York City.
Beginning salary $2400 plus 7'/,% war emergency
compensation. Give age, education, experience.
David Dressier, Executive Director, Box 1679,
Albany, New York.
THOROUGHLY TRAINED AND EXPERI-
ENCED Case Work Director and two Senior
Case Workers needed immediately, suitable salary
and permanent employment assured. Must have
had college, School of Social Work experience
and some years of actual case work and super-
visory experience with reputable children's
agency. Apply, furnishing references as to char-
acter, health, habits, education, experience, etc.,
to The Children's Home Society of Florida, 403
Consolidated Blcig., Jacksonville 2, Florida.
CASE WORKERS in family service and child
placement departments by Jewish Agency where
staff members participate in community planning
and extension of service to meet wartime needs.
Good opportunities for advancement. Salary range
$1760.00 to $2760.00. 7957 Survey.
SPECIAL WORKER— in Jewish multiple lervice
case work agency to carry selected case load and
assume special respoasibilties involving community
organization and interpretation. Salary range
$2400 to $3500. 79*6 Survey.
EXECUTIVE WANTED. Jewish Welfare Society
of Seattle, Washington, is looking for an execu-
tive director who is a graduate of an accredited
graduate school and a member of the American
Association of Social Work, with psychiatric or
child welfare experience. A person who is capable
of taking part in community activities. High
standards and good salary are maintained.
OPPORTUNITIES AVAILABLE— WANTED—
(a) Director of social service department, 350-bed
hospital — bed capacity to be increased to 500
within year; minimum starting salary, $250;
East. (b) Several psychiatric social workers;
large charity hospital located short distances from
university medical center and several large cities;
salaries range from $2500 to $3000; Middle West,
(c) Psychiatric social worker; state hospital;
$200, complete maintenance; town of 75,000,
Middle West. SG1-1. Burneice Larson, Director,
The Medical Bureau, Palmolive Building, Chi-
cago, Illinois.
WANTED: Family Case Worker for new commu-
nity social agency created and controlled by or-
ganized labor, both A. F. of L. and the C. I. O.
Union Organization for Social Service, 411 Cooper
Street, Camden, New Jersey. Tel: Ca. 1815.
SITUATIONS WANTED
MAN, 31, M.S.W., five years experience: case
worker, supervisor, executive small, non-sectarian
family agency, desires position with agency or on
faculty school of social work in community with
sailboating1 facilities. Approximate salary $4000.
8078 Survey.
YOUNG WOMAN, 16 years' experience in various
branches of social work including case work, pub-
lic relations, desires connection. 8077 Survey.
SCHOOL OF NURSING
SCHOOL OF NURSING of Yale University
A PraffMtttn /or thf ' o/l««. Woman
in Intensive and basic eiperience In the various branches of nursing Is
offered during the twemy-eteht months' course which leads to the degree of
MASTER OF NURSING
A Kn.-hclor's decree In arts, science or philosophy from a college of
•uproved standing is required for admission.
for Catalog** and Information addraiit
The Dean, YALE SCHOOL OF NURSING
New Haven, Connecticut
BACK THE ATTACK
WITH WAR BONDS
SIMMONS COLLECE
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK
Professional Education Leading to the degree of MS
Medical Social Work
Psychiatric Social Work
Community Work
Family and Child Welfare
Public Assistance
Social Research
Catalog will be sent on request.
18 Somerset Street Bearon Hill, Boston
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
32
Western Reserve University
SCHOOL OF APPLIED
SOCIAL SCIENCES
Social Work Prepares
"For the Task
That Lies Ahead"
Apply Now
Next Session Begins February 12
Write
Admission Office
2117 Adalbert Road
Cleveland 6, Ohio
Why can't slum clearance
and decent housing
be left to private enterprise?
NATHAN STRAUS
Fii-st Administrator of the U. S. Housing Authority
answers irrefutably this question
and every question advanced by
the enemies of public housing
MYTHS
OF HOUSING
With proven facts, graphic charts and tables, the
one man in America best qualified to discuss low-
cost housing strikes at the heart of this vital and
controversial subject. THE SEVEN MYTHS OF
HOUSING has three objectives. The first: to show
that slum conditions in town and country can be
eliminated only by a program of subsidized public
housing. The second: to disprove the many argu-
ments now being secretly but powerfully urged
against a federal housing program. The third: to
offer a specific plan for better housing conditions
in the post-war period.
At all bookstores • fi.f;
ALFRED A. KNOPF. 501 Madison Ave..N.Y.2g
SMITH COLLEGE
SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL WORK
A Graduate Professional School Offering a Program
of Social Work Education Leading to the Degree of
Master of Social Science.
Academic Year Open* June, 1945
The Accelerated Coarse provides two years of
academic credits, covering two quarters of theory,
three quarters of field practice in selected social
agencies, and the writing of a thesis.
The demand is urgent for qualified social workers to
meet the complex problems of postwar rehabilitation.
SMITH COLLEGE STUDIES IN SOCIAL WORK
Contents for December 1944
Medical Social Work in the Vocational Rehabilitation
Program Eleanor Cockerill
A Task for Social Work in Connection with Psychiatric
Rehabilitation Helen Witmtr and Phebe Rich
Abstracts of Theses: Smith College School for Social Work,
1944
For further information write to
THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8
Northampton, Massachusetts
®ntoer*ttp of Chicago
School of Jtfocixt S>txmtt Ainmniatrsttim
Spring quarter begins March 26, 1945
Academic Year, 1945-46
Summer Quarter, 1945
(1) Full quarter credit courses, includ-
ing Field Work, ten weeks, June 25
— August 31.
(2) Special three week courses, carrying
University credit, for experienced
social workers.
Autumn Quarter begins October 2
Winter Quarter begins January 2
Spring Quarter begins March 25
THE SOCIAL SERVICE REVIEW
Edited by Edith Abbott
A Professional Quarterly for Social Workers
NOW! Enjoy Learning to Speak
SPANISH
Only 15 Minutes a Day!
Learn as a child learns— by LISTENING to native
instructors on these brand new CORTINA RECORDS!
RUbt in your llTinK room your In-
structors l*tt to you in even-day
Spanish — Just like any native
would, on the streets, in shops, io
offices of any Latin American city.
The whole family enjoys learning
Spanish—this easy Cortina way.
Doing business
with our I*tln
American cus-
tomers is so
much more prof-
lUble and en-
}orable when >cni
•peak their lan-
ruate.
Mow much more
the pleasures
South of the
Rto Grande
will mean to
you when you
really under-
stand the lan-
DO YOU realize how
much it can mean to
you to speak and under-
stand Spanish?
A whole new world of
opportunity is opening up
south of the Rio Grande.
Take advantage of these
opportunities there, or
cash in on them here at
hontf! Millions of dollars
are invested — more mil-
lions are being laid out
every week — to devejop
the endless industrial,
mining, farming, engi-
neering and other re-
sources of Mexico, Cuba,
Panama, Central and
South America. The im-
mense volume of bus-
ness and travel with
our 100,000,090 Spanish-
speaking neighbors is
calling for men and
women who can speak
their language, be friends
with them instead of
merely "foreigners" !
It's today's biggest chance
— a business and social part-
nership that present world
conditions have made us real-
ize as nothing else could.
And right here in the United
States there are countless
openings for correspondents,
sales agents and managers,
clerks, mechanics, secretaries,
stenographers, engineers, men
and women who know Span-
ish, who can talk with cus-
tomers when they arrive and
correspond with them when
they've gone back home I
The Air Lines are fast
bringing about a whole new
world tor you, as an Ameri-
can. Within a very short
time you won't be satisfied
with going to "the moan-
tains" or the lake" or "the
shore." You'll be going to
'ee new places, meet differ-
ent people, do more interest-
ing things.
Let your knowledge of
Spanish bring you a rich-
er, more satisfying life!
When you speak Spanish
you open the doors to this
new world. You're part of
it. And the simplest, surest
way to begin speaking Span-
ish— to learn it quickly, right
in the prrvacy and relaxation
of jrour own home — is the
Cortina way. You begin to
understand Spanish almost at
once. In an amazingly short
time — you are actually fpeak'
ing Spanish. And to prove
it to you we invite you to
look into this offer:
SENT ON 5 DAYS' APPROVAL
Free Book Describes Full Derails
READ the free book we will send you
describing the CORTINA method, and
all about our 5-day approval offer.
This is the simplest way to speak Spanish.
You Iran by listening. Instead of straggling
with complicated textbooks — instead of losing
time going to and from classes — you learn
at home, relaxed and at ease, in as little as
IS minutes a day. Your teachers never lose
patience with you. There's no one to hustle
you or hold you back I
The EASIEST Way to Learn
the EASIEST of All Languages!
— and this is the finest time to learn it I Re-
member, Spanish means greater social advan-
tages *oo. Everyone should know at least one
foreign language. And you'll be amazed how
CORTINA ACADEMY
Dept. 391, 105 W. 40th St., New York
Established in 1882
quickly you can pick up ordinary Spanish
conversation! Business and commercial terms
soon become second nature to you.
Today, when Spanish, the most important
foreign language in the world, can mean so
much financial gain, travel and cultural pleas-
ure, why not see what the Cortina Method
can do for you? You risk
The CORTINA Academy
has been teaching languages
successfully for 60 YEARS.
And it will do for you per-
sonally what it has done
for thousands of others —
if you will give it a
chance. Without obligation,
send the coupon TODAY
for your free copy of the
32-page booklet. "The Cor-
tina Short-Cvt."
18
nothing.
CORTIN4 ACADEMY (Lanouaoe Soecialists for 60
Years) Dept. 391, 105 West 40th St.. New York 18.
N. Y.
FRENCH,
GERMAN,
ITALIAN
Also Taught
Courses are
as effective
in teaching
Please send me — without ohligatinn- -your
free hook "The Cortina Short-Cut" and full
facts about your special "Proof in 5 Day.-"
Offer.
(Check language in which you are interested)
D SPANISH D FRENCH n GERMAN
D ITALIAN D ENGLISH
you as the
s ii a n i sh
course de-
Address
=EBRUflRY IQ45
SURVEV
3O CE NTS fl COPY
GRAPHIC
Air Age Transportation
by William Fielding Ogburn
Bridges to the Future by James T. Shotwell
Health: Today and Tomorrow by Michael M. Davis
Postwar Taxes and Full Employment by Mabel Newcomer
'n the Calendar of Our Consciences by Justine and Shad Polier
Icoholism— Abraham Myerson, M. D. Letters & Life— Harry Hansen
A Special New Republic Supplement — Just Issued
The Challenge to Progressives
by James G. Patton and James Loeb Jr.
(President, National Farmers' Union)
(Director, Union for Democratic Action)
Including an 8-page chart which completes the voting record of the (last) 78th Congress
on all vital issues, lists the new Congressmen, and gives by a tabulation of votes
the margin of victory in the last election of all present members of Senate and House
1. The New Political Era
What will be the situation of the Progressive
without FDR on the ballot?
2. Toward a Realistic Program
What's wrong with. Liberal programs? Why
does a platform have to consist of more than
merely desirable planks?
3. A New Political Strategy
What are the periods through which the coun-
try has gone in Roosevelt's first three adminis-
trations? What alternatives confront the fourth
term?
4. Who Are the Progressives?
What social groups in America must and can
be won over to the cause of progressivism?
What is to be done about the farmer, the non-
political trade unionist, the independent voter,
the returning veteran?
5. The Parties
What are the progressive potentialities of the
major parties? The possibilities of a national
third party?
6. Conclusion
What can Progressives do now? What is needed
. programmatically, organizationally and psycho-
logically? What is the role of "professionals"?
What are the responsibilities of the Progres-
sives today?
This penetrating and non-doctrinaire study
is as timely as it is necessary. Written by
what might be termed two "professionals"
of long and distinguished standing in the
progressive ranks, the supplement sees the
present situation confronting liberals for
what it is and the effective possible courses
of action that can be taken to meet it. Theirs
is no idle discussion carried on in terms of
"What could be done if," but rather in terms
of "What can bb done because." Here is
analysis, appraisal, proposal, that is realis-
tic, plain-spoken, hard-hitting and confi-
dent. It adds up in short to a CHAL-
LENGE that you and every other Progres-
sive will sooner or later have to read.
Copies of the supplement are available
separately at our usual low quantity rates.
Prices: 1 copy lOc; 16 for $1 ; 34 for $2; 90 for $5
THE NEW REPUBLIC
40 East 49th Street, New York 17, N. Y.
For the enclosed please send me postpaid copies of THE CHALLENGE TO
PROGRESSIVES.
Name City
Street . . . State
< 1-2-4S
J
A non-partisan, non-profit, educational society or-
ganized in 1912 (o promote the common welfare
PUBLISHERS OF SURVEY GRAPHIC AND SURVEY MIDMONTHLY • 112 EAST 19 STREET • NEW YORK 3, N. Y.
OFFICERS
RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR., President
ACNES BROWN LEACH, Vice President
JOHN PALMER CAVIT, Vice President
PAUL KELLOGG, Editor
ANN REED BRENNER, Secretary
BOARD OF DIRECTORS: Joseph P. Chamberlain, Chairman.
DOROTHY L. BERNHARD
JACOB BILLIKOPF
NELLIE LEE BOK
EVA HILLS EASTMAN
EARL C. HARRISON
RALPH HAYES
SIDNEY HILLMAN
FRED K. HOEHLER
BLANCHE ITTLESON
ALVIN JOHNSON
EDITH MORGAN KING
W. W. LANCASTER
AGNES BROWN LEACH
WILLIAM M. LEISERSON
THOMAS I. PARKINSON
JUSTINE WISE POLIER
WILLIAM ROSENWALD
BEARDSLEY RUML
EDWARD L. RYERSON
LOWELL SHUMWAY
HAROLD H. SWIFT
ORDWAY TEAD
To Every Member of Survey Associates:
On January 1, 1945 — for the first time in a decade — our
Membership Roster exceeded 2,100 at the turn of the year. In
the course of 1944, members and contributors backed our ad-
venturous program the first six months; stood by in tough
going the second six; and saw us through on December 31.
Beyond all peradventure, our exploratory work in these
critical times hangs on your sustained participation. That has
• — made possible our service of inquiry and interpreta-
tion in fields of the common welfare and the
tested procedures which give it validity;
• — made for growth in circulation — which in regular
and special numbers wins hearings from 4 to 40
times that of reports and ordinary books dealing
with kindred subject matter.
Without advance pledges in the early months of 1944, it would
have been foolhardy for us to have projected:
American Russian Frontiers — Survey Graphic for Feb-
ruary. Ninth in our CALLING AMERICA
series of specials which go back to Munich.
Juvenile Delinquency — Survey Midmonthly for
March; with its promptings for concerted action
in our domestic life, now and after the war.
The Call of Our Cities — Survey Graphic for April;
with its canvass of possibilities for urban de-
velopment and postwar housing.
These projects gave a shove to record circulation showings by
mid-years — which, in turn, gave us momentum to weather a
fall quarter preoccupied with presidential elections. (Off-season
for a non-political venture like ours.)
Gain in Our "Educational Reach"
With result, that we entered 1945 with an overall subscrip-
tion list of 34,000 — a gain of 18% over a year ago. During
the twelve months, each of two special numbers reached cir-
culations more than twice that figure: —
Graphic special, American Russian Frontiers, long
since in 2nd edition. Combined circulation of
CALLING AMERICA series— half a million.
Midmonthly special, American Ploughshares (Au-
gust) , fourth in a series reinforcing annual drives
on which hang fortunes of social agencies, at
home and overseas. Combined circulation • — a
quarter million.
A Committee of Librarians (Harper's) selects "10 Out-
standing Articles of the Month in American Magazines." In
1944, one out of ten of them was from Survey Graphic: —
February Meet the Russian People
March American Postwar Potentials
May Blazing New Legislative Trails
Civilian Internment — American Way
June Germans and the German Problem
Trouble at the Grass Roots
July On Being An American
August Allies in Exile
September Labor in Politics
October Screening and Remaking Men
November The Nazis' Last Front
UNRRA On the March
December Big Government
Albert Rhys Williams
Randall S. Williams
Phillips Bradley
Earl G. Harrison
Egon Ranshofen-Wertheimer
Eduard C. Lindeman
Felix Frankfurter
George Soloveytchik
Beulah Amidon
Flanders Dunbar, M.D.
Paul Hagen
Herbert H Lehman
Stuart Chase
To Every Reader of Survey Graphic:
We invite each and all of you to join the fellowship of Sur-
vey Associates in this New Year.
Our Memorandum to Members (in the adjoining column)
will show you how genuinely in 1944 our members helped us
breast the stresses of one war year. Clues, also, to how much
they will mean in making the most of our service to another.
For example, in underpinning the 10th of our CALLING
AMERICA series — a Survey Graphic special on THE BRITISH
AND OURSELVES, which current developments make all the
more imperative as our next "adventure in understanding".
A first charge on Survey Midmonthly in the months ahead is
to appraise developments bound up in the fortunes of dis-
charged service men and dislocated war workers.
Our January Graphic carried forward the series on watersheds
as "footholds for revival" (Morris L. Cooke, consultant) and
introduced a new series on the social impact of science, spurred
on by the war (Waldemar Kaempffert, consultant). In this is-
sue, come instalments by two regular contributors hereafter:
Prof. James T. Shotwell, historian of World War I,
chairman of the Commission to Study the Or-
ganization of Peace — who will illuminate moves
in liquidating the war and in fabricating security.
Dr. Michael M. Davis, chairman of the Committee on
Research in Medical Economics — a lay authority
in fields ranging from medical care to the insur-
ances; editor of our new health department.
The publishing receipts of our periodicals cover their pub-
lishing expenses. They are the "carriers" for that work of
swift research and interpretation which is the prime justification
for our existence as an educational society, and for our in-
vitation to you to become a $10 cooperative member.
If you feel that you, yourself, might share in what we call
our "living endowment", // would give a lift to our spirits in
doing justice to the opportunities which press in upon us month
by month.
Such claims are inveterate — and our needs ever so urgent in
these times.
Sincerely,
Editor
For Your Convenience . . .
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, Inc., 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
Enroll me as a $10 Cooperating Member of Survey Associates.
D Check enclosed
Name
Expect remittance on
Address
A membership Includes a joint subscription to Survey Graphic
and Survey Midmonthly for the 12 months the membership runs.
We shall be glad to send the balance of your present subscription
to a friend of your choice or to a war camp library.
SURVE\ GRAPHIC for February. 1945. Vol. XXXIV. No. 2. Published monthly and copyright 1945 by SURVEY ASSOCIATES. INC. Publication Office 34
North Crystal Street. East Stroudsburu. Pa. Editorial and business office. 112 East 19 Street. New York 3. N. Y. Price this Issue 30 cents: $3 a year; Foreim
postage 50 cents extra. Canadian 75 cents. Entered as second class matter on June 22. 1940 at the post office at East Stroudsbure. I'a., under the Act of March
3. 1879. Acceptance for mailing at a special rate of postage provided for In Section 1103. Act of October 3, 1917, authorized Dec. 21. 1921. 1'rtoted In U.S.A.
Gun crew officers, in helmets and flash
gear, keep careful watch following an
attack on their carrier. Action took place
in the Southwest Pacific. Officer at right
is relaying observations by telephone.
Ite ******
4 ** ^»t o*
J.HE telephone and radio on ships and planes
have made a vast change in naval warfare.
Our Navy has more of these things than any
other navy in the world. The battleship Wis-
consin alone has enough telephones to serve a
city of 10,000.
A great part of this naval equipment comes
from the Western Electric Company, manufac-
turing branch of the Bell System.
That helps to explain why we here at home
are short of telephones and switchboards.
BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM
Among Ourselves
I HERE is A HOLIDAY GREETING WHICH is TIMELY
• in February, and through all the shadowed
1 months of war. We are privileged to reprint,
I in part, "Peace on Earth," written for the New
1 School Bulletin of December 25, by Alvin
I Johnson, director of the School, and a member
I of the board of Survey Associates:
"Peace on earth, good will to men. Or
should we read, Peace on earth to men of
if good will? The manuscripts vary, and all of
ij! them are uncertain of interpretation. I prefer
I the former. I, a miserable sinner before the
J Lord, am yet capable of wishing sincerely
ij; peace on earth to men of good will. . . .
"But it was a choir of angels that sang peace
I on earth. I doubt that angels would have sung
I a limited liability prayer. Peace on earth, good
|i| will to men is a sentiment more fitting. It is
| a sentiment of great splendor, and great wis-
lij dom. For there will never be peace on earth
i() for men of good will until there is good will
| for all men, men of all races and colors and
1 creeds; even men sullied with vices and
I gangrened with crime.
"How long, O Lord, how long! Nineteen
I hundred and forty-four years have passed over
I the world; but millions of men are locked in
I deadly strife, men and women and little chil-
I dren are being done wantonly to death by
| men of the seed of wolves and jackals. In
II His own time, we must say.
". . . Each age has its sufficient reason for
I despair. Yet all through the ages the song of
! the angels has sounded, faintly over the clash-
l ing of arms or clearly over the sleeping plains
I and sheltered valleys, Peace on earth, good will
I to men.
"We are nearer to its realization today.
I Slowly but surely the life is being ground out
I of the savage enemies of peace. The racial and
| national bigotry we all entertained in our
i breasts in greater or less measure, has been
I stamped indelibly as potential murder. . . .
I More millions are trying to cast it out than
I ever before. More millions than ever before
I are determined upon a world organization that
I will preclude war. Of itself this will not bring
I the peace of the angels; but it will prepare
I the way for peace."
Co-op Freedom Fund
A FUND TO HELP CONFISCATED, BOMBED, AND
scattered cooperatives in Europe and Asia get
on their feet after the war is being collected
! by the Cooperative League of the USA. Co-ops
proved their worth as instruments of rehabilita-
tion after the last war. UNRRA and private
agencies are committed to using them as dis-
tribution agencies where they exist. The Co-op
In January Survey Midmonthly
Public Welfare Faces the Unknown
by Kathryn Close
The In-Migrant "Menace"
by Jack. Yeaman Bryan
When Pin-Setters Are Children
by Kate Cliigston
Regardless of Race by Kathryn J. Sample
The Blind Are Not Apart
by M. Michael Gtfjner
A State Cancer Program by Alice June Dritz
VOL. XXXIV CONTENTS
Survey Graphic for February 1945
No. 2
Cover: Helicopter, Courtesy Aviation News
James T. Shotwell: Photograph 36
Bridges to the Future JAMES T. SHOTWELL 37
Health — Today and Tomorrow MICHAEL M. DAVIS 40
Joe Doakes, Patriot *. MIRIAM ALLEN DEFoRD 43
No. 1 Prison: Photographs 44
On the Calendar of Our Consciences JUSTINE and SHAD POLIER 47
Roads to Alcoholism ABRAHAM MYERSON, M.D. 49
"An Ordinary American" KATHRYN CLOSE 52
Air Age Transportation WILLIAM FIELDING OGBURN 55
Aircraft for Postwar Needs: Photographs 56
Postwar Taxes and Full Employment MABEL NEWCOMER 60
Clean Sweep in Puerto Rico MARJORIE R. CLARK 63
"My Happy Days": Photographs 66
Letters and Life 68
To Be Young, Poor, and Black HARRY HANSEN 68
An Author Replies: A Communication Louis H. PINK 75
Copyright, 1945, by Survey Associates, Inc. All rights reserved.
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.
Publication Office: 34 North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburg, Pa.
Editorial and Business Office, 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
Chairman of the Board, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN; president, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR.; vice-
presidents, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, AGNES BROWN LEACH; secretary, ANN REED BRENNER.
Board of Directors: DOROTHY LEHMAN BERNHARD, JACOB BILLIKOPF, NELLIE LEE BOK, JOSEPH
P. CHAMBERLAIN, EVA HILLS EASTMAN, EARL G. HARRISON, RALPH HAYES, SIDNEY HILLMAN, FRED
K. HOEHLER, BLANCHE ITTLESON, ALVIN JOHNSON, EDITH MORGAN KING, WILLIAM W. LANCASTER,
AGNES BROWN LEACH, WILLIAM M. LEISERSON, THOMAS I. PARKINSON, JUSTINE WISE POLIEH,
WILLIAM ROSENWALD, BEARDSLEY RUML, EDWARD L. RYERSON, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR., LOWELL
SHUMWAY, HAROLD H. SWIFT, ORDWAY TEAD.
Editor: PAUL KELLOGG. .
Associate editors: BEULAH AMIDON, ANN REED BRENNER, BRADLEY BUELL, HELEN CHAMBERLAIN,
KATHRYN CLOSE, MICHAEL M. DAVIS, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, HARRY HANSEN, FLORENCE LOEB KEL-
LOGG, LOULA D. LASKER, VICTOR WEYBRIGHT, LEON WHIPPLE. Contributing editors: HELEN CODY
BAKER, JOANNA C. COLCORD, EDWARD T. DEVINE, RUSSELL H. KURTZ, ALAIN LOCKE, MARY Ross,
GERTRUDE SPRINGER.
Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINGER; Circulation manager, MOLLIE CONDON; Advertising
manager, MARY R. ANDERSON; Field Representatives, ANNE ROLLER ISSLER, DOROTHY PUTNEY.
Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue, 30c a
copy. By subscription — Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year — Foreign 50c;
Canadian 75c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor Articles, Public
Affairs Information Service, Quarterly Cumulative Index Medicus.
Survey Midmonthly published on the 15th of the month. Single copies 30c. By subscription — -
Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year — Foreign 50c; Canadian 75c.
Joint subscription to Survey Graphic and Survey Midmonthly: Year, $5.
Cooperative Membership in Survey Associates, Inc., including a joint subscription; Year, $10.
Freedom Fund will be used to rebuild shat-
tered warehouses and stores, to return leaders
and employes to their communities, to train
competent new people. The establishment of
the fund was part of the centennial celebration
of Rochdale Day. It was on December 21,
1844, that the first Toad Lane Co-op store
opened for business.
"Sweating It Out"
SOME GI's AREN'T WAITING FOR EDUCATORS AND
community agencies to look after their post-
war adjustment — they are briskly tackling that
themselves. Witness "Sweating It Out, a Per-
sonal Bulletin About Private and Not So Pri-
vate Matters" a copy of which recently landed
in our office. The Bulletin, mimeographed on
both sides of a single sheet, is "the pet recrea-
tion" of its editor, Pfc. Jerome E. Klein. The
purpose is to "help get acquainted" with
people on whom Pfc. Klein "hopes to call
later," because "landing a public relations posi-
tion is Number One on my list of postwar
plans." The paper is made up of cheerful bits
about AUS life in France. For example:
"The food here is good — when it is delivered
to our kitchen. We do get the best, despite the
efforts of our cooks. The other day, the mess
sergeant had a smile on his face when the men
lined up for chow. 'Dinner's going to be dif-
ferent tonight, boys,' he said, 'I just found out
you add water to these dehydrated foods'."
Blackstone
JAMES T. SHOTWELL
His series "Bridges to the Future" begins now
Through good fortune, the readers of Survey Graphic
will be able, month by month, to see developments in the
tough process of fabricating a new world through his eyes
as chairman of the Commission to Study the Organiza-
tion of Peace. There are few such eyes.
The studies of that voluntary commission over the past
six years have thrown light on issues that are coming
to the fore from Dumbarton Oaks to the farthest of the
seven seas. Moreover, Mr. Shotwell's books, "On the Rim
of the Abyss" (1936), and "What Germany Forgot"
(1940), "The Great Decision" (1944), have stood for
clarity, dependable forecast, and the rare gift of express-
ing the hopes and common sense of humankind in words
that chime in our hearts.
•«••»••»•
So far as background goes, consider the 150 volumes
making up the economic and social History of World
War I and some 30 volumes exploring Canadian-Ameri-
can relations as crucial to the Western Hemisphere.
Professor Shotwell edited both series as director of the
Division of Economics and History of the Carnegie En-
dowment for International Peace. There is no other
such research authority in fields which have taken on
emergent significance in these critical years.
Bryce Professor of the History of International Rela-
tions, he has been a member of the history department
of Columbia University since 1900. That, in a sense, has
been home base for his activities. In 1917-18, he was a
member of "The Inquiry" — the American preparatory
committee for Versailles. In 1918-19, he was chief of the
division of history and member of the International Labor
Legislation Commission at the Peace Conference in Paris.
In 1919, he was American member of the organizing
committee of the International Labor Conference.
•*••»• +
Small wonder that medals from half a dozen govern-
ments attest to such services. Or that he has been called
in as a frequent counselor at Washington in the 1940's.
Clues, also, to why an expert in research, an authority
in fields that occupy the stage of wartime public concern,
he welcomes the opportunity to put the quintessence of
his current thinking before a group of readers who not
only, in the old phrase, "mark and learn," but put their
convictions to work as citizens.
URVEV
GRAPHIC
Magazine of
Interpretation
Published by
Survey Associates
Bridges to the Future
Prosecution of victory is one. Fabrication of enduring peace is another. Between them,
and overlapping them, lies the liquidation of the war which (as in Italy and Greece)
calls for drawing "a frontier between emergency action and long term planning."
A plea for mutual understanding in the process
JAMES T. SHOTWELL
THOUGHTFUL PEOPLE MAY BE DIVIDED INTO
two classes. There are those who are so
sure they are right that they are intol-
erant of other people's opinions. And there
are those who try to understand what
other people are thinking, and why they
are thinking that way.
In the long history of politics, the path-
way of progress is blazed by the inde-
pendent thinker, but the great reforms
are never permanent or secure unless they
are supported by the majority of those
whose lives are affected by them. In or-
der to get started these may have to do
what the doctrinaire regards as comprom-
ising with principle. The practical man
keeps reminding us that the best may
often be the enemy of the good. The
idealist, on the other hand, has an equal-
ly strong case against losing sight of fun-
damentals by yielding too much to the in-
terests of the moment.
This is the statement, in general terms,
of the conflict of ideas which seems to be
emerging at the present time between Euro-
peans and Americans concerning the aims
of war and peace. The question which
confronts us is much greater than that of
the war itself.
That is nothing short of the greatest
reform which has ever been attempted
in the history of civilization — to eliminate
war as an instrument of national policy.
So far-reaching a change in human af-
fairs is not only a challenge to our think-
ing but to our ways of living as well.
Clearly the fortunes of all mankind will
be affected by it. Therefore, while stem-
ming from the idealists who boldly chal-
lenge the future, the change must have
the support as well of those practically-
minded people who have to work it out
in the everyday world of men and nations.
To the Europeans we seem — of all
things — doctrinaire, and to us they seem
to be unduly compromising to the point
of turning back to the old system of power
politics which breeds war. On both sides^
there has been recent evidence of a lack
of confidence in the ultimate purposes of
the other. This is not serious enough to
cause concern over our joint war effort,
for the brutal aggression of Germany and
Japan bring the Allies together in self
defense.
But the fact that the misunderstandings
have political or economic, rather than mil-
itary, significance does not lessen the ur-
gent need to get rid of them.
Can We Win the Peace?
Everyone has come to know that the
results of victory in the first World War
were lost in the peace that followed, and
there is universal concern lest this should
happen again. To prevent a repetition of
that calamity, we must start to deal with
the problem now.
37
There is no better starting point than
the technique of the old masters in di-
plomacy who tried always to put them-
selves in the place of their opponents in
a dispute, so as to understand what were
the real difficulties before them in reach-
ing an agreement. The Europeans need
to know what lies behind our way of
thinking. We need to know the prob-
lems which are uppermost in the minds
of Europeans. If we face the issues hon-
estly upon this basis, we may make prog-
ress.
On the other hand, we can never hope
to make an international organization work
so long as we ignorantly distrust each other
without attempting to understand. Most
people would be ready to accept this dic-
tum to the extent of trying to get the
other person, or the other nation, to un-
derstand our own point of view. That
would only involve our insisting more and
more upon it and arguing more and more
for it. While the method has its advan-
tages, because it tends to clarify our own
thinking, it can never go more than half
way toward international understanding.
The hardest but the most necessary of
all disciplines is to try to see ourselves as
others see us. It can also be rather dis-
concerting.
The chief problems in the international
liquidation of the war are those which
arise from the inescapable responsibilities
of Great Britain, the USSR, and the
United States — in their dealings with the
liberated nations. These are responsibili-
ties for which neither the liberators nor
the liberated are wholly ready, owing to
the continued pressure of war needs.
Our own participation is as yet much
less than that of either Great Britain or
Soviet Russia. As we pass judgment upon
what they have done or are doing in south-
ern or eastern Europe, we should keep
in mind the problems with which we our-
selves will be confronted in the time to
come. Within the limits of this article
it is impossible to single out by way of
illustration more than one fraction of this
large field — the policies of the British gov-
ernment and our relations to them.
Greece an Example
In my opinion, the present British gov-
ernment has made serious blunders in Italy
and Greece, but we should be making an
equally serious blunder if we allowed these
incidents to destroy our confidence in the
good faith of the British people.
I cannot believe that the nation which
gave us Magna Carta and the Bill of
Rights, and which has served as a model
for the free peoples of the European con-
tinent in representative government, is
ready to endorse a political leadership
which would transform the United Na-
tions into a Holy Alliance and prevent the
growth of free governments throughout
Europe.
Temporary intervention in Greece, for
example, to maintain law and order is a
very different thing from the planned
maintenance of foreign control. We our-
selves have intervened in Latin America
upon more than one occasion, and we
are even now making our wishes known
to Argentina in no uncertain terms.
Such policies do not become permanent
in these nations which cherish the principle
of human freedom as 'the very basis of their
way of life.
The opposition to the Churchill policy
is nonetheless real in British labor and lib-
eral circles because they have not risked
voting against the government in wartime.
They all know that the dangers which
confront Great Britain in a world of an-
archy are only in a degree less serious than
those of war itself. For Great Britain can-
not live without foreign trade, and at the
end of this war more than 70 percent
of that trade will be gone, while British
capacity for output will be lessened by
debt and outworn industrial machinery.
A nation, worn out by years of war
and with two thirds of its houses destroyed
or damaged, is anxious for friends who
understand its problems, and Britain has
been looking to us for that friendship.
This is certainly a good base to work from
in building our policies for the liquidation
period.
But on either side mistakes are being
made which, if continued, may have far-
reaching and ruinous consequences for
both nations. For those in both countries
who regard Churchill's way for saving
Britain as a resort to the old method of
power politics, there is a more sensible
way of dealing with it than simply de-
nouncing it as something we do not be-
lieve in.
That way is by planning economic co-
operation with the British and the other
freedom-loving peoples of the world in or-
der to give them a fair chance to recover
a decent way of life. We should do this
in our own interest fully as much as in
theirs.
For we cannot solve our own problem
of postwar employment if the rest of the
world should be shut off from us by
barbed-wire, economic frontiers — as will
certainly be the case if we do not keep
open the two-way street of international
commerce. Foreign trade is not charity,
it is good business; but there cannot be
trade unless customers can afford to buy.
We must offer Britain a chance to rebuild
her export trade and to earn a living.
It would be sheer hypocrisy for us to
preach against political imperialism if we
were to build up an economic imperialism
on the ruins of a wartorn world. The
answer to that would be economic warfare
which might ultimately lead toward another
war. There are tendencies in this coun-
try now toward economic imperialism,
against which we have to be on our guard.
We must not misuse the economic strength
which has made us the most powerful na-
tion in the world. If we do, we shall
pay dearly for our blunders in the years
to come.
The path to follow is that laid down
by Secretary Hull throughout these past
years: international economic cooperation
on fair terms and world markets for our
goods, with equal trading opportunity for
all. The soundest of all policies is that
based upon the interest of the common
man everywhere, who is the consumer as
well as the producer. The goal is a ris-
ing standard of living in America and
throughout the world.
This is but a part of the problem of war
liquidation, but it at least indicates the
need for turning from negative to posi-
tive policies, upon which we may bxiild for
the long future as well.
Four American Trys
Building for the long future still re-
mains the chief interest of the United
States. Our fundamental war aim is the
great reform of the elimination of inter-
national war and we have gone at it in
the very way which might be expected
of us in the light of our past history and
our present situation in the world.
This is our fourth effort at world or-
ganization. The earlier ones were partial
and incomplete, and their failure was not
unexpected by many of us. This time
Americans are in earnest, having learned
by experience.
A glance at past history is essential. First
of all, there were the Hague Conferences
on disarmament, of 1899 and 1907, which
became peace conferences, in a limited way,
on our insistence. True to the traditions
of a federal republic in which the states
and the central government are held to-
gether under a constitutional framework
with a Supreme Court to adjust differences
and guarantee human rights, we sought to
buttress international law by courts, by
judicial settlement of international disputes.
Subsequent history, however, showed that,
valid as it is within definite frontiers, the
judicial settlement of disputes is not a sub-
stitute for war. And our own insistence
upon sovereignty proved to be one of the
strongest obstacles in the development of
this judicial method of ours for interna-
tional organization.
Second, after World War I we imposed
upon the world the splendid architecture
of the League of Nations and then left
it weakened and partly untenanted because
of our own unwillingness to accept the
obligation of peace enforcement as set forth
in the Covenant.
Third, we tried to turn this failure into
a merit by insisting that the Briand-Kel-
logg Pact for the Renunciation of War
should have only moral opinion behind
it, until that far-off day when international
law would be respected by "the public
opinion of mankind."
To other nations, and to many Ameri-
cans as well, this history of frustration has
been a poor introduction to any fourth
try in planning for world peace at the
end of this second World War. But it
also made Secretary Hull's great gesture
at the Moscow Conference of October,
1943, all the more dramatic. And then
came the Moscow Conference, followed a
year later by that of Dumbarton Oaks.
The American Way
Even so, doubts as to America's final
attitude toward the creation of an interna-
tional organization to maintain peace still
lingered, especially in the minds of Euro-
pean observers. They were, therefore, not
a little surprised at the apparent strength
of the movement which developed in the
United States in support of the Organiza-
tion which was to take the place of the
old League of Nations, a movement in
which both political parties participated.
The Europeans have failed to appreciate
that the attitude of the American people
toward the Dumbarton Oaks Agreement is
wholly in line with our way of approach-
ing vast political problems.
Traditionally, Americans first assert, and
then attempt to establish, the great prin-
ciples of human conduct in the confidence
that the details can be taken care of if the
principles are right. If, later on, we some-
times fail to live up to these principles, or
to insure their effective embodiment in in-
stitutions, we are nevertheless insistent
upon proceeding as architects or engineers
so as to have a structure ready and wait-
ing for mankind to enter.
In domestic affairs, the emphasis which
we place upon the Constitution is a case
in point. We make it work not only by
insisting upon the legal framework, but
also by insisting upon the sphere of free-
dom for the individual which is safeguard-
ed by the courts from government inter-
ference. Somehow, we make it work.
As an American, I am bound to share in
38
SURVEY GRAPHIC
this habit of mind and to be proudly aware
of the boldness in design and the sig-
nificance in imaginative conception which
we have contributed to the structure of
international peace. But, at the same time,
the sobering history of past failures to
make good the promises which we have
given the world leads me to pause and
reflect that in part our failure is due to a
too great insistence upon having our own
way, and in part to unwillingness to learn
the reasons why other people think dif-
ferently.
Perhaps the most helpful contribution
we could make, therefore, at this junc-
ture is to try to see just what is in the
mind of other nations with reference to
these plans for permanent peace, and why
there should be variance of opinion or of
planning among peoples who are equally
anxious to safeguard it. For we may find
to our surprise that those who seem to be
turning aside or holding back from the
great enterprise on which we have be-
gun, do so not because of any fundamental
difference of opinion or lack of anxious
hope for peace and security, but for two
reasons which we must try to understand
— if we and the other nations are ever
going to make a world organization work.
Stumbling Blocks
The first impediment to understanding
has already been indicated. It is the un-
certainty in the minds of other peoples
as to how far they can count upon our
remaining steadfast of purpose in the years
to come. This is a matter which cannot
be settled by formal guarantees, for no
one can predict what may happen to us
or to the rest of the world in so rapidly
changing an era. Yet if we do not get
started we shall never have any organi-
zation at all; and unless other nations have
some confidence in our good faith and po-
litical stability, the starting may never take
place. Every great political creation is
an act of faith.
The tragic lesson of the second World
War has been learned by the American
people fully as much as by any other na-
tion. Indeed, to judge by public utter-
ances abroad, we seem to have learned
that lesson somewhat more definitely and
clearly than in the case of Europeans.
There are not many Americans now who
are willing to accept the age-old maxim
that war can be permitted to be the final
argument of nations. The belief that war
is an international crime is, and always
will remain, an American orthodoxy.
Therefore, America's stability of purpose
can be counted upon so long as we are
convinced that the international arrange-
ments to maintain peace will really work
and that our purpose is not being betrayed
by others.
The second impediment to international
understanding at the present time is due
to the fact that the nations which have
been most directly in the path of the war
have other urgent things that must be
done before they are in a position to enter
fully into the long range planning of the
postwar world. The conflagration of this
war has left ruins far beyond anything
we can imagine — viewing it from across
the wide, if narrowing, seas. Not only
has the war destroyed city and country-
side, to a degree unknown since the days
of Attila or Tamerlane, but it has burned
up the souls of men as well. Years lived
under brutal tyranny, in which millions
have been enslaved, have devastated the
moral bases of society and made faith in
a world order of justice and peace seem
like a mirage.
Yet there are millions of sturdy souls
who have survived the ordeal and whose
immediate problem is to restore the sim-
ple, homely activities of daily life. They
have to regain faith in the honesty and
friendship of their next-door neighbors be-
fore they can give undivided attention to
neighboring nations. They have to clear
the ground of the ruins which lie around
them before they can rebuild their homes;
they have to mark out their garden plots
obliterated by the march of armies; and
they have to see to it that law and order
are restored, making headway against the
danger of anarchy due to the lawlessness
ot years of war. It takes time for the
restored governments to become reliable
safeguards of settled life. In the interval,
factional and civic strife is almost inevit-
able.
For these people, the contributions of
UNRRA are not enough. They want the
assurance not only of settled order at
home but of guarantees against aggres-
sion during the period of postwar adjust-
ments. Until these steps are taken, they
are not yet ready to give undivided atten-
tion to long term planning.
To them our interest in a universal or-
ganization for peace and security seems
something like rebuilding a cathedral be-
fore they have homes to live in again
along the city streets. This does not mean
that they have no interest in the archi-
tecture of the structure of peace, for it
will ultimately mean more to them than to
anyone else. But they and their neigh-
bors have old-time quarrels which come to
the fore in situations like these, and will
not yield to mere preaching by those who
do not fully appreciate what is at stake.
Clearing the Air
While this is an over-simplification of
the divergence in interests of Europeans
and Americans in the peace settlement,
it may at least help to clarify oar differ-
ences in approach and so open paths for
real solutions. No fair-minded American
will deny that the European nations which
have suffered most from the second World
War are even more anxious than we are
to avoid a third one. No fair-minded
European can deny the practical bent of
the American mind in the problems of re-
construction.
It is true that militarism has been a
European disease in which innocent na-
tions have been involved along with the
guilty. But that contagion is now burn-
ing itself out, and the chief germ carriers,
the Axis powers, are certain to be ren-
dered harmless for some time to come.
Only when this happens will the inherent
strength of the forces for peace in Eu-
rope have a chance at genuine expression,
and we can certainly count upon it that
they will express themselves in terms simi-
lar to our own.
It is equally clear that Americans will
not confine their future interests in peace
to dogmatic institutionalizing, but will co-
operate wherever possible to restore and
vitalize the life of free nations.
The problem, therefore, which concerns
both the Old World and the New is to
draw the frontier between emergency ac-
tion and long term planning. This fron-
tier, however, is not a clear-cut line but
covers the whole wide area of the liquida-
tion of the war — an area varying in extent
and in time according to the circumstances
of each nation, but everywhere presenting
problems which each in its own way feels
cannot be left for solution to the normal
processes of peacetime political life.
For total war does not end by trum-
pets blowing the order to cease fire on
the field of battle. Few people are so
naive as to believe that a fully panoplied
peace will suddenly take command of a
world that has suffered so much and so
long from force and violence.
The liquidation of the war will there-
fore take place in many different ways.
Some of it will be by mob action or in-
dividual revenge, without the consent of
any government. Some of it will be by
communities acting on their own with lit-
tle regard for the admonitions addressed
to them by governments which have been
in exile throughout most of the conflict.
Some of it will be by these governments
without waiting for, or thinking of, the
opinion of the outside world — mere in-
stinctive reaction to the terrible circum-
stances of the hour. Much of it, however,
will be by responsible governments aware
of their responsibility not only to their
citizens but to the community of nations
as a whole.
The Call for a Positive Policy
Now while this process is going on —
and it will go on because that is the in-
evitable consequence of the greatest crime
in history — what are we to do about it?
The United States will have its political
capacity and maturity tested as never be-
fore. How can we keep an even course
toward our ultimate goal of a lasting peace
with freedom?
Clearly, this calls for a positive policy
on our part with reference to war liqui-
dation— not merely one of fault finding
from a safe distance. We can be helpful
only insofar as other nations will recog-
nize that our concern is friendly and not
based upon a fundamental distrust of them.
To the extent that we distrust them, they
will distrust us.
This does not mean that we should be
the ready dupes of scheming reactionaries,
but it does mean making the effort, first
of all, to understand why other nations
act in the way they do, and not to pre-
judge what they are doing until we really
know the reason why.
FEBRUARY 1945
39
HEALTH-
Today and Tomorrow
MICHAEL M. DAVIS
SLOGANS COME TO MEMORY THAT GO BACK
to early developments in American health
and social work. In contrast, slogans that
strike eye and ear today bring sharper and
broader issues to mind. Take this sequence
over the years:
Wipe out tuberculosis. Buy Christmas
Seals.
Does the grandfather who sneered at
asepsis have a grandson who scoffs at medi-
cal social service? Plug for it, doctor I
All the nation's future's mended — //
mothers and babies are well tended. Put
the Children's Charter to wor\.
Healthy minds ma\e peaceful nations.
Boost mental hygiene in words of two
syllables.
In causes of death, hearts are trumps.
Play the winning cards: Research, Educa-
tion and Care.
Cancer falls more Americans than Hitler.
Fight cancer with bullets of knowledge.
Public health is purchasable. Buy an up-
to-date health department for everybody
everywhere.
Good medical care should be available to
everyone according to need and regardless
of ability to pay. Let's legislate national
health insurance.
All these slogans are still very much alive
but, one might say, the later the live-r. The
younger the hotter. There is a change in
political climate as well as a lapse in years
between "Fight Tuberculosis" and "Health
Security"; between Dr. Herman M. Biggs'
"Public Health Is Purchasable" and Presi-
dent Roosevelt's "Adequate Medical Care
... a Basic Human Right." In the per-
spective of today, a health department in
Survey Graphic must keep its sights on the
focal issue, which is to extend medical care
— without, however, neglecting the outer
circles of the limelight. Moreover technical
interpretation must be infused with the shot-
in-the-arm that brings muscles into action.
The Thirties
A dozen years ago, the American Medical
Association fought a delaying action against
Blue Cross hospital insurance plans as a
dangerous change from the status quo; now
the AMA rallies to them as a bulwark
against presently feared changes. By the
late Thirties, the threat of public action
springing from the National Health Con-
ference (called at Washington by the Inter-
departmental Committee) stimulated some
state medical societies to a positive policy.
Health insurance plans have been set going
since by about twenty of them; but these
mostly limit themselves to surgery and
obstetrics for hospitalized cases and have in
most instances acquired only a handful of
subscribers.
Voluntary health insurance as responsibly
proposed by the Committee on the Costs of
Medical Care was "socialism and commun-
ism" according to Dr. Morris Fishbein in
1932. In the climate of today, voluntary
health insurance is the official AMA way of
salvation, blessed by the same high priest
so long as it is under "medical control"
and so long as it follows the traditional
form of individual practice. Meanwhile,
voluntary health insurance with group
medical practice, dramatized for the nation
in Henry J. Kaiser's great war plants on
the West Coast, offers complete medical
care, and follows a pattern which has been
successful in other industries and a few
cooperative ventures, but which is still op-
posed by "organized medicine."
The Forties
With the Forties, the progressive front
has advanced and widened. 1944 saw liberal
physicians aligning their professional
knowledge with the political weight of
organized labor. 1945 is seeing a revised
Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill in Congress,
going beyond the earlier draft in provisions
to promote the quality of medical care,
assist research, advance hospitalization and
health services in rural areas, and make
decentralized administration more explicit.
In 1944, the Health Program Conference
of physicians and laymen issued its report
on these matters. [Survey Graphic, Decem-
ber 1944, page 491.] In that same year the
American Public Health Association
adopted a progressive national Medical Care
Program. [American Journal of Public
Health, December 1944, page 1252.] When
an editorial in the fournal of the American
Medical Association [October 14, 1944,
page 434] testily called the Public Health
Association to account for not consulting
the national medical body before expressing
views upon a medical question, the public
health leaders held their ground, though
they were too polite to retort: "Yes, many
of us are physicians, but we are also
citizens."
1944 witnessed an aggressive move by
organized medicine on another positive
policy. The National Physicians' Com-
mittee, the propaganda arm of the Amer-
ican Medical Association, came out for
health insurance run by private insurance
companies, and staged two lush meetings
at the Waldorf-Astoria in New York to
hold out bait to the insurance companies
of a half-billion dollars or so of new busi-
ness and to industry of "better labor re-
Barney Stein
MICHAEL M. DAVIS, Associate Editor
The chairman of the Committee on Re-
search in Medical Economics will, from
now on, write regularly for Survey Graphic
in these times
— when Health has become a prime factor
in war — and postwar — developments;
— when conservation of the armed forces
has become part of modern strategy,
spurring both scientific discovery and
advances in preventive and curative
medicine;
— when selective service examinations
again have dramatized the extent of
uncared for disease and defect;
— when physical and mental rehabilita-
tion of discharged servicemen and war
workers is a mounting charge on the
medical professions, on educators and
social workers, industries and com-
munities; and
— when, as pointed out in this initial can-
vass, the Extension of Medical Care
has become a focal issue in public
concern.
Thoroughly conversant in these fields.
Dr. "Davis is a ranking lay consultant on
the organization of medical care.
As director for medical services of the
Julius Rosenwald Fund, he was one of the
initiators in the late '20s of the Com-
mittee on the Costs of Medical Care which,
under the chairmanship of Dr. Ray Lyman
Wilbur (then Secretary of the Interior in
the Hoover Administration), canvassed the
whole terrain.
His most recent contribution was as
chairman of the Health Program Confer-
ence, made up of physicians and lay ex-
perts, which has presented "Principles of a
Nation-Wide Health Program." These he
interpreted in Survey Graphic for Decem-
ber.
Our association with him, however, goes
back to 1927-28, when we brought out a
series of articles in which he broke original
ground as director of the Committee on
Dispensary Development, New York.
His monthly department will review
events and point up issues as he sees them,
whether embedded in old mind-sets and
time worn neglect or revealed in plans for
voluntary agencies and proposals for legis-
lation. More, it will be his province, in
collaboration with the staff of Survey
Associates, to develop for new times our
coverage of Health — Today and Tomorrow.
40
SURVEY GRAPHIC
lations" (especially less unionism). The
meetings were just as frank as that.
In 1944, the committee seems to have
raised about $300,000, about half from
physicians and medical organizations, the
remainder mostly from the drug business. It
now appeals for $500,000 a year for three
years for its double-barreled campaign — to
push its favored brands of health insurance
on the one side, and on the other side to
fight the Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill with
such slogans as
"Political Medicine"
"The Socialization of Medical Practice in
the United States."
Thus has this issue of the 1940's been
shrewdly misconstrued in fifteen million
copies of one pamphlet, in weekly releases
to 12,000 publications, in uncounted meet-
ings and broadcasts, and in the well-im-
pelled personal propaganda of individual
physicians to their patients and their con-
gressmen. So far, this campaign proceeds
without blushing or concealment.
California — As a Test Tube
"I am a student nurse," said a letter
coming to me the first working day of
1945, "and in my social problem class, I
was asked to find out the present status
of socialized medicine. Please tell me what
it is."
An answer to this maiden's prayer came
on the same date — a December 29 copy of
the San Francisco News, headlined across
the front page:
"Gov. WARREN ASKS COMPULSORY
HEALTH PLAN."
"I am not for socialized medicine," the
governor declared, "where doctors are put
on the public payrolls and care is paid for
from government funds. I don't believe in
that system. ... I do want to spread the
costs of medical care by compulsory con-
tributions of workers and industry, both
of whom would be beneficiaries."
During the past six months I have been
asked at least a dozen times to debate
"socialized medicine." Most often the re-
quests are from a woman's club or a student
society that is as naive on the subject as
the young nurse and her "social problem"
teacher. Sometimes the invitation is from
a group that would like to put the liberal
side into a false position. Governor Warren
defines socialized medicine for what it is —
an issue of no importance in the United
States because, like sin in Calvin Coolidge's
philosophy, everybody's against it. To those
who see pink in any fresh green landscape
and who find facts difficult weapons,
"socialized medicine" is a useful bludgeon,
knobbed with epithets and stuffed with
emotion.
Why does the Republican governor of
California corne out now for compulsory
health insurance, about which the American
Medical Association continues to say hard
words?
For the past twenty years and more, this
state of contrasts and surprises has had
fuller experience than any state with varied
plans of voluntary health insurance, and
has had plenty of controversy to dramatize
them. In California as elsewhere, it is likely
that for every member a voluntary health
insurance plan enrolls, at least one or two
converts are made for the idea of health
insurance in general — converts who can't
or won't join the voluntary plan. Com-
pulsory health insurance bills have been
hardy perennials in the California legisla-
ture, blossoming every few years but thus
far always nipped before fruiting by the
California Medical Association and its allies.
Four years ago this state medical society
set up the California Physicians Service, a
non-profit, wholly owned subsidiary which
has enrolled about one percent of the popu-
lation of the state for very limited medical
and surgical services. Also, through a restive
partnership with government, it has en-
rolled a lately decreasing number in some
war housing projects. Last winter a public
opinion poll, sponsored by the state society,
found (in the words of its official reporter):
-"that 50 percent of the citizens (of
California) are definitely in favor of federal
medicine;
-"that 34 percent are against it; and
— "that 16 percent haven't as yet made
up their minds."
Organized labor makes its first choice a
national plan, but will push a state plan if
Congress delays. Shocked by its own survey,
the embattled California doctors put forth
a conference committee, meeting with labor,
in the attempt to work out a mutually
acceptable plan. What would be acceptable
to the Society? If compulsory health in-
surance has to be, let it be a plan which the
doctors would run through their California
Physicians Service. The price of medical
acquiescence in "compulsion" would be
medical control over administration.
A meeting of the Society's House of
Delegates on January 5 condemned com-
pulsory health insurance. But the governor
had already spoken.
However, it may be inferred that Gov-
ernor Warren saw an opportunity to make
political capital by coming out earlier for
a public measure which will certainly have
large popular support. Labor will be behind
it in principle, and the medical society
will doubtless work with Governor War-
ren on the details of a bill. Meanwhile,
labor is introducing its own bill. So the
pot will boil!
Other states, and especially New York,
present suggestive though as yet obscured
parallels. In New York, organized labor
is politically influential and wants com-
pulsory health insurance. The state medical
society is well organized, well financed,
fearful, shrewdly led, and in every way but
in official commitment supported Governor
Dewey and fought Roosevelt and Senator
Wagner in the last election. The governor
•has appointed a State Medical Care Com-
mission having a broad mandate and due
to report in 1946. In that year, the governor
and most of the legislature will face a state
election. By 1945, assuming no national
health program supervenes, it remains to
be seen what medical-labor-political align-
ments in New York will give most to
whom.
California's experience especially supports
n generalization based on much other evi-
dence. Ihe policy ot the medical
that have been active in medical-economic
matters, has developed in three stages. Flat
opposition has been the first. Delaying
action is the second. The third stage is
represented by the well-tested American
adage, "If you can't lick 'em, join "em."
The third stage is infiltration into admin-
istration.
In national affairs, as well as in Cali-
fornia, the signs are already up that the
third stage is upon us. There is reason to
believe that many physicians disapprove
policies of obstruction, delay, and intrigue.
In the past, few have expressed themselves
openly, but the Physicians Forum and the
Committee of Physicians for the Improve-
ment of Medical Care have shown the way.
Wartime Needs and Moves
The triumphs of military medicine in
this war, with unprecedented records of con-
trolling disease and rehabilitating the
wounded, have made as profound an im-
pression on the public mind, on the one
side, as the rejection of over four million
young men for diseases and defects has
made on the other. It is anybody's guess
what effect these experiences will have upon
popular — and particularly veterans' — atti-
tudes toward medical care in postwar years.
The critical shortage of doctors in many
war areas and the sharp increase in the
long standing rural shortage, have found
us as yet unready to take effective action.
Any considerable action would be difficult
anyway until medical demobilization from
the armed forces begins. Unless plans are
ready for attracting doctors to the places
that need them at that time, most of the
young doctors will seek opportunity in the
cities which already have the largest ratio
of physicians in proportion to population.
Wartime has witnessed an "efficiency
reorganization" of the U. S. Public Health
Service which should help it carry growing
responsibilities. A major forward step was
the formation of a Tuberculosis Division
within the Service, with money enough to
help states and localities establish needed
sanatoria and other services. The National
Tuberculosis Association and its branches
supported this bill in Congress. As the
national program gets into action, the vol-
untary tuberculosis agencies will need to
adjust their own educational and service
programs to it.
During 1945 it is estimated that about a
half million wives and babies of enlisted
men will be cared for under the national
"Emergency Maternity and Infant Care
Program." The Children's Bureau of the
U. S. Department of Labor, which ad-
ministers it, has weathered a series of medi-
cal attacks and held congressional support.
A vast expansion of medical care and
rehabilitation for servicemen is certainly
ahead, throwing responsibilities upon the
Veterans Administrations' hospitals and
clinics such as will justify every effort to
test and improve the quality of these serv-
ices. A national program of physical re-
habilitation of handicapped civilians has
been started, with federal grants to state
agencies. Medical rehabilitation of 4-F's at
national expense may be undertaken if the
FEBRUARY 1945
41
war and the manpower shortage last long
enough. The extreme shortage of psychi-
atrists and psychiatric social workers for
military and civilian service has been
brought out by experts, but has not yet
been translated into terms appreciable by
the general public.
The Blue Cross hospital insurance plans
have reached their year of largest growth —
over three million additional members in
1944 — bringing their total in the United
States to over sixteen million beneficiaries.
Sharing the fears of the medical societies
as to encroachment by government action.
Blue Cross seeks further expansion more
militantly than ever.
The American Hospital Association
sponsors Blue Cross, opposes compulsory
insurance by government action, but would
like government funds (local, state, and
federal) to pay hospitals for the care of
indigent persons. The association has set
up a national Commission on Hospital
Care, an independent body with funds from
several foundations, which is now begin-
ning a two-year study of hospital needs and
ways of meeting them throughout the
United States. This year the association
sponsors a bill in Congress to aid local
areas, through the states, to construct or
improve hospitals after careful state studies
have determined the places of need. Thus
the hospital bodies are now furthering sev-
eral positive programs of both voluntary
and governmental action.
Across the Atlantic and Back
Overseas, Great Britain moves with de-
liberation and assurance toward a National
Health Service. "Our policy," declared
Winston Churchill almost a year ago, "is
to create a National Health Service in order
to ensure that everybody in the country,
irrespective of means, age, sex or occupa-
tion, shall have equal opportunities to bene-
fit from the best and most up-to-date
medical and allied services available."
The objections raised at the British
Medical Association's meeting in December
to the Government's White Paper are less
to principles than to methods of administra-
tion and are to be interpreted, in large part,
as preparing the best bargaining position
in forthcoming negotiations with the gov-
ernment.
A not inconsiderable section of British
medical men favor a completely salaried
state service. This minority is vocal because,
unlike the Journal of the American Medical
Association, the British Medical Journal
opens its columns to dissenting views and
every week publishes opinions of all shades.
The contrasting practice in the United
States has been criticized by Dr. Allen
Butler of Harvard Medical School in these
words:
"... the societies representing so-called
organized medicine permit the public ex-
pression of no minority opinion. The
majority opinion is considered the unani-
mous opinion. Unfortunately this restriction
of minority opinion inhibits considered dis-
cussion and the development of sound
progressive thought."
On this side of the Atlantic, Canada's
national health insurance bill, introduced
by the government and approved in prin-
ciple by the Canadian Medical Association,
was reported out of committee last fall after
elaborate hearings. Delay in action is likely
because of war conditions. Meanwhile, sev-
eral of the provinces are working on their
own bills. In Canada, compulsory health
insurance is not called socialized medicine.
The differences of opinion about the bill
are not basic political cleavages as with us,
but concern such matters as coverage, ad-
ministration, the amount and allocation of
costs.
Perhaps it is because of exposure to the
Gulf Stream of progressive British influence
that our northern neighbor has a more
temperate medical climate than ours.
Here in the USA
What way of getting and paying for
medical care do the American people want?
Public opinion polls are beginning to probe
the question. Such a poll by the National
Opinion Research Center of Denver, publi-
cized last October, told us:
that 68 percent of the people "think it
would be a good idea for social security to
cover doctor and hospital care"; and
that "58 percent still think it a good idea
if 2l/2 percent were taken out of people's
pay checks instead of the present one per-
cent."
In contrast, the National Physicians' Com-
mittee's own poll, six months earlier, came
out with nearly opposite findings and a
mass of prejudicial questions and comment.
But the California poll tends to support
that of the Denver agency, as did much
earlier polls by Fortune and others. Several
state medical societies now have polls in
progress. Thus far, we have learned that at
least with a subject as complex, technical,
and emotionalized as medical care, the way
you bait your questions has a lot to do with
the kind of fish you catch.
One story the polls surely tell: The issues
of medical care have become public issues.
In the past twenty years they have moved
from the library to the committee room,
from the committee room to the forum,
from the forum to legislative chambers. On
all these levels today, in all sorts of private
and public agencies all over the land, action
is taking place, experience accumulating,
patterns evolving.
As to prognosis, it may be that the acts
and expressions of experienced public men,
whose political fortunes are at stake, will
supply a better index than polls as to the
trend of populer sentiment and the balance
of conflicting forces. Watch California, New
York, and the two focal points on Pennsyl-
vania Avenue in the Nation's Capital.
THESE PUBLIC ENEMIES
MEAN BUSINESS!.'
VENEREAL PISEASES
STRIKE RUTHLESSLY
-KILL ANP INJURE
THOU SAN PS EACH YEAR.
HELP STAMP OUT THESE
HOME-FKOHTEHfMI£Sl
.. .VISIT YOUR DOCTOR OR
NEAREST HEALTH CENTER FOR
LITER ATURE £ I N FORMATION.
New York City Department of Health poster, the first on venereal diseases to be accepted for
use in the city's street cars and buses. A familiar comic strip figure conveys the message
42
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Volunteers, working in two shifts, got seven and a half million ration books to California citizens in record time
Joe Doakes, Patriot
He is 4-F because he made a mistake. Just the same, behind bars at San
Quentin he is fighting his country's battles with everything he's got.
IT ISN'T HIS REAL NAME, OF COURSE. HE Dis-
graced that, long ago, and he is only a
number now, one of some 3,500 inmates
of the overcrowded California State Prison
at San Quentin.
But Joe Doakes is something else besides
a burglar, a pickpocket, a confidence man,
or what have you in the criminal line. He
is also an American. He can't get out and
fight. He earns practically nothing. Yet here
is just a part of what he and the others in
this prison have done since Pearl Harbor:
Woven by hand, with speed and com-
petency far ahead of civilian units, hun-
dreds of huge anti-submarine nets; braided
scores of rope ship fenders, a highly skilled
process; reconditioned and assembled
flanges, valves, and other machinery for
naval vessels; manufactured thousands of
mattress covers and pillow cases for the
army and navy; reclaimed hundreds of
tons of rubber and metal covered copper
wire and cable salvaged from damaged
warships; produced thousands of steel com-
partment feeding trays for the navy; trim-
med thirty Christmas trees for Hamilton
Field General Hospital; made hundreds of
model planes for pre-flight training of army
and navy pilots; produced a multitude of
splints, stretchers, and other supplies for
the Red Cross. In all, they have manufac-
tured war materials to the value of $2,550,-
000. Thirty inmates have received National
Service Emblems from the government.
The WPB has named San Quentin as the
No. 1 prison in volume of war production.
There are stories attached to some of
MIRIAM ALLEN deFORD
these activities. For example: the jute mill,
which used to make burlap grain bags for
farmers, was considered a hell-hole by the
men. All "fish" — newcomers — had to serve
at least a year in it- — hard work, noisy ma-
chines, air full of lint. It was a great day
when a man was transferred to another
shop, a punishment to be sent back. But
when the WPB allowed the prison to take
on a contract for rovings and string to be
•made into rope for war use, and an appeal
was made for 400 men to volunteer to
man the jute mill to capacity, 600 asked
to be assigned to this toughest spot in the
prison.
Hundreds of men have been paroled to
shipyards and other war industries and to
the merchant marine, sailing into combat
zones. Hundreds more are now training at
San Quentin in welding, shipfitting, marine
electrical installation, and marine cooking
and baking, to prepare them for war work
after parole. Recently, by an arrangement
with the International Association of Ma-
— By a well known journalist and author,
a former Philadelphian who for some
years has made her home in San Fran-
cisco. Miss deFord (in private life Mrs.
Maynard Shipley) contributes articles,
stories, and verse to current magazines,
and is the author of several books, in-
cluding "They Were San Franciscans,"
a volume of biographical sketches, and
"Who Was When? A Dictionary of
Contemporaries."
chinists (AFL), men trained as machinists
for war plants will be paroled or released
as full-fledged journeymen.
Five hundred men helped harvest Cali-
fornia's vital food crops in 1943; 350 more
fought forest fires at risk of their lives. This
past year — on urgent request of farmers
and forest wardens — both harvest and for-
estry camps were reopened and again fully
manned. Many of these men had never
left the prison since they entered it, years
before, and escape would have been easy
— but no one tried to escape. Once an emer-
gency call came at night. A hundred men
volunteered to go 300 miles by bus to fight
a raging forest fire.
Every Literate Man Pitches In
The most spectacular job Joe Doakes
and his fellow-inmates have done thus far
was putting out War Radon Book No. 3
to every citizen of California.
Seven and a half million ration books,
worth $2,400,000,000, came to San Quentin
under armed guard, with a motorcycle po-
lice escort. There they were turned over to
convicted forgers, thieves, and highway
robbers. The OPA had allowed 3 percent
for errors; the errors made were exactly
1/2,000 of one percent. Once a single book
was mislaid. The men worked all night
until it was found, wrongly filed.
The OPA allowed 58 days for the job. It
took just 43. An inmate director and his
inmate assistant worked out an entirely new
way of handling the job, and proved it
(Continued on page 46)
FEBRUARY 1945
Making bunks for the navy
i
Weaving huge anti-submarine nets
Building assault boats for the armed forces
How San Quentin earned the title of
No. 1 prison in volume of war pro-
duction and turned out essential ma-
terials valued at £2,550,000.
Printing emergency signs
Braiding rope fenders for ships
far superior to the one the OPA had estab-
lished. No wonder the OPA cited them.
Practically every literate man in San
Quentin was used on this giant unpaid
task — every one a volunteer. In many cases
men worked a day shift on the ration books
and then volunteered to do a swing shift
also. The inmate workers in the prison
offices, trained office workers, volunteered
for work on the night shift, carrying on
their regular jobs all day then working on
the radon books from 6 P.M. to midnight.
The end result was a record for the entire
country.
One human interest story that came out
of the ration book servicing is too remark-
able not to be told. Here it is in the words
of the prisoners' own paper.
"A man on a prolonged drunken spree
found, when he finally became sober, that
his wife and two children had left him —
and he was in jail for cashing worthless
checks. Sentenced to prison, the first year
dragged by. He was unable to locate his
family — finally gave up trying.
"When the OPA ration book project
began here, he was one of the first to vol-
unteer. He worked faithfully, and for long
hours, each day. He had been working
over a month, when, one day, on top of a
pile of applications on his table was an
envelope addressed in familiar handwrit-
ing. He stared, unbelieving — then tore open
the envelope.
"The signature on the application was
that of his wife; the dependents' names,
those of his children.
"He wrote to his wife, begged forgive-
ness. It was given. Today he is a parolee,
reunited with his loved ones, making good."
The Best They Can Do
Up to date, Joe and the rest of the San
Quentin men have bought more than $525,-
000 worth of war bonds and stamps. In
every drive they have doubled the quota
set for them. Only the men in the camps
earn money, and all they get is 50 cents a
day above living expenses. All the money
men within the prison walls have is from
the sale of small objects through their
Hobby Shop, or what is sent them by rela-
tives or friends to buy tobacco, candy, and
such small luxuries.
Those who cannot buy bonds or stamps
pledge a pint of blood to the mobile unit
of the Red Cross Blood Bank which visits
the prison regularly. Here is the pledge
form they use:
"A Wounded Soldier
Any Front
Dear Soldier:
Separately, in care of the American Red
Cross, I am sending you a pint of my blood.
I would like to be fighting beside you,
but I am a 4-F so this is the best I can do
for you.
The 4-F is because I made a mistake, but
my mind and body are sound and my heart
and blood are definitely 1-A.
I hope you will be able to come home
soon — home to all of us who admire and
respect you.
Until then, I'll send you my blood every
time I have a chance.
Name No. "
Up to the time of writing, some 1,500
inmates have given nearly 3,000 pints of
blood. Many of them donate regularly every
eight weeks. Several men already belong
to the "gallon club"— eight pints. The Red
Cross has awarded San Quentin a certificate
of appreciation.
Besides war bonds and stamps, San
Quentin men paid for 260,000 cigarettes in
the "Smokes for the Yanks" drive — paid,
in most cases, by going without cigarettes
themselves. They bought a station wagon
for the San Rafael Chapter of the Red
Cross and they subscribed nearly $600 to
the last March of Dimes. "Give up seven
ice cream bars, or two jars of peanut butter,
or a couple of packs of cigs," pleaded the
prison paper, The San Quentin News. So
they did.
Men who had no relatives to name as
beneficiaries on bonds, for the most part
Warden Duffy, whom prisoners applaud
named the Army and Navy Relief Society
or the Shriners' Hospital for Crippled Chil-
dren. Several named Alcoholics Anony-
mous, which has a flourishing branch at
San Quentin. A Chinese inmate chose Mme.
Chiang Kai-shek. Jim, who is serving a
lot of time for multiple bigamy, bought
four $25 bonds, and named a different
wife as beneficiary of each!
But the pay-off in bond beneficiaries may
be credited to Charles, who is in San Quen-
tin because he passed a $50 rubber check
on a Los Angeles barkeep. Came the war
— and this same saloonkeeper found him-
self convicted of subversive activities, given
a stiff prison sentence, and ordered to be
deported to his native Germany after the
war. So Charles decided to repay his debt.
He bought a $50 bond and sent it to the
seditionist, with an accompanying note:
"When you arrive in Berlin there will be
plenty of Americans there who will gladly
cash this for you."
One elderly inmate, an Italian by birth,
put his entire life's savings of $4,500 into
war bonds; and it was honest money,
earned by hard work before he went wrong.
He has two sons in the service, one per-
manently injured at Pearl Harbor. Many
of these men who have bought bonds to
the limit of their capacity, who are work-
ing their heads off on camouflage nets or
assault boats or rope cargo slings, who
respond instantly to every appeal for vol-
unteers for the hardest, dirtiest, most dan-
gerous tasks, have sons or brothers now
serving overseas.
But even those who have not, know bet-
ter than most men what freedom means.
They are eager to work for it, to have a
chance to fight and die for it. They may
not always have been good citizens. But
today they are good Americans.
Changing "the Joint"
One man has changed San Quentin from
one of the worst prisons in America to
one of the very best. He is the warden,
Clinton T. Duffy. Mr. Duffy is the son of
a prison guard, brought up in San Quentin
and familiar with it from childhood. The
men feel sincerely that he is their friend;
recently, when he returned from a session
of the National Prison Congress, there was
spontaneous applause when he appeared in
the yard. His weekly column in the well-
edited prison paper, The San Quentin News,
is a model of man-to-man frankness and
fairness. Under his administration, the
whole spirit of the prison has altered.
Here is a sample: A Negro boy, sudden-
ly taken ill, collapsed in the line of in-
mates waiting in heavy rain to go to the
mess hall. Instantly the man next him, a
total stranger, whipped off his raincoat and
threw it over the boy until he was taken
to the hospital. An old timer, watching the
scene, said to no one in particular, "This
joint has sure changed!"
In the four years since Mr. Duffy became
warden, the dungeon and the notorious
"spot" in the solitary confinement section
have been abolished, and all corporal pun-
ishment went with them. An Inmates' De-
partmental Representative Committee has
been established, which encourages initia-
tive and suggestions by inmates; a recent
contest (with prizes in canteen cards) for
the best suggestions for use of the war
bonds bought by the men brought forth
hundreds of letters. Motion pictures are
shown weekly, and radio headphones have
been installed in inmates' quarters. There
are regular programs, including question-
answering by the warden, over this "Grey
Network." The inmates' own weekly radio
program of music and information is about
to start its sixth series over the Mutual
Network, on a national hook-up.
All this is in addition to the war mate-
rial contracts, the establishment of the har-
vest and forestry camps, the expansion of
educational, athletic, health, and religious
activities, the building up of the weekly
News and the immense improvement in
the meals, once a prime source of trouble.
Whether it is in the rehabilitation of a
discouraged man by means of plastic sur-
gery, the fostering of an active branch of
Alcoholics Anonymous, or the encourage-
ment of a flourishing Hobby Shop where
men may sell the things they make in
spare hours, the influence of Warden Duffy
is felt everywhere in San Quentin. But
surely he has done no greater thing than
to help Joe Doakes to realize himself as a
patriotic American.
46
SURVEY GRAPHIC
On the Calendar of Our Consciences
The promise — and the pitfalls — we confront in drafting anti-discriminatory
legislation that will square with principles we have held aloft in the war.
ON THE EARLY ORDER OF BUSINESS, NOT ONLY
of the new Congress but of the grist of
legislatures meeting this year, is the call for
measures to outlaw discrimination —
whether in employment or in union mem-
bership— on account of race, color, creed
or national origin.
Creative proposals to establish such a
legal basis for carrying over into industrial
relations the standards acclaimed in our
Bill of Rights failed of enactment in 1944.
This was true under both a Democratic
administration at Washington and a Re-
publican administration at Albany.
In New York, the passage of such a law
now appears certain in 1945. In his mes-
sage in January, Gov. Thomas E. Dewey
heralded the legislation which has since
been submitted by the Temporary State
Commission Against Discrimination. "The
need for action in this field of human rela-
tions," he declared, "is imperative."
Whether other states — Pennsylvania and
Illinois are examples — will follow suit de-
pends, to a large extent, upon the coordi-
nated efforts of their minority groups —
church, liberal, and labor.
Federal enactment in 1945 hangs, in
turn, on active interest among these same
groups the country over. Representative
Charles La Follette (R. Ind.) introduced in
the House on January 3 a bill to make the
Fair Employment Practice Committee a
permanent agency. While Director of War
Mobilization James F. Byrnes failed to men-
tion the necessity for such an agency in
his New Year's Day statement on man-
power, PM's Washington bureau later told
of a conference between the President and
Chairman Malcolm Ross of the FEPC in
which Mr. Roosevelt was reported to have
held that the passage of this bill is "impera-
tive."
On the congressional stage, however, the
prospect is clouded by bitter opposition
among not a few representatives of south-
ern states and by likely recourse to filibuster
in the Senate.
This drive for legislation registers mount-
ing American concern to reconcile a deep
spiritual conflict between our ideals and
our practices. It confronts, also, practical
obstacles in attempting to secure adequate
machinery for coping with a complex eco-
nomic situation.
Americans Face Our Dilemma
Under the impact of war and resistance
to the Nazi creed of racial superiority, we
have come to recognize the existence of
what Gunnar Myrdal has described as "An
American Dilemma." That is the title of
his own concluding volume, crystallizing
the comprehensive survey of "The Negro
in American Life" carried out under the
JUSTINE and SHAD POLIER
— By a justice of the Domestic Relations
Court of New York. Judge Justine Wise
Polier saw earlier service as counsel to
the City's Emergency Relief Bureau and
as referee in the Workmen's Compensa-
tion Division of the State Department of
Labor. And
— By a specialist in administrative law,
who has recently returned to private
practice from federal service as director
of enforcement of the Fuel, Automotive
and Consumer Durable Goods Division,
Office of Price Administration.
In this article, the authors — who in
private life are Mr. and Mrs. Shad
Polier — focus their insight and experi-
ence on a momentous and developing
field in applied democracy.
sponsorship of the Carnegie Corporation.
This distinguished Swedish scholar,
chosen as director of the study for the
very detachment of his approach, exposes
the root problem in our treatment of all
minority groups. We shall never again be
unmindful that, as he puts it, this is "a
problem in the heart of the American. It
is there the decisive struggle goes on."
Mr. Myrdal drives home that the Amer-
ican dilemma is the ever-raging conflict be-
tween our American creed of liberty and
equality, of justice and fair opportunity for
everybody — and our everyday conduct and
feelings. In varying degrees, in different
communities, he found this conflict raging
within Americans, no less tfyan between
Americans. It does not concern the Negro
alone. All minority groups are involved:
here Jews; there Catholics; elsewhere
Mexicans; and so on.
The war has sharpened our sense of this
conflict. We have seen on a worldwide
screen how hatred and war are bred by the
destruction, subjugation or humiliation of
human beings by reason of race or color,
creed or national origin; how they threaten
the well-being of people everywhere. Our
sense of guilt is deepened because in fight-
ing the war our country had need for all
Americans; has called to them; and has
received their vigor and skills in industry,
their valor on the battlefront. We realize
that in mustering and waging war we have
given our promise, implicit if not explicit,
that the United States means to live up to
its creed.
New York a Testing Ground
While by no means entirely typical of
the situation elsewhere, significance is to be
found in considering the attitudes of the
people of New York State and efforts there
to ban discrimination. To be found, also,
in scanning alternative bills offered for their
consideration in 1944 and in 1945 and the
reception accorded these. At the same
time, analyses of recent public opinion polls
throw light nationally on the attitudes of
white Americans toward Negroes; and
light, also, on the old controversy as to the
relative merits of education vs. legislation
as means for bringing improvement about.
There is increasing evidence that public
opinion in New York today is determined
that the problem of discrimination shall be
dealt with firmly. The ghosts of riots in
Harlem have never been laid. Nor have
sensational newspaper accounts obscured
the fact that at the bottom of such clashes
lie disparities in economic opportunity.
New York City itself, like several other
large urban communities, might almost be
said to be made up of minority groups,
each having a vital stake in eliminating
discrimination. Whatever their competitive
drives for self-preferment, they have come
to recognize their common helplessness
without the intervention of government.
These conditions are not new. Over the
years, piecemeal laws have been enacted by
the New York legislature prohibiting dis-
crimination in state and municipal employ-
ment. More recently public utilities have
been placed in the same category. Dis-
crimination has been "outlawed" in hotels,
theaters, stores, and other establishments
which hold themselves out to serve the
public.
In a few instances, individuals have
been aggressive enough to press these rights
by suits at law only to be awarded amounts
so small as to rob them of even token sig-
nificance. Violations of legislatively de-
clared civil rights have gone unchecked
because of an utter lack of machinery to
cope with them. Violators of these rights
have regarded the laws as a nuisance, the
risk of prosecution or suit as simply an-
other expense of doing business. Mean-
while, there has been resort to subterfuges
which achieve the appearance of non-dis-
crimination while still accomplishing the
opposite result.
First Drafts — As Yardsticks
Against this background, two bills were
prepared by a distinguished committee of
citizens appointed by Governor Dewey un-
der the chairmanship of Alvin Johnson,
director of The New School. Last spring,
one bill proposed establishment of a bureau
in the office of the State Attorney General,
to investigate violations of the anti-discrim-
ination statutes already in existence, to hold
public hearings and to prosecute violators.
Coming to grips with fundamentals, a
second bill was drawn so as to
— declare the opportunity to obtain em-
ployment, without discrimination because
FEBRUARY 1945
47
of race, color, creed or national origin, to
be a civil right;
— declare illegal any discrimination in
employment or union membership on such
account;
• — prohibit employment agencies from
participating in such illegal practices;
— establish a commission to administer
these newly declared civil rights.
This bill was grounded on the precedents
established in federal and state Labor Re-
lations Acts which provide for protection of
wage earners in their right to organize and
bargain collectively. Let us look at the
pattern. Under it, the commission would
have been empowered not only to hold
hearings upon complaints of discrimination
but, if it found the charges sustained, to
issue remedial orders enforceable in the
courts. To that end the commission would
have been authorized to require both the
cessation of the discriminatory conduct and
the correction of the injury already done.
Persons denied employment, discharged, or
refused promotion could be ordered hired,
reinstated, or advanced — and given wages
lost as a result of their employers' -illegal
conduct.
Similarly, the commission would have
been empowered to order a union to cease
refusing membership because of a worker's
race, color, creed or national origin, and
could require the elimination of Jim Crow
locals. Failure to obey the order of the
commission, when backed by a court de-
cree, was to be made a contempt and, there-
fore, punishable by fine or imprisonment.
To the disappointment of many citizens,
Governor Dewey declined to support the
bills without further study. Resignations
from the committee followed and, with
legislative sanction, he appointed a Tem-
porary State Commission Against Discrim-
ination under the chairmanship of Irving
M. Ives, majority leader of the Assembly,
who for seven years has been chairman of
the New York State Joint Legislative Com-
mittee on Industrial and Labor Relations.*
The Second Drafts
At a series of committee hearings held
by the new Temporary Commission, be-
ginning in December, the public was given
an opportunity to criticize or endorse drafts
of "tentative proposals" for legislation.
The two proposals followed in general
the lines laid down by the governor's earlier
committee. Certain variations, however,
introduced serious administrative defects.
Thus, in what might be termed the At-
torney General Bill, the provision for a
separate bureau in his office was eliminated.
This would avoid budgetary responsibility
and no staff of specialists would be created
who could truly make the enforcement of
these civil rights a state no less than a
county concern. Moreover, the right of the
*Sec "Blazing New Legislative Trails," by Phillips
Bradley Survey Graphic, May 1944.
TWO FRIENDS AWARD
The National Urban League has established a new award to be bestowed periodically upon in-
dividuals who have made outstanding contributions in promoting interracial good will. The
award will be in the form of a portrait medal of L. Hollingsworth Wood and Eugene Kinckle
Jones — a tribute to the long and productive association of these two men, one white, the other
Negro, in the league's work.
The photograph shows the president of the league, William H. Baldwin, holding the mas-
ter medal; and, left to right, the Negro sculptor, Richmond Barthe, who made the design,
Mr. Wood and Mr. Jones.
Attorney General to prosecute was made
conditional upon his finding that a local
district attorney had refused or was un-
able to institute criminal proceedings. This
would basically weaken enforcement. To
provide that an Attorney General must first
supersede local authorities might well, as a
matter of practical politics, mean that he
would seldom act at all.
In what might be termed the Unfair
Employment Practice Bill (far the more
important of the two drafts) the oppor-
tunity to obtain employment without dis-
crimination because of race, creed, color, or
national origin was recognized as a civil
right and declared to be such.
The draft forbade discriminatory employ-
ment practices based on race, color, creed
or national origin on the part of private
employers, employment agencies, and labor
unions. (Unfortunately, exempted from
this prohibition were social clubs, fraternal,
charitable, educational, and religious asso-
ciations or corporations not organized for
private profit, farmers not employing more
than three employes and employers of
domestics.)
A State Commission Against Discrimina-
tion was provided for to receive, investigate,
and pass on complaints alleging such dis-
crimination. It was also authorized to create
citizen advisory agencies and conciliation
councils local or otherwise; these to be com-
posed of citizens serving without pay to aid
in effectuating the purpose of the proposed
legislation. The commission might empower
such bodies to study the problems of dis-
crimination • in all or specific fields of
human relations and to foster through com-
munity effort good will between various
groups in the population.
To the extent that this constituted a rec-
ognition of the need for education and citi-
zen action at the local level it was sound.
However, the permissive note and vague
language employed as to the powers of such
councils left much to be desired even by
those who believe that education and action
in communities should be under the direc-
tion of the permanent Commission Against
Discrimination.
Among the unfair employment practices
forbidden to employers or employment
agencies were discriminations in any aspect
of the employment relationships — question-
ing job applicants about their race, color,
creed or national origin, publishing dis-
criminatory help-wanted ads — or discrimi-
nating because any person has opposed any
unlawful employment practice or has as-
sisted in any proceeding under the Act.
Labor organizations were forbidden to
exclude or expel from membership, or to
discriminate in any way against any of their
members because of their race, creed, color
or national origin.
Some Flaws
In its proposed form the draft, however,
included administrative provisions that
seriously threaten the effectiveness of the
proposed legislation. The following are the
most significant:
1. Both National and New York State
(Continued on page 78)
48
SURVEY GRAPHIC
gr
w*w^**"
Lee for FSA
Men gather at the neighborhood bar for sociability, for "a quick one," sometimes linger to "have another," and another —
Roads to Alcoholism
A psychiatrist tells what alcoholism is, and what social pressures — of sex,
background, occupation, personality — cause a human being to drink to excess.
WHEN OLD FRIENDS MEET AFTER A LONG
separation, they do not celebrate, as they
reminisce nostalgically, by drinking some
chloral together. There is no song which
honors in a lusty chorus the stimulating
charms of strychnine. Men do not brag
of the amount of aspirin they can take with-
out reeling around the room or stuporously
slipping under the table. No one tells his
friends with pride that he was slightly sick,
in fact somewhat "stinko," the night before
because he swallowed too many pheno-
barbitals. Ships are not launched by break-
ing bottles of chloroform upon their bows;
nor are the kings, presidents, and rulers of
great countries toasted by groups of men
who spring to their feet, clink together
glasses filled with paraldehyde and drink
the contents down to demonstrate the mo-
mentary unity and mutual love of their re-
spective nations.
The Incidence of Alcoholism
This emphasizes what I have stated many
times, that the main differences between al-
coholism and other drug addictions are first,
the singular effects of alcohol and, second,
the consequent social pressure put on hu-
man beings in our Western civilization to
drink and to drink to excess. When we
ABRAHAM MYERSON, M.D.
study the cultural and biologic distribution
of alcoholism, we discover two primary and
directing facts.
First, there is a predominant sexual dis-
tribution— males are addicted to alcohol-
ism about seven times as frequently as are
females, although there is about the same
distribution of neurosis and psychosis in
males and females. In fact, there are some-
what more depressions and more states of
anxiety and inferiority in the female than
in the male, so that if the addiction to al-
cohol rested primarily on a neurotic or
psychotic basis, the facts of its sexual distri-
bution would be entirely mystifying and in-
comprehensible. But if we think of alcohol
— By the clinical professor of psychiatry
in the Harvard Medical School, who is
also director of research in the Boston
State Hospital and a member of the
Massachusetts State Committee on Re-
search in Mental Health.
Dr. Myerson's searching article on the
drug addiction we call alcoholism is
based on the paper he presented at the
Symposium on Alcoholism conducted by
the Research Council on Problems of
Alcohol in Cleveland in the fall.
addiction as having one of its main roots
in social pressure and in social tradition,
with urging and forbidding as twin and
ambivalent factors, the explanation of the
lesser addiction among females is under-
standable, since alcoholism in .women is
looked upon with more abhorrence and
less smiling tolerance, and there is far less
pressure put on the female to drink than
on the male.
Second, as has been pointed out else-
where, there is an even more important
racial-social distribution. Thus it has been
noted for many years that the Jews have
little or no alcoholism. Though most Jews
drink somewhat and some drink to excess,
yet the records of arrest, admissions to hos-
pitals for alcoholism, and the incidence of
alcoholic psychoses everywhere show a
marked and extraordinary immunity of the
Jew from alcohol addiction However, a
study of the men who come before the se-
lective service induction boards shows a
racial-social distribution which makes the
singularity of the Jew less impressive.
There are few alcoholics among the
Italian-Americans, although Italians have
been busily engaged in the process of man-
ufacturing and distributing alcohol for a
long time; and further, few of the de-
FEBRUARY 1945
49
scendants of the peoples who come from
the Mediterranean littoral are alcoholics.
It is as we press upward and northward
to the British Isles and to Scandinavia that
we find a heavy incidence of alcoholism in
the descendants of the people who come
from these countries. Throughout the
United States the incidence of alcoholism
and the alcoholic psychoses is greatest
among the people who come from the
British Isles and especially among the Irish-
Americans, with a liberal sprinkling of
alcoholism among people from Norway,
Denmark, and the Slavic countries, as well
as from parts of Germany. Yet no one, I
think, will maintain that the Irish have a
greater incidence of nervous and mental
disturbance than have the Jews. They cer-
tainly do not suffer more from anxiety or
inferiority feelings. They do not have more
anguish of spirit from which they long to
escape. (It may be stated that to be a
Jew is not only to have an anxiety neuro-
sis but almost to be one.)
It is relevant to point out that it is un-
der the tremendous change in social psy-
chological pressure which takes place when
primitive peoples become enmeshed in and
enslaved by Western civilization that alco-
holism sometimes becomes almost universal.
Ruth Bunzel paints a moving and shame-
ful picture of the lot of the Central Ameri-
can Indians when they became helots on
the plantations and in the mines of their
Spanish masters, and a deliberate and
planned alcoholism was foisted on the en-
slaved population to perpetuate their deg-
radation and thus maintain their subordina-
tion.
Furthermore, certain clinical facts which
are of importance bear on the problem of
the relationship of the neuroses and psy-
choses to alcoholism. It is stated that
people who are depressed drink excessively;
yet it is a common occurrence that when a
man who has been a heavy drinker de-
velops a depression, he may remain entirely
sober because for the first time he gets no
pleasure, no kick, no thrill from alcohol.
He is only made sick by drinking and
without any compensating mental state. I
think there are more depressed people who
stop drinking than people who drink to
excess because of depression.
What Alcoholism Is
If one considers alcohol addiction as a
final goal to which many roads lead, a
classification of alcoholism must be made
so as to orient thinking and differentiate
the treatment of the individual alcoholic.
Alcoholism is somewhat like murder in
this respect: A man may commit murder
as a social right because his community re-
gards the avenging of a private wrong by
personal punishment as laudable. In the
early history of mankind, killing in this
way was no crime. And, in many extant
communities, to kill because one must be
one's own agent for vengeance is still
praised and so has the urgent potency of
the mores behind it. Thus we have a so-
cial-cultural background for murder. A
man may kill through emotional disturb-
ance and in the heat of individual battle.
This is the most familiar type of killing.
30
Another may take life in pursuance of
some other criminal act such as robbery.
His intent may not be to murder at all,
but the murder flows out of the situation
and is incidental to the crime motivation
as a whole. A man may commit murder
because he is deluded, has ideas of perse-
cution, dementia praecox, general paresis or
some other mental disease. And finally, a
man may commit murder because he is
so low in the intellectual scale that he does
not know the difference between right and
wrong and has not been able to assimilate
the cultural ideology in this respect. The
same act — killing — may thus be approached,
so far as motivation and psychological
causation is concerned, by many roads. And
many roads lead to alcoholism.
The escape motivation of alcoholic in-
dulgence has been worked to death and
has become a psychiatric and social cliche.
Men drink to celebrate a past, present or
coming event. Some seek the good will
and esteem of others in a combination of
social propitiation and self-glorification or
exhibitionism; thus vanity is one of the
great sources of the motives for drinking.
Others drink to alleviate fear, sorrow, fa-
tigue, and boredom — the Four Horsemen
of the Weary Spirit; a few to dissolve the
shackles of the Brooding Self; and finally
most, because it is the inexorably pressing
"thing to do." Out of the primary social,
racial, sexual predilection and pressure,
without which there is no alcoholism, some
find their way to addiction.
Social Pressures
Again, what are these roads to alcohol-
ism P There is, first of all, a cultural pat-
tern which does not frown effectively on
the most important road to alcoholism —
heavy drinking — and which even tends to
encourage it. At the same time, another
cultural pattern disavows heavy drinking,
punishes it, regards it as evil, unhygienic,
and so on. This conflict of social attitudes
I have described elsewhere as the social
ambivalence towards alcoholism. In some
racial-social groups there is very little am-
bivalence. The group is very definitely
against alcoholism. This is the case of the
Jews.
In other groups the pressure towards
heavy drinking is strongly based socially
and has a long history. This, in my opin-
ion, is the case among the people of north-
ern Europe. It is noteworthy that the only
groups which included drunkenness and
fighting in their concept of paradise were
the Germanic peoples. In Valhalla the
heroes fought all day, then were carried
back by the Valkyrie to Valhalla, were
miraculously cured of their wounds and
spent the night in an orgy of drinking.
Nothing is said about what happened to
the Valkyrie. Thus, among the northern
peoples, to drink heavily was considered a
sign of manhood, and the capacity to carry
alcohol so well as to drink the other con-
testant under the table is enshrined in
legends, sayings, and injunctions as the
mark of the gentleman.
There is therefore a social pressure in
many communities and racial-social groups
which favors heavy drinking, which makes
it a proof of virility, which gives it the
sanction of ceremony, and finally establishes
it by the greatest of social powers — cus-
tom. This social pressure does not operate
equally on all persons, just as the trend
towards learning and the praise of war do
not operate equally to make scholars and
soldiers of the various members of the
population. Nevertheless, social pressure
must never be forgotten as a factor in the
development of heavy drinking, which in
its turn becomes the main road to alcohol-
ism.
It must be asserted that most "heavy
drinkers" remain relatively normal, how-
ever foolish and deplorable it may be to
drink too frequently and too much. So
long as a man drinks socially, does not
damage his physical health, does not lose
much time from his work, does not sink
from the social and economic position to
which he has risen, does not loosen the
ties which bind him to friends and family,
he is not yet a true alcoholic.
Put more psychologically and somati-
cally, alcoholism appears mainly as the out-
growth of heavy drinking. Here I use
some of the criteria which Robert Seliger,
the Johns Hopkins psychiatrist, uses to
mark the transition from drinking to al-
coholism: when the morning after finds
the drinker so tremulous and disorganized
that he feels an urgent need for the all too
transiently steadying drink; when he must
use alcohol for a prop in the pressing daily
occasions when doubt, frustration, fatigue,
and monotony assail him — in short, when
pleasure is supplanted by craving, and de-
privation brings out the zestless restless-
ness of the drug addict. The sensible
drinker seeks a mild euphoria and an easier
access to other pleasures; the alcoholic has
lost other roads to euphoria and seeks
anesthesia as the Good of his existence.
Who Becomes an Addict?
Within the ever present framework of
the social pressure as manifested by sex,
racial-social status, as well as by occupa-
tion, who becomes the heavy drinker is a
relevant question. My impression is that
the man with the delusive gift of a metab-
olism that withstands alcohol well, who
does not easily become sick or adversely
affected, and who in 'the earlier periods of
his life quickly builds up a tolerance for
increasing doses of this drug, is in danger
of alcohol addiction through the road of
heavy drinking. Conversely, the man who
becomes dull, dazed, dizzy by a drink or
two, whose metabolism is such that he
"gets nothing out of it" but the unpleasant,
and who finds on repeated experience and
experiment that he cannot build up a real
tolerance, does not become a heavy drink-
er.
This is not different from the mental
and physical reactions to other drugs. Some
people are adversely excited by morphine;
for some the usual euphoria of benzedrine
is replaced by an agitated depression; and
the chemical idiosyncrasy of the finer and
hidden structures of people produce either
allergy or tolerance to everything chemical
from the barbiturates to strawberries.
When we come down to immediate
SURVEY GRAPHIC
factors in the creation of addiction, it seems
to me we may state the case somewhat as
follows: It is difficult to isolate the per-
sonality types who become alcoholic, yet it
is probable that certain personality types do
1 become alcoholic more frequently than
1 others. I think the "unorganized extro-
I vert" becomes an alcoholic very readily.
| This is the individual who remains on a
I frank level of hedonism without the de-
ll velopment of sentiment, whose energies are
I expended without engrossing and fixed pur-
!•: pose, who drifts in the present moment,
I not governed by the past or directed by a
I future.
I do not think that the hobo, the com-
\ plete example of this type, is a hobo be-
cause of his addiction to alcohol. I think
his addiction to alcohol is part of the same
I general trend which has led to his becom-
i ing a hobo. He has not built up an or-
I ganized self. He has no fixed attachment
!, to a woman, so he does not marry. He has
no loyalty to a locale, so he migrates from
place to place. He has no developed skill,
j because he is not industrious and follows
j itinerant occupations merely to get enough
;j to sustain life and to obtain alcohol in any
form. He drinks to excess because he has
.; nothing to keep him sober. There is no
inner inhibition against alcoholism. He
i does not belong to any social or religious
: group which is against alcoholism, because
I he is not a joiner or a church-goer. The
I positive social pressure towards alcohol in-
i dulgence operates without let or hindrance.
The unorganized extroverts, of whom
the hobo is merely the extreme example,
become the "sot" drinkers, who drink with-
j out fastidiousness or ceremony, who gather
together in alleyways, in lonely cabins along
the river or in the woods, and pass the
j bottle around. But the sot needs no com-
j panionship for his drinking, and in his
; case John Barleycorn has nothing to fear
j from Venus. All other hedonistic striving
I becomes stilled when alcoholism becomes
complete.
A second type of alcoholic is by his in-
trinsic nature the opposite of the unor-
ganized extrovert. Here we encounter the
unfortunate who has what I call the "so-
cial anxiety neurosis." Meeting with his
fellow men fills him with dread. He can-
not face their scrutiny without stammer-
ing, inner tremor, or somatic disturbance
of one type or another. Yet he yearns ar-
dently to be one with his fellows and to be
at ease in social relationship. Except un-
der the influence of alcohol he finds this
impossible to do. Without alcohol he gets
shoved into a corner, lonely and miserable.
With alcohol his fear is assuaged. His
obsessive self-consciousness disappears, and
the alcohol either releases a latent self-con-
fidence or paralyzes the paralyzing inhibi-
tions. So he becomes bold and feels him-
self capable of holding up his end with his
fellows. His tongue becomes loosened, and
thus relieves him of one of his main diffi-
culties, which is that he can find nothing
to talk about. Alcohol makes him voluble
by releasing his repressed loquacity. He
becomes friendly, sociable, and free.
Since the social anxiety neurosis is usu-
ally a chronic mental state, it is easy to see
FEBRUARY 1945
that in some cases — those who belong to
racial-cultural groups which do not frown
on alcoholism and, in addition, who toler-
ate alcohol fairly well — alcohol addiction
readily develops as a final phase of a social
disability.
Three Types of Spree Drinking
There are three types of spree drinking
of interest and importance. In all spree
drinking there is usually prior heavy drink-
ing, then complete or comparative sobriety,
and then a debauch starts which goes on
day and night until the hospital, the jail,
or occasionally death ends the frenzied
cycle.
One type seems linked either to a re-
curring depression or the beginning of a
manic attack, and is thus not so much true
alcoholism as symptomatic of manic-de-
pressive psychosis leading either to a mental
anguish for which anesthesia is sought, or
else to an extreme recklessness and flam-
boyance of spirit which use the medium of
alcohol for a fantastic exhibitionistic cele-
bration.
The second variety is the "reaction to
trouble and frustration" spree. This is not
merely getting drunk to forget or escape;
it is a cycle of increasing tempo and can
only be stopped forcibly by outer power or
by delirium tremens, or neuritis, or pneu-
monia, to cite a few of the effective red
lights. As a rule, this kind of spree drink-
er is ordinarily a restrained drinker — one
who has to keep himself in check to remain
reasonably sober. Then comes what one of
them designated as the pu;«h-over, "the
to-hell-with-it" event and the spree is on.
The third type is entirely baffling in its
stark periodic alcoholism. There is no
mental disease, and there is no trouble.
Fear, worry, fatigue, boredom, none of these
is evident either to the man himself or to
those about him. Between sprees he drinks
not at all and refuses the ever-recurring
invitation, "What will you have," firmly,
good-naturedly, and without any feeling of
temptation. Suddenly and after a brief
inner battle, he takes the fatal first drink,
and then there is set going by an inexorable
mechanism a feverish debauch in barrooms
and hotel rooms, with a finale in hospital,
jail or morgue. Usually this dipsomaniac,
as the older literature termed him, has
been a heavy drinker who finally reaches
abstinence, but thereafter remains on a
pharmacological all-or-none principle.
Jobs and Alcohol
One of the roads to alcoholism is through
occupation. That the job selects the man
is a phase of economics not sufficiently
stressed by economists and social scientists.
There are certain occupations which de-
mand "high pressure" of those who engage
in them. The worker has to be quick,
aggressive, enthusiastic; he has to over-
cqme resistance by a forcible front; he has
to match wits and ply argument; and espe-
cially he has to entertain the customer.
So alcohol is used as a means of entertain-
ment, social union, and to bring about that
affability by which deals are made.
I cite merely one occupation of many
in which heavy drinking is almost de-
FEB
manded and so is common, thus readily
becoming metamorphized into alcohol ad-
diction. The big city salesman or agent in
a competitive business entertains his cus-
tomers and especially those who come from
rural districts and small towns to combine
business with free pleasure. And drinking
permeates all such entertainment. To the
customer the debauch becomes a pleasant
or regretful episode; to the salesman it is
part of a dangerous career. Dangerous,
that is, to men of some races and not to
others, to men who lack the full natural
vitality and to whom alcohol furnishes the
fuel for an artificial and dangerous pres-
sure. Wherever "personality" is demanded
as part of the selling process, in the profes-
sions as well as in business, and wherever
entertainment is a part or the whole of
the transaction — in short, where personality
or sociability become unduly emphasized,
alcohol addiction becomes the lot of a dis-
proportionate number of men and women.
It is very easy to classify the alcoholic as
a constitutional psychopathic inferior, and
to commit the logical error of circular
reasoning, namely, the alcoholic is a con-
stitutional psychopathic inferior because he
drinks to excess, and he drinks to excess
because he is a constitutional psychopathic
inferior. The evidence of abnormal per-
sonality among prohibitionists needs to be
studied as a counterbalance to the study of
the personality of alcoholics. In the one
case, the negative social pressure in respect
to drinking has won the day; whereas, in
the case of the alcoholic, the positive social
pressure has become victorious.
Prevention
The roads to alcoholism are many, but
they are always offshoots of the highway of
social-racial custom and tradition. The
treatment of the individual case has at this
time some twenty varieties, ranging from
Alcoholics Anonymous and frank religious
exhortation to spinal fluid drainage, benze-
drine sulfate and the conditioned reflex, not
forgetting psychoanalysis, psychothera-
peutics, and shock therapy.
Whoever wishes ardently to prevent al-
coholism will need the heart of a lion, the
wiliness of the serpent, and the guileless-
ness of the dove. He will meet head on
not only the terrific power of tradition and
custom, but also the power of great indus-
tries as they fight for the sale of a danger-
ous product — a drug — by advertising cam-
paigns and the corruption of legislatures.
Not only all this, but he who seeks to
bring about a reasonably drinking society
will sooner or later find that he has to
deal with the structure of a somewhat
crazy society — a society riddled with the in-
justices of bad working conditions, miser-
able slums, the twin evils of poverty and of
unearned wealth, of insecurity and unem-
ployment, and the hectic atmosphere of en-
hanced sensuality and luxury-seeking. In
short, in order to prevent men and women
from the false euphoria and the unquiet
anesthesia of alcohol addiction, he must
become more than physician and psychia-
trist; he must take on the task of the so-
cial reformer.
51
"An Ordinary American
The Japanese Americans in the U. S. army have a living symbol
of Uncle Sam — he's a youngish Mississippian named Earl Finch.
AN AMERICAN SOLDIER OF JAPANESE PAR-
entage, who had lost a leg in Italy, lay in
the army's Walter Reed Hospital longing
for his family and friends in Hawaii. Sud-
denly he saw approach his bedside a pleas-
ant faced man wearing a pineapple printed
Hawaiian shirt. "That shirt looked won-
derful," he now relates, "but when the
man told me his name, I was so excited
I nearly jumped out of bed without my
leg."
The soldier had never seen Earl Finch
before, but he had heard hundreds of
stories about him. To meet him in person
was like receiving a visitor from home.
For, Earl M. Finch, soft-spoken, reticent,
southern businessman and farmer, is the
hero of American soldiers of Japanese an-
cestry. His name is revered by the several
thousands of them now fighting in Italy
and France, by the hundreds lying wound-
ed in army hospitals in this country, and
by their families, many of whom are still
in relocation centers. This hero worship
has resulted from only one cause — friend-
ship. It has spread like a flame in the year
and a half since the quiet southerner began
to spend most of his time and much of
his money befriending people, particularly
soldiers, who are members of what has
been called the loneliest minority group in
America.
They Were Lonely Boys
The object of this mass affection is a
slight man, somewhere in his middle thir-
ties, who lives in Hattiesburg, Miss., with
his father and invalid mother. He owns a
second-hand furniture establishment, and a
combination bowling-alley and army goods
store, as well as a stock farm outside the
town, and he prefers to be known as a
farmer rather than a businessman.
Earl Finch has a hero, too. This is his
kid brother, now in combat duty in the
Pacific. When Earl found he was unable
to get into the army himself, he decided to
spend the proceeds of his businesses extend-
ing hospitality to servicemen — the kind of
hospitality he would like to have strangers
offer his brother.
He began by introducing himself to
British and French seamen in New Orleans
and taking them on short trips to sur-
rounding points of interest or to night
clubs. He picked out foreign servicemen
because he felt that they were the ones
who needed friendship most.
Then one day in the summer of 1943
as he was walking down Hattiesburg's
main street, he noticed in front of him a
very small man in an American army uni-
form much too big for him. The soldier
lingered at a shop window and Mr. Finch
saw an Oriental face reflected in the glass.
"The little man looked so forlorn," said
KATHRYN CLOSE
— Constant reader of the Pacific Citizen,
lively weekly publication of the Japanese
American Citizens League, is our asso-
ciate editor, Kathryn Close. And when
she found in its pages frequent items
about Earl Finch, she felt she must know
more about him. This story of friend-
ship is the result.
he when pressed for the story, "that I
invited him home to supper."
The soldier came armed with a big
bunch of American Beauty roses for Mr.
Finch's mother. After supper, he spent
hours in pleasant conversation with her.
"Then I knew I liked him," says her son.
That was the beginning of an interest
in Japanese Americans that has gradually
absorbed more and more of Earl Finch's
time. The soldier he had entertained was
a member of a large group of volunteers
of Japanese ancestry then stationed at Camp
Shelby. They were lonely boys. Their ad-
vent to the state had met with a blast from
a prominent politician that was hardly con-
ducive to self-assurance in young men who
since Pearl Harbor had felt themselves
suspect wherever they went. They shied
away from the USO clubs after a few ex-
periences of finding themselves standing
apart as self-conscious onlookers. They
avoided the dances at the service clubs in
the camps, for there were no girls for them.
Mr. Finch began to take small groups
of these boys to his home. When he be-
came familiar with their needs, he decided
to entertain them in larger numbers. He
invited 600 to a picnic at his farm, where
he staged a rodeo, complete with cow-
punchers, unbroken horses, and all the
trimmings. At another time, he took out
300 for a watermelon picnic. When Christ-
inas came, he bought up all the cigars in
Hattiesburg and sent them to the boys at
the camp along with truckloads of fruit —
"mangoes and bananas and things we
hadn't seen for a long time," says one boy
trom Hawaii who is still talking about it.
The Numbers Increase
But the hospitable southerner was not
satisfied with what entertainment he could
offer the soldiers himself. Nearly 300 miles
from Hattiesburg, at Rohwer, Ark., stands
one of the War Relocation Authority's
temporary relocation centers, where there
are several thousand of the Japanese and
Americans of Japanese descent who were
evacuated from their West Coast homes in
the early months of the war. To Mr. Finch
its proximity represented an opportunity.
He got in touch with army service officers
and arranged for buses to be sent to the
center (and also to Jerome, Ark., where
there was another center which has since
closed) to bring girls for his soldier friends
to the camp dances. The boys themselves
paid the expenses and about sixty girls
came. The experiment was so successful
that it has been repeated at intervals of two
or three months ever since.
He also helped persuade the local United
Service Organizations council, of which he
is a member, to cooperate with USO repre-
sentatives in the establishment in Hatties
burg of a special club for these soldiers
where they could feel at home — the nov
popular Aloha USO Club.
He put up trophies for athletic contest
on the post and made it possible for the
boys to go on athletic trips outside the
camp, sometimes to meet with professionals.
He arranged for publication, at his own
expense, of the battle song "Go for Broke,"
(Hawaiian slang for shoot the worlds) writ-
ten by Pfc. Harry Hamada of the 442nd
Combat Team and adopted as its official
song.
With all his efforts to extend opportuni-
ties for recreation to as many soldiers as
possible, Earl Finch never lost personal
touch with the boys. He arranged hotel
space in New Orleans for those who were
fortunate enough to have a three-day pass.
Occasionally he entertained a group by tak-
ing them to the city. He drove them to
the relocation centers to see their families
or friends.
When the volunteers moved on to Eu-
ropean battlefronts and were replaced by
draftees, also of Japanese ancestry, he kept
in touch with the old crowd by mail and
made friends with the new. He takes them
to ball games, giving them parties in his
home and on his farm, shows them a gay
time in the city, and does the innumerable
little things that only a person with a gift
for friendship can think up. Said a home-
sick draftee from Hawaii recently: "Earl
Finch is the only thing that makes spare
time bearable."
He seems to have a knack of knowing
just what the boys need to boost their
morale. After the announcement of the
atrocities perpetrated against American
prisoners of war in the Philippines, the
Japanese American soldiers at Shelby found
themselves restricted to the post. They were
engulfed in gloom until Mr. Finch and
the USO arranged for a Philippine or-
chestra from New Orleans to go to the
camp and entertain them with Hawaiian
music. The very fact that the Filipinos
were willing to play for them made the
boys feel better.
Their Families and Friends
The glimpses he caught of the relocation
centers through visits "home" with the boys
aroused Mr. Finch's interest in the people
living in those drab surroundings. Last
52
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Mr. Finch at Camp Shelby, Miss., distributing trophies to the winning baseball team of the 442nd Combat unit of Nisei volunteers —
spring as Easter approached, he suggested
to the Japanese Americans at Camp Shelby
that they do something for the children in
the Rohwer center, saying he himself would
put up $300 for candy Easter eggs. Re-
sponding eagerly to the idea, the men
raised $2,300. On Easter day, Mr. Finch
and some of his friends went out to the
center with 10,000 Easter eggs, a ton of
candy, 2,000 pints of ice cream, and "doz-
ens and dozens" of Easter rabbits. They
took furniture for a camp USO and equip-
ment for a children's playground.
This past Christmas he again stimulated
a children's party at the center and within
a week had received over 1,200 letters of
appreciation from the children. In this
party he was aided by the men of the 171st
Infantry Battalion, and their special con-
tribution was furniture for the living room
of the center's old men's home.
From the extension of personal hospital-
ity to neighboring soldiers and their fam-
ilies, Mr. Finch's interest in Japanese
American servicemen has turned into a
full time job. He has traveled 32,000 miles
in the last year, visiting other camps and
army hospitals. Last fall he invited 200
boys from Camp Fannin, Tex., to be his
guests at a football game in nearby Tyler.
He took a Japanese Hawaiian orchestra,
composed of boys on furlough from Camp
Shelby, on a trip to several hospitals around
the country to entertain men of every race,
wounded in France and Italy. Only a few
days ago he gave a party in a New York
hotel for 150 men — Japanese, Chinese,
Hawaiian — all American soldiers on fur-
lough in the city.
His main concern now is with the
FEBRUARY 1945
wounded— with all wounded soldiers but
especially those of Japanese descent. Re-
cently he invited five Japanese Americans,
on furlough from the Walter Reed Hos-
pital in Washington, to accompany him to
New York for a "good time." One had
lost a leg, one an arm, two had lost eyes,
one was recovering from bullet wounds
(he holds a Distinguished Service Cross),
but they all were in high spirits as they
"did the town" with their friend.
There is one responsibility that Mr.
Finch has taken upon himself that he finds
very difficult. This is visiting the relocation
centers to see families of men who have
been killed in battle.
"Can you imagine what it's like to call
on men and women who are behind barbed
wire and try to help them find comfort in
the fact that their son died for his coun-
try?" he asks. But whenever he hears of a
Japanese American boy's death — and there
have been many — he makes it a point to
get in touch with the soldier's family.
— and as joint host with Japanese American soldiers at a Relocation Center party
33
There is an air of earnestness about Earl
Finch that sometimes seems almost tense,
but again is relieved by a twinkle of fun.
It is as though he were being driven by
some moral urge into more and more
feverish activity, but with it all was enjoy-
ing himself tremendously. His manner is
somewhat nervous — one is never sure when
he is going to hop up and move about the
room, or even walk out in the midst of a
conversation.
In appearance there is little that would
make him stand out in a crowd. He is
slim, pale, baldish, with blue eyes and a
pleasant smile. Somehow he combines a
provincial simplicity with the assurance of
a man of the world. New Orleans, Wash-
ington, New York are as familiar to him as
his native Hattiesburg. Yet there is a
genuine shyness about him — and a tendency
to blush.
They "Go for Broke"
Anyone interviewing him finds it hard
to learn much about Earl Finch. But one
learns a lot about American soldiers of
Japanese ancestry, for Mr. Finch manages
repeatedly to turn the subject to "our boys."
He tells of their heroic exploits — indi-
vidually and as a group — and of the kind
of people they are. He tells of the 100th
Infantry Battalion, composed entirely of
Hawaiians of Japanese descent, and how
they participated in the landings at Salerno
and in every major action in Italy since;
of the 1,000 Purple Hearts among the
original 1,300 men of this group; of the
numerous citations won by individuals of
the battalion — by July there were eleven
Distinguished Service Crosses, forty-four
Silver Stars, thirty-one Bronze Stars, and
three Legion of Merit decorations, and there
have been many since. (The group has
been called "one of the most decorated
units of its size in American military his-
tory.") He tells of the 442nd Combat
Team, formed when the army called for
4,500 Japanese American volunteers from
Hawaii and the mainland "and got 10,000";
of how last summer four days after enter-
ing the front lines in Italy, men of this
group had advanced fifty miles, some of
them getting so far ahead of supply lines
that they had to go without food for
twenty-four hours; of how later the same
men spearheaded the rescue of the "lost
battalion" of Texans in the Vosges foot-
hills in France, and of the fierce action
they have been seeing with General Patch's
Seventh Army.
He speaks of individual friends: of the
cheerful letters he receives from Yoshinao
("Turtle") Omiya, whose eyes were blown
out by a land mine at the Volturno River
Acme
Four men of a distinguished battalion, the 100th Infantry; they were wounded in Italy
and who now has a job in a war plant; of
another Hawaiian Japanese who, though
he lost an eye and is still in the hospital,
keeps worrying army officials with his re-
quests to be sent back into combat with his
comrades of the 100th.
He talks of the Japanese Americans still
at Camp Shelby, the boys of the 171st In-
fantry Battalion who seem fired with a
common zeal to make good and prove their
"Americanism"; of the men of the 442nd
when they were in camp, and how they
raised $100,000 among themselves in a war
bond drive, and contributed $10,000 to the
American Red Cross fund-raising campaign.
But about himself, Earl Finch will say
little except: "I am just an ordinary Amer-
ican who values the American way of life."
America is made up of paradoxes, so
perhaps it is not unduly strange to find a
dedicated champion of a minority group in
Mississippi, a state hardly noted for its
racial tolerance. The way has not always
been easy for Earl Finch. He does not
mention it, but others bear witness to the
community prejudice he often has been up
against in extending his hospitality.
"He is an individualist and he does not
seem to care whether he is threatened with
social ostracism," one man said who knew
his work at the Aloha USO club. But the
result has been that while some "influential
persons" have looked down their noses at
Mr. Finch's activities, more and more of the
townspeople have become interested in
what he is doing and have adopted a
changed attitude to the Japanese American
soldiers in their midst.
The Symbol
Earl Finch does not talk about himself,
but almost any American soldier of Jap-
anese descent — even one who has never
seen him — will talk about him indefinitely.
In the short space of a few months he has
become almost legendary. The Nisei will
tell you of his fabulous wealth — "his ranc
is so big he has to use an airplane to
around on it," the story goes — while
reality he is a man of comfortable but me
est means. Men who have been overseas
late that he is a favorite topic of conve
sation among Japanese American bo
when they have time to "chin" a whili
Hundreds of Nisei soldiers who ha\
never seen him write to him. He
received as many as 500 letters in one
One veteran of the 442nd tells how the bo
in Italy planned to write him a chain le
ter, for they knew he could not possih
answer all the individual mail he receive
But, adds the soldier, the 442nd "got bus
before the letter was completed.
Actually, to the American soldiers of
Japanese ancestry, Earl Finch represents
something more than a friend or even a
hero. To them he has become a symbol:
an indication that democracy is not dead
so far as they are concerned; that they are
still welcome in their own land; that the
fight for freedom has as much meaning for
them as for other Americans. It is known
among the soldiers that one young Japanese
American died on an Italian battlefield
gasping:
"Say good-bye to Mr. Finch."
54
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Air Age Transportation
From the ground up to the stratosphere, postwar passengers and cargo will move
over new routes, at new speeds, by plane, helicopter, railroad, bus and car.
THE RAILROADS MADE POSSIBLE THE GROWTH
of cities and increased our urban population
from 15 to 60 percent. We called it the
railroad era. Then came the automobile
which dispersed our urban population into
the suburbs and created the metropolitan
area. That was the automobile age. Now
comes the airplane, with its possibility of
creating "one world."
Newspaper readers, radio listeners, and
motion picture audiences have been told of
the spectacular achievements expected frem
aviation after the war. There is to be a
Model T family helicopter landing on the
roof or in the backyard. A helicopter bus
will take us from our homes in the hills or
on the beach to our places of work in the
city, 250 miles away. We shall have dinner
in New York and breakfast in London.
No place in the world will be farther away
than forty-eight hours. Two-week vacations
will be spent in China or India. We are to
fly across the North Pole to Peiping and
Singapore. The Arctic Ocean will be to the
future civilization what the Mediterranean
Sea was to ancient civilizations. Inland
cities will become ports for planes from
foreign lands.
In general, the public has been satiated
with such dazzling stories; now it wants
to know not what are the possibilities, but
what are the probabilities. People want to
see the future of aviation in its proper
perspective as it fits into the transportation
system along with the railroads and the
automobile.
The First Postwar Decade
What will the coming century of flight
be like? We cannot, of course, see a century
ahead. Who at the close of Andrew Jack-
son's administration could have predicted
the prewar United States of the 1930's?
But we can have some ideas about the years
immediately after World War II. First,
there will be a transition period — perhaps
two years. Then a decade about which we
can make some predictions. But uncertain
factors blur the outline of the second post-
war decade, and the years beyond.
Technological developments are also oc-
curring in the railway and automobile
industries; though, to be sure, not so
dramatically as in aviation. There will be
changes in shipping. Will aviation replace
the railroad and the automobile as the auto-
mobile replaced the horse, and the railroad
the stage coach? Or will aviation be added
to the existing system as the automobile
was added to railroads and ships?
In 1940, the total inter-city passenger
travel in the United States was 33,700,000,-
000 passenger miles, of which 1,100,000,000
were by airplane. Bus travel constituted
FEBRUARY 1945
WILLIAM FIELDING OGBURN
— The first in our 1945 series of articles
exploring war-speeded developments in
science and technology is by the Sewell
L. Avery distinguished service professor
of sociology at the University of Chi-
cago. Professor Ogburn was director of
research for the President's Committee
on Social Trends (1930-33) and from
1935 to 1943 was research consultant
and member of the science committee of
the National Resources Committee. He
recently completed a special University
of Chicago, study of aviation.
10,900,000,000 of the total passenger miles
and the railroads 19,800,000,000 passenger
miles, of which 8,200,000,000 were Pullman
travel. The passenger miles for private auto-
mobiles in inter-city travel are estimated at
246,000,000,000 but the length of automobile
trips was much shorter than for buses.
Thus only about 3 percent of the com-
mercial passenger miles between cities in
our last peace year was by airplane.
Passengers traveled at a rate of 5.1 cents
per passenger air mile as compared with 4
to 4.25 cents per rail mile by Pullman, 2.2
to 2.5 cents by railway coach, and 1.5 to
2.2 cents by bus.
In the latter part of the first postwar
decade, airplane travel probably will amount
to some 7,000,000,000 passenger miles at
around 3.5 or 4 cents a passenger mile —
if business conditions are good; but if there
is a fairly severe depression then four or
five billion miles probably will be a closer
estimate. Thus passenger miles by airplane
will almost equal the total Pullman traffic
in 1940, but will be less than one fifth of
the total inter-city passenger traffic. How-
ever, this does not mean that the railroads
will lose all their Pullman trade to the air-
planes. The increased passenger miles for
the airplane will come partially from the
creation of new traffic.
Air Age Railroads
Apparently the railroads are going to
make a vigorous effort to hold their Pull-
man passengers, especially those who travel
more than 400 miles. They will do this
by improving the service and lowering the
charges. A Pullman car today will carry
twenty-seven passengers. The Pullman car
of the future is planned to carry forty-five.
The price suggested is around two dollars
for a berth (plus the regular coach fare)
between Chicago and New York City. The
theory is that the price of a berth should
be less than a room at a hotel. Reclining
coach chairs are expected to be considerably
improved in comfort and to be provided
without additional cost to the passenger.
Even so, it is quite possible that the rail-
roads will have to curtail their Pullman
schedules and cut the number of their sleep-
ing cars, because the railroads can afford to
lower Pullman charges only if the cars are
filled. This may mean fewer Pullman ac-
commodations.
The railroad coaches and the buses are
expected to lose very few passengers to the
airlines since most of the travel on buses
and coaches is short distance travel. The
advantages of air travel are greater for long
distances, in both expense and speed. The
cost per mile on airlines increases if many
stops are made at short intervals. The sav-
ing of time by plane also is less if frequent
stops are made, since they decrease the total
block speed. Furthermore, the time gained
by the speed of air travel is often lessened
by the necessity of having to go back and
forth to an airport.
For instance, from Peoria to Chicago, the
time by airplane is shorter than by rail. But
when the time required to go from the
home of the traveler to the Peoria airport
and from the Chicago airport to the 'Loop
is included, the saving in time is wiped
out. A helicopter bus will depart and land
closer to the center of the city, but the rates
by helicopter bus are likely to be consider-
ably higher than by motor bus, possibly
twice as much. Thus it is questionable
whether the airplanes and helicopter buses
can offer as frequent schedules as the bus
and railroad.
Nevertheless, aviation will enter the field
of short distance transportation. Early in
1943, there were 288 cities certified for
scheduled air service. Counting people liv-
ing within a 25-mile radius of the airport
as having air service, then 59.7 percent of
the population in 1943 was reached by air-
lines. Since all the big cities have airports
on scheduled airlines, doubling the present
air route mileage of 50,000 miles would
penetrate downward to the small towns.
However, each additional thousand route
miles will serve smaller and smaller pro-
portions of the population. The successful
extension of air routes to smaller places
will depend upon the degree to which
economies in air transportation can be
made. To be self-supporting, these local air
lines would have to charge from 4 to 7
cents a mile. The planes are likely to be
small and the schedules infrequent.
Aviation at present is used by the higher
income groups in large cities. The extension
of aviation to the smaller towns will be
furthered by government mail subsidies,
just as present airlines were aided by mail
subsides in the 1930's. Indeed, public de-
mand is likely to force delivery of first-class
(Continued on page 58)
55
The family cruiser — the privately owned small plane
Photos courtesy of Aftation News
Interior view of the small commercial plane which could serve little towns
AIRCRAFT TO FIT VARYING POSTWAR NEEDS
The big, fast plane for long distance travel with few stops
Cabin comfort for distance and international travel
mail by air to all the places where it can
be flown. Increasingly, mail probably will be
handled at towns and villages by passenger
planes using a device enabling them to pick
up and drop mail sacks while traveling at
high speeds. Mail also will be carried by
helicopter buses.
Express and Local Planes
The public will be served by several
different types of aircraft. Probably most
of the travel between large cities will be
in planes seating from forty to sixty persons,
or two and three times greater than the
capacity of the famous DC-3, now the
standard type of inter-city service. In the
first decade after the war, block speeds
will average around 200 to 250 miles an
hour. Most of these planes will carry some
express. There will be bigger planes seating
over one hundred passengers for long dis-
tance travel with few stops. Planes with
pressurized cabins will travel above 10,000
feet, with block speeds of 250 miles or more
an hour. These planes will go from coast
to coast in a day or a night with two to
four stops en route, and at a cost below
that of Pullman travel today. Smaller cities
will be served by planes seating twenty or
twenty-five persons, and the very small
places by slower planes carrying a dozen or
fifteen.
In the first postwar decade hundreds,
rather than thousands, of planes will be re-
quired to handle the expected domestic
traffic — not enough to keep many mass
production airplane factories busy. In
1942, 176 planes averaged 8,400,000 pas-
senger miles per plane a year. The plane is
a very efficient carrier because of its speed.
But the plane is more suitable for frequent
service with small loads than for large loads
and less frequent schedules. Where the
traffic is heavy, as between New York and
Washington, planes may leave every few
minutes.
The estimate of 7,000,000,000 passenger
air miles by the latter part of the first post-
war decade is an estimate based upon the
projection of trends. Actually the number
will be above or below 7,000,000,000, de-
pending on the state of the business cycle.
There undoubtedly will be business de-
pressions following World War II. De-
pressions followed the first World War, the
Civil War, the Napoleonic wars. We cer-
tainly do not yet know how to prevent
depressions under our existing system
without resorting to war. The first postwar
decade after World War I was one of
growth of income of about 3 percent a year.
These were prosperous years, but the second
decade witnessed no growth of income at
all. Instead, there were the depressions of
the 1930's. It may very well be that the
growth of aviation will be slowed up mark-
edly by a business depression somewhere
along the line in the first two postwar
decades. But aviation should continue to
grow for a half century at least. The rail-
roads grew in number of passengers car-
ried for three quarters of a century. After
sixty years of growth, telephone expansion
has not ceased, nor automobile expansion
after forty years.
During this future period of aviation de-
velopment and growth, the costs should
work downward. How far down they may
go is the question. Many observers think 3
cents a mile (in money of present purchas-
ing power) may be reached within a
decade, or shortly thereafter. It seems
doubtful whether the cost will go as low as
2.5 cents a mile. It does not appear that
aviation will ever be as cheap as bus trans-
portation, though, of course, such a sweep-
ing prediction is unsafe in view of the un-
known technological future. With rates of
3 or 2.5 cents a mile, the total annual
passenger miles might reach 15,000,000,000.
However, it must be remembered that
twenty-five years after World War II ends,
our population will have stopped increas-
ing, unless we take down the bars to im-
migration or do what no nation ever yet
has done — reverse a declining birthrate.
These estimates of lowered costs are
made on the expectation of technological
improvements in engines, propellers, body
design, fuels, and assisted take-offs. Jet pro-
pulsion may be used by or before the
second postwar decade for flights of suffi-
cient distance for high altitude travel, possi-
bly in combination with propellers.
Cargo Carriers
. It is more difficult to predict the future
transportation of cargo. The obstacle is
solely one of price, for the war has demon-
strated that there are no mechanical bar-
riers. At present, the rate for cargo is nearly
the same as the passenger rate — assuming
200 pounds per passenger and baggage.
Although this rate includes ground han-
dling charges, it is a very high rate for
general cargo. Yet the airlines were not
making money up until World War II, but
were aided by the government.
The rates for cargo from door to door
are expected to drop to 50 and then to 30
cents a ton-mile when cargo is carried on
the same planes with passengers. In all-
cargo planes, the rates should be several
cents lower. But even at these expected
rates, competition with the railroads is not
likely to be very successful. The rail express
rate is about 10 to 11 cents a mile for long
hauls. Rail freight rates are about 1.5 or
2 cents a ton-mile. But even at the present
high rates, air cargo has had a rapid ex-
pansion. This has been due mainly to the
phenomenon of emergency orders. In addi-
tion there will be increasing use of air
transport for some goods with a high value
per pound, even without the emergency
factor — jewels, motion picture films, furs,
luxury clothing, for example. And in parts
of South America and Africa which lack
railroad and highway facilities, the cargo
plane has shown vast possibilities as a com-
mon carrier in such regions.
Aviation leaders realize the great poten-
tialities in air cargo. It is freight that sup-
ports the railroads. But the great volumes
of possible cargo will not be transferred
to the air unless the rates can be brought
down very low. Many studies have been
made by various sources attempting to find
out how low future air cargo rates may
fall. Not many have been able to predict
rates as low as 15 cents a ton-mile from
airport to airport. Yet there are some stu-
dents who profess to see a rate of 5 cents.
Contract rates and large volumes of cargo
may bring large reductions. In the foresee-
able future, air cargo is expected to be
confined mainly to express shipments, ex-
cept in cases of emergency. One prospect
is that perishable fruits and vegetables will
be shipped by air from the Pacific Coast
to eastern markets.
International Travel
The future of international air passenger
travel is quite bright, but not for foreign
air cargo. The airplane saves a great amount
of time on the long distances from the
United States to Europe, to South America
and the Orient, as compared to water travel.
It is difficult to see how the passenger rates
in the postwar decade can be on a sound
economic basis under 5 cents a mile. Yet
Pan American Airways is advertising future
trips to Hawaii at 4 cents a mile and to
South America at 3.5 cents. Of course, other
factors than costs affect prices. Under con-
ditions of cut-throat competition among
the railroads, the orice charged at one time
for travel from New York to Chicago by
rail was $1 for the whole journey. With
governmental ownership and "favored in-
struments," national rivalries may mean
very low priced, subsidized travel.
Transatlantic passenger travel is the
largest international market for American
airlines. With the cessation of immigration,
however, the volume of transatlantic travel
is not as large as once it was. There were
500,000 to 600,000 first and second-class
tourist and cabin passengers a year before
the war in this zone. This was some 10,000
a week and could be carried by a dozen or
so of the projected DC-7's with a seating
capacity of 108 apiece, making the trip
across in fifteen hours. With this business
divided among aviation companies of the
United States, France, Britain and other
countries, the amount of traffic for any one
nation would be comparatively small.
But international travel is expected to in-
crease in volume because of the shortened
time necessary for the trip. A journey to
Europe by ocean liner and back takes ten
or eleven days. By air, less than two days
is required. Here we see aviation's greatest
asset, speed and saving of time. Traveling
by air, one can spend eleven or twelve days
of a two-week vacation in Europe. Buyers
and sellers and other business executives
can go to foreign areas without too much
loss of time from their offices at home.
Aviation will create perhaps as much traf-
fic as it will take away from ships by the
end of the first decade, assuming good
business conditions.
If a million passengers a year were car-
ried on international routes, that would be
only about one quarter of the passengers
carried in the 'United States in 1942 by
domestic airlines. The travel across the
North Atlantic has been more than half of
the total transoceanic travel between the
United States and other nations. Greater
expansion rates are expected for air travel
to Latin America and to the Orient in the
postwar decades. However, there are few
data on which to make quantitative esti-
mates. The speed and time-saving make
58
SURVEY GRAPHIC
aviation companies quite optimistic about
the future volume of international air travel.
But it should be recalled that a vacation
trip to Europe still will require several
hundred more dollars than most persons
now spend on their vacations in this coun-
try.
The airplane is free from the barriers of
water and land and can follow the great
circle routes which give the shortest dis-
tance between any two cities. Since we are
accustomed to thinking in terms of land
and water travel, some of the great circle
routes are startling to us. For instance, in
traveling from this country to Moscow we
save time by going across the Arctic near
the North Pole. The shortest route to
Shanghai takes us across Alaska. Since air-
lines need passengers, they are more likely
to fly over areas where the population is
dense rather than follow the great circle
routes. We shall probably go to the Philip-
pines via Alaska and the shores of Japan
and China, not only because it is shorter
than going across the ocean but also be-
cause there will be more passengers along
the rim of North America and Eastern
Asia than across the great stretches of the
Pacific.
The ocean steamship companies are in
danger of losing a very large part of their
first and second class passengers; and, if
air rates are 3.5 cents a mile, of losing their
third class passengers also. It is difficult to
see how the ships can retain these pas-
sengers. The appeal of their services reached
its zenith in the floating hotels such as the
"Queen Mary." But these ships were ex-
pensive and they were said to have lost
money on every voyage when depreciation
is taken into consideration. It is question-
able whether any more such huge luxury
liners will be built.
There will be some travelers who will
prefer the leisure of an ocean voyage,
especially if the cost is less than by air.
Such voyages are likely to be on ships
smaller- than the luxury liners and less
speedy. Development of a fast, medium-
sized vessel that would carry passengers
more cheaply than the planes, would help
retain passengers for water-borne craft. On
the other hand, it does not seem probable
that the airplane will take much cargo
traffic away from steamships, and at only
about a cent a ton-mile, this is the most
profitable end of the shipping business.
Family Planes and Helicopters
The greatest non-military use of the air-
plane up to the present has been to trans-
port passengers. Most observers, however,
expect that after the war there will be many
private planes, carrying from two to six
persons as does the private automobile. At
the beginning of the war, there were 25,000
small planes owned by private individuals.
How many private planes will there be
in the first postwar decade and beyond?
The most common predictions are that
there will be several hundred thousand
privately owned small planes within a very
few years after the war. Many returning
soldiers will want to fly. A large market
for small planes would give jobs to veterans.
Photos courtesy Aviation News
Cargo carrying planes of today. Above, loading army equipment for transportation
by air; below, unloading the first cargo of fruit to be flown from coast to coast
The number purchased may be three or
four hundred thousand; but, if so, it is
possible that not more than fifty to one
hundred thousand will find much use. In
other words, there seems likely to be a
boom and a collapse.
This unpopular viewpoint is based upon
several factors. The market for the small
plane will be largely among those who can
buy both a plane and an automobile, a rela-
tively small group in the high income class.
The costs of flying are around five to ten
dollars an hour, with limited flying time
and high insurance rates. Another draw-
back is the scarcity of landing fields and
their distance from ultimate destinations.
Even if many thousands of landing places
were constructed and planes developed
which could land and take-off in a few
hundred feet, there still would not be
enough landing places to reduce satisfac-
torily the inconveniences.
The future of private flying is 'expected
to lie with the helicopter rather than with
the plane. Technically, the plane is suited
to wide-open, flat spaces. Yet it is where
people live that the demand exists. The
helicopter is much better adapted to densely
populated areas, since it can descend and
ascend vertically, except in high altitudes.
But the helicopter, as a usable invention, is
only six years old, and it takes a long time
to develop a complex invention for general
(Continued on page 76)
FEBRUARY '.945
59
Postwar Taxes and Full Employment
With the nation tax-conscious as never before, there is widespread
interest in proposed programs for government financing after the war.
MABEL NEWCOMER
POSTWAR TAX PLANNING HAS BECOME A
popular pastime in the United States. New
suggestions turn up in the newspapers al-
most daily; and many easy-to-read pam-
phlets, in gay covers to attract the layman,
offer comprehensive tax programs.
The reason for this new interest and ac-
tivity is clear. The war tax burden has
reached unprecedented levels. During the
first World War tax rates went almost as
high as rates today; but the exemptions also
were high. In consequence, four fifths of
our families paid no income tax. Today,
fewer than one fifth escape taxation. In the
peak year of the first World War, total
yields of all federal taxes did not reach
$6,000,000,000. In 1944, they came to $44,-
000,000,000. Thus it is not surprising that
the nation has become tax conscious, as
never before.
Despite colossal war taxes, the larger
part of war costs are being met from bor-
rowed funds. Even at current levels, tax
revenues have not covered half of our pres-
ent expenditures. But since approximately
nine tenths of federal expenditures are for
the prosecution of the war, they will fall
sharply when the war is ended. We shall
not need to equal current yields to balance
postwar budgets.
After the first World War we enjoyed
successive tax reductions. Owing to greatly
curtailed spending and a rising national in-
come, we were able not only to balance
budgets but to make substantial reductions
in the national debt. In some years, tax re-
ductions were actually accompanied by ris-
ing yields. Many tax authorities anticipate
that this experience may be repeated.
Before attempting to weigh the merits of
definite proposals which have been made
for tax reduction, it is important te con-
sider postwar aims. Taxes are levied pri-
marily to meet government costs. But
should we attempt merely to balance war
budgets, or should we provide in addition
for systematic reduction of war debts? To
answer this question wisely, the effect of
debt reduction on the one hand, and deficits
on the other, must be weighed. Obviously,
national financing on present or any pre-
dictable future levels will have a profound
effect on the entire economy. The ideal of
an earlier generation of economists — the
"neutral" tax system which does not inter-
fere with business activity or the distribu-
tion of wealth — is clearly not attainable.
To be realistic it is important to recog-
nize that the tax system has become an im-
portant instrument for stabilizing — or dis-
turbing— the national economy. If the ac-
cepted goal of full employment and a stable
and expanding economy is to be attained,
taxes must be shaped to that end. If, in
addition, we wish to establish a minimum
60
— Chairman of the department of eco-
nomics at Vassar College, U. S. State
Department representative at the recent
conference at Bretton Woods, Mabel
Newcomer for years has been an author-
ity on taxation. She has served on many
state committees on fiscal policies, and
in 1941-42 worked with the U. S.
Treasury Department. Miss Newcomer
has written many articles and books on
tax problems.
acceptable standard of living for all, that
too must be taken into account.
New Levels of Spending
An estimate of government costs is the
foundation of any specific program. Ex-
penditures in the late nineteen-thirties, re-
garded at the time as extravagantly high,
ranged from seven to eight billion dollars.
A substantial part of these costs was for
work relief — an expense we hope to escape
after this war through high levels of em-
ployment. But, even so, we shall be faced
with other new high costs. In spite of our
success in keeping interest rates low, after
the war the total interest charges on the
debt alone will be almost as great as was
the entire cost of the national government
in prewar years. Then, too, there will cer-
tainly be an enlarged military establishment
to maintain along with unprecedented ex-
penditures for the assistance of war vet-
erans. As experience after previous wars
has shown, these and other factors will pre-
vent national expenditures from returning
to prewar levels. Usually the postwar mini-
mum has been three or four times the pre-
war standard.
Postwar tax plans offered to date estimate
government costs varying from $12 to $38
billions, excluding debt retirement and
social security payments. The minimum
estimate is clearly unrealistic, since it pro-
vides for no expansion over prewar (1938)
expenditures, except the necessarily greater
interest charge on the debt. The larg-
est estimate is made only for the im-
mediate postwar years, with their continu-
ing high military costs, rather than for the
normal period.
Tax Cuts and Debts
The more carefully formulated plans
have much in common. All emphasize the
importance of high levels of income and
employment; all outline a federal tax system
that will yield from three to five times as
much as that in the prewar period; but all
provide for more drastic tax cuts than are
consistent with any systematic reduction of
the debt.
In none is debt reduction regarded as an
end in itself. Any substantial reduction of
the debt, resulting from an excess of tax
collections over current government ex-
penditures, would tend to decrease purchas-
ing power. And while such action is urged
by some tax planners as a healthy check on
too rapid business expansion and inflation,
it is assumed that periods of excess revenue
will alternate with deficits. For with any
slackening in business activity it is im-
portant, according to the same theory, that
government spending should exceed tax col-
lections. Most of the plans assume a bal-
anced budget only at a high level of em-
ployment; and since we shall probably fall
short of this level more often than we
shall exceed it, there is a tacit assumption
that there will be a long time upward trend
in debts, rather than a reduction.
An extensive public works program is
not included in any of the various postwar
tax plans. The assumption is that such a
program will be needed only in periods of
extensive unemployment, and that then it
is important to expand purchasing power
through deficit spending. As a matter of
fact, not all of the tax planners subscribe to
the principle of deficit spending for public
works, though those most opposed are even
more disturbed by high taxes. While they
favor drastic cuts in future government
spending, they are unable to face the tax
bill required for a genuine program of debt
reduction.
Four Programs
So much for generalizations regarding
the approach of the tax planners. What
are some of the postwar tax plans which
are receiving the widest publicity and most
serious consideration? There is the so-called
Twin Cities plan, put forward by the Twin
Cities (St. Paul and Minneapolis) Research
Bureau under the title of "Postwar Taxes:
a Realistic Approach to the Problem of Fed-
eral Taxation." There is the plan offered
by the Committee for Economic Develop-
ment— "A Postwar Federal Tax Plan for
High Employment." There is the proposal
by Beardsley Ruml and H. C. Sonne, "Fis-
cal and Monetary Policy," sponsored by the
National Planning Association. And there
is the plan of Prof. Alvin H. Hansen and
his associate, Harvey S. Perloff, "State and
Local Finance in the National Economy."
In these four plans, estimates of postwar
expenditures range from $16 to $23 billions
— again excluding social security costs and
debt retirement. Such estimates mean that,
if budgets are to be balanced in the postwar
period, the federal tax system must produce
from three to five times as much as in the
prewar period, though perhaps not more
than half of what it yields at present. If
we were to maintain current tax rates and
SURVEY GRAPHIC
current levels of income, we could effect a
substantial reduction of the debt. But, while
all these tax plans emphasize the impor-
tance of maintaining high levels of income
and employment, they provide for drastic
immediate tax reductions rather than any
systematic reduction of the debt.
In all four programs, advocates and op-
ponents of deficit spending alike consider
that the primary objective of the tax system
in the immediate postwar period should be
to promote high levels of employment or at
least to restrict industry as little as possible.
All are agreed that this approach would re-
sult in substantial tax reduction. There is
further agreement that tax revenue should
be adequate, and that adequacy means pro-
tection of government credit rather than
regularly balanced budgets.
However, there is wide difference of
opinion among proponents of the four plans
when they come to the question as to which
taxes to reduce to achieve their objectives.
Today, the personal income tax provides
$18 of the |44 billions of federal tax reve-
nues. In all four plans this amount would
be substantially reduced, although, except
in the Twin Cities program, the personal
income tax is retained as the principal
source of revenue in accordance with the
stated objective that taxes should meet the
test of ability to pay.
Twin Cities Plan: The Twin Cities com-
mittee urges long time planning for debt
reduction and at the same time offers a tax
program that would cut current yields more
than half. The committee places the en-
couragement of "venture capital" first in its
list of tax objectives, and argues that "to a
large extent, venture capital comes from the
Major Postwar
Tax Plans
Area of agreement: Drastic tax reduc-
tion, including repeal of excess profits
tax.
Twin Cities Plan: Retention of corpora-
tion income tax of 40 percent. Drastic
reduction in personal income tax. Intro-
duction of 5 percent retail sales tax.
CED Plan: Reduction of corporation
income tax to 16 to 20 percent and
crediting of such taxes to stockholders'
personal income taxes. Moderate reduc-
tion of personal income tax. Repeal of
all consumption taxes except those on
liquor, tobacco, and gasoline.
Ruml-Sonne Plan: Reduction of cor-
poration income tax to 5 percent of
distributed income and 16 percent of
undistributed income. Moderate reduc-
tion of personal income tax. Repeal of
all consumption taxes except those on
liquor, tobacco, and gasoline.
Hamen-Perloff Plan: Alternative plans
for corporation income tax providing
only moderate reduction. Moderate re-
duction of personal income tax with in-
creased rates in periods of boom and
decreased rates in periods of slump.
Reduction of liquor and tobacco taxes
and repeal of all other excises.
individual with a surplus." From this it
follows that reduction of income taxes,
through increased exemptions — and par-
ticularly through reduced surtax rates — is
necessary. Therefore, in contrast to other
plans, the committee proposes to reduce per-
sonal income taxes more than corporation
taxes.
As a matter of fact, in recent years much
of the saving that has gone directly into
industrial expansion has been done by cor-
porations. Private individuals with large in-
comes have invested increasingly in tax-
exempt state and local bonds. It is possible
that they could be lured back to private in-
vestment channels if there were drastic tax
reductions. A more direct approach to end-
ing discrimination against industrial invest-
ment would be to abolish tax exemption for
government bonds; this would put competi-
tion between the two kinds of investment
on a more equitable basis. The Twin Cities
group does not propose this obvious
measure — urged in most of the other tax
plans — although it alone has placed the en-
couragement of .venture capital first on its
list of objectives. In this plan, as in the
others, the corporation income tax remains
at present levels. It is proposed to repeal
the excess profits tax. The latter measure
should offer some encouragement to venture
capital.
The Twin Cities committee does not
mention an equitable distribution of the
tax burden as an important objective. Cer-
tainly its proposals would not achieve tax
justice, for any benefit that low income
families might derive from the proposal to
increase personal income tax exemptions
would be offset by the accompanying pro-
posal for a 5 percent consumption tax. The
real beneficiaries of such tax reduction
would be the well-to-do. In sum, the pro-
posals fall far short of our standards of
equity, would, probably be quite inadequate
for postwar needs, and make little contribu-
tion to the problem of maintaining high
levels of employment.
CED Plan: The Committee for Economic
Development offers a more defensible pro-
gram to achieve its stated objectives — the
least possible restriction on production and
employment, fair distribution of the tax
burden, and adequacy of taxes. The CED
proposes to repeal the excess profits tax and
to cut the rate of the present corporation
income tax of 40 percent in half. It would
permit individuals to deduct their propor-
tionate share of the corporation tax from
the normal tax on dividend income, thus
doing away with the double taxation now
existing. It would provide moderate reduc-
tions in both the personal income tax and
in consumption taxes. And it would sub-
ject the interest from state and municipal
bonds to taxation like other income.
This plan as a whole achieves substantial
equity, first by equalizing the taxes on in-
come from private and government se-
curities, and second by depending on a
highly progressive personal income tax for
more than half of the federal revenues. It
encourages continued business activity, prin-
cipally through substantial reductions in
business and consumption taxes.
Ruml-Sonne Plan: The primary objective
of the Ruml-Sonne plan is "high employ-
ment under private enterprise." It assumes
that the budget will be balanced at a high
level of employment, estimated to be 55,-
000,000 workers regularly employed, and a
national income of |140 billions. When
employment and income rise above this
level, it is assumed that the tax system will
yield a surplus which can be applied to re-
duction of the debt. When income and em-
ployment fall below this level, deficit fi-
nancing will be resorted to rather than new
taxes.
While the Ruml-Sonne plan is similar to
that of the CED, it makes an even more
drastic reduction in corporation taxes. In
addition to abolishing the excess profits tax,
it proposes to reduce the corporation in-
come tax to 5 percent of distributed income,
as compared with the present 40 percent.
Unlike the CED plan, it does not provide
for deduction of this sum from personal in-
come taxes. The retention of earnings by
corporations would be penalized through a
tax of 16 percent on undistributed profits.
Hansen-Perloff Plan: The Hansen-Perloff
plan goes even farther than the Ruml-
Sonne plan in relating taxes and employ-
ment. It provides for variable income tax
rate scales — the rates to be increased in pe-
riods of boom and decreased in periods of
depression. It also makes greater reductions
in consumption and personal income taxes
than do the other plans, but leaves the cor-
poration income tax relatively high. It is
designed, more than the others, to use the
tax system as an instrument for controlling
business fluctuations.
In addition to these four major plans
there are several others that should be men-
tioned. The recommendations offered by
Prof. Harold M. Groves of the University
of Wisconsin do not differ greatly from
those of the CED. The Chamber of Com-
merce of the United States, in its "referen-
dum No. 79 of Organization Members on
Proposed Declaration of Policy," urges "a
balanced budget providing for debt retire-
ment . . . ," but accompanies this with
the statement that "high rates of tax . . .
cannot be continued in the postwar transi-
tion or in time of peace without disastrous
effects upon the national economy."
Two other planners who propose the
lowest postwar budgets of all — Prof. Fred
Rogers Fairchild of Yale with a $13 bil-
lion budget and Prof. Harley Leist Lutz of
Princeton with a $14 billion budget — allow
one billion dollars a year for debt reduction.
But with a probable debt of $300 billions
such suggestions can hardly be considered a
serious effort to cope with the debt problem.
Any realistic attempt to pay off the debt
would demand that taxes of wartime mag-
nitude be retained for some years to come.
Weighing These Proposals
Judging from these plans and others
which have been suggested, it seems prob-
able that the federal tax system will be re-
vised in the immediate postwar period so as
to cut tax yields by at least one half. The
postwar level of yields, however, will pre-
sumably be at least double what it was in
FEBRUARY 1945
61
the prewar years. On two other points
there seems to be complete agreement
among these tax planners — that the excess
profits tax should be abolished and that
personal income tax rates should be dras-
tically reduced from high war levels. There
is considerable divergence as to how the
proposed reductions should be made. Some
planners would make the more drastic cuts
in the personal income tax, others in cor-
poration taxes, and still others in consump-
tion taxes.
Weighing the proposals, there is evidence
that the suggested reductions are too large
rather than too small. We have no assur-
ance that the high levels of employment
and income assumed for balancing budgets
will be attained. Those who would use
deficit spending as a device for stimulating
employment are consistent in this. They
doubtless expect a gradually rising debt,
although they have not all made this ex-
pectation clear. Those who are not con-
vinced that deficit spending will prove a
broad highway to prosperity have been un-
willing to face the fact that the only real
alternative is continued heavy taxes. In-
stead they have indulged in wishful think-
ing on the possibilities of reduced govern-
ment spending.
After the first World War we were able
to reduce taxes and debts at the same time,
thanks to expanding business activity.
While it is to be hoped that this experience
may be repeated, taxes cannot be reduced
to the level of the nineteen-twenties. The
choice is between taxes heavy enough to
balance budgets or a mounting debt. If
the first choice should prove a serious brake
on business activity, the mounting debt
might be the lesser evil.
It is important for planners to recognize,
however, that it is easier to check inflation
through heavy taxes than it is to check
deflation through tax reduction. The mere
lowering of business taxes in periods of
business uncertainty will not necessarily
turn the tide. Merely to have funds avail-
able for investment will not bring business
expansion, if the outlook for profits is poor.
Incentive Taxation
Taxes can be used as an incentive to busi-
ness enterprise as well as a damper to it.
The excess profits tax is supposed to dis-
courage venture capital but it may encour-
age certain activities that make new de-
velopments possible. For instance, under a
90 percent profits tax a firm can afford to
expand research activities that bring no im-
mediate return, since such expenditures will
be more at the expense of government tax
collections than of stockholders' profits, just
as under a 90 percent personal income tax,
wealthy individuals can afford to indulge in
extensive philanthropies at little cost to
themselves. Also, a firm subject to high
profits taxes can afford to take risks. For
while profits resulting from some new ven-
ture go largely to the government, so on the
other hand potential losses may be charged
against profits elsewhere in the business.
The director of War Mobilization and
Reconversion, James F. Byrnes, in his re-
port to the President and Congress on Janu-
ary 1, urges for the period immediately
following the European war several changes
in federal corporation taxes, including more
generous depreciation allowances, accelera-
tion of the process of postwar tax refunds,
and an increase in the specific exemption
for the excess profits tax. The purpose of
these changes is to stimulate business ex-
pansion and employment in the reconver-
sion period. They are recommended, that
is, as a form of incentive taxation.
Mr. Byrnes, like most of those who have
urged incentive taxation, is talking in terms
of reduced rates and increased exemptions.
True incentive taxation, however, demands
positive action, and increasing and detailed
government direction of business activity.
Germany used incentive taxation with suc-
cess in the middle Thirties to promote em-
ployment and encourage heavy war indus-
tries. But in this country this development
would not be welcomed by the proponents
of free enterprise; and it is significant that
few of the tax plans even use. the phrase.
Business Cycle Control
Taxation is at best a clumsy device for
controlling the business cycle. Controls de-
mand quick action, and tax bills go through
Congress slowly. Moreover, collections lag
behind legislation. For the tax system to
become an effective instrument of control,
it would be necessary to grant administra-
Estimated Yields of Proposed Plans
Compared With Present Taxes*
Billions of Dollars
Tax
Federal
Revenue
1943-44
Twin
Cities
CED
Ruml
Sonne
Hansen-
Perloff
Personal income
Corporation, including renegotiation
Estate and gift
Consumption and miscellaneous
Total
18.6
17.1
.5
4.3
5.0
5.0
.5
7.5
10.9
2.1
.9
4.5
13.0
1.0
.5
3.5
9.8
4.0-4.5
1.2
3.0
40.5 18.0
18.4
and omitt
yields of
18.0
ng some
the four
18.0-18.5
of the alterna-
programs are
"These are estimates for normal years, excluding payroll taxes,
lives offered. If these variations and omissions arc included the
from $16 to $23 billions.
tive officials wide discretionary powers. The
Hansen-Perloff plan proposes this — that per-
sonal income tax rates be adjusted up and
down, with business recovery and recession.
And it is possible that Congress would be
willing to delegate limited power to ad-
ministrative officials for this purpose. Such
action has already been taken with regard
to changes in tariff rates under the Recip-
rocal Trade Agreement Act. Although
traditionally jealous of its tax powers, Con-
gress may be glad to shift some of the re-
sponsibility; but we cannot count on it.
In the immediate postwar period the
greatest risk might lie in reducing taxes too
soon, with the possibility of inflationary
rather than deflationary conditions. War-
time taxes which put a curb on spending are
one of the controls that must be continued
as long as the conditions warrant. [See
"Taxes Are Good for You" by Harvey S.
Perloff. Survey Graphic, March 1943.]
The present tax system offers many forms
of assistance for reconversion. The con-
cern that loses money is not required to pay
either the excess profits or the income tax.
Moreover, there is provision for rapid
amortization of emergency facilities. Ten
percent of the excess profits tax will be re-
turned for purposes of reconversion. Under
the two-year carry-back provision, as much
of the taxes paid in the immediately preced-
ing years will be refunded as is necessary to
offset losses and provide normal returns.
The number and value of these aids in
present legislation have not always been
fully recognized; but the unprecedented
size of corporate reserves today testifies to
the fact that the tax laws have made sub-
stantial allowance for the reconversion pe-
riod. If business has the markets that only
full employment can provide, even the pres-
ent level of taxes would not prove unduly
restrictive.
Tax Justice
In our preoccupation with business cycle
control it is important that we do not for-
get principles of equity. To this end, we
should not continue to tolerate tax exemp-
tion for interest on state and local bonds,
nor discrimination, in personal income
taxes, against the residents of "non-com-
munity property" states. Today, in states
with community property laws, husband
and wife may make separate returns even
though the income is earned entirely by
the husband. Thus a salary of $20,000 must
be reported as a $20,000 income in New
York, a non-community property state, but
may be reported as two $10,000 incomes in
California, a community property state. The
tax in the former case is very much higher.
To achieve a system based on ability to
pay, a highly progressive personal income
tax should be retained as a basic federal tax,
and consumption taxes should be reduced
to a minimum. Such a tax system meets
the requirements of economic democracy,
and at the same time it adjusts quickly and
automatically to the exigencies of the busi-
ness cycle.
A tax system based on ability to pay will
inevitably produce large revenues in times
of rising incomes, thus offering a check on
(Continued on page 79)
62
SURVEY GRAPHIC
if
Luis Munoz Marin, the leader of Puerto Rico's Popular Democratic Party, speaking at a back country rally
Clean Sweep in Puerto Rico
From this Caribbean territory, following the November election, come new demands
for self-government and bold plans for economic progress and social betterment.
MARJORIE R. CLARK
THE NEW DEAL PROGRAM, IN ECLIPSE IN
the United States, received enthusiastic and
overwhelming endorsement in the Puerto
Rican election in November. In the con-
tinental press, Rexford Tugwell's presence
in the island as governor explains the pres-
ence of the New Deal there. Actually, how-
ever, the program is that of Luis Munoz
Mann and the Popular Democratic Party.
Governor Tugwell's contribution has been
chiefly encouragement and advice.
A surprisingly peaceful election resulted
in victory for the Popular Democrats by
a majority which literally wiped out one
of the three opposition parties — the Liberal
Party — and left the others almost without
representation in the government. The
Popular Democratic Party, which, lacking
a majority in the past four years, depended
upon Liberal Party support in the insular
legislature, now has no opposition whatever.
Of the 19 senate seats, it won 16; of the
39 seats in the lower house, it won 38.
There are 77 municipalities in Puerto Rico,
and 74 of them elected Popular Demo-
cratic governments. Even San Juan, tra-
ditionally Union Republican, went to the
Popular Democrats.
In the coming four years, too, the insu-
lar government will be represented in
Washington by a Popular Democrat, Jesus
Pifiero, the newly elected resident com-
missioner, who is one of the most stable
and responsible men in the party. Bolivar
Pagan who, as resident commissioner since
1940 did everything possible to discredit the
insular government in Washington, suc-
ceeded in winning one of the three Opposi-
tion seats in the insular senate.
The Campaign in the Island
The campaign and election were much
more orderly than anyone expected. Al-
— By an associate professor of economics
at the University of Puerto Rico. For-
merly with the Federal Housing Author-
ity and, earlier, the Farm Security Ad-
ministration in Washington, Miss Clark
was for some time consultant to the
Housing Authority in Puerto Rico.
Survey Graphic readers will recall her
description of war's impact on the island,
"Turmoil in Puerto Rico," December,
1942.
though violence was generally predicted,
"incidents" throughout the campaign were
few and unimportant. Threats of violence
were made, and "plots" discovered from
time to time, but they came to nothing.
The system of voting in Puerto Rico is
unique, and seems fraud-proof. Voters
were required to be in their voting places
before one o'clock on November 7. At
that hour the doors were locked, and voting
began. Each voter was called in alpha-
betical order, identified himself in a rather
elaborate fashion, and received his ballot.
Specially named "governor's representa-
tives" were sent to all parts of the island
to answer questions and adjust disputes.
In effect, voters could vote either for or
against the Popular Democratic Party,
which stood for a continuation of its eco-
nomic and social program begun in 1940.
The program of the Opposition parties was
the simple one of opposition. They never
formulated any other.
Any election in Puerto Rico must be con-
sidered from the point of view of its effect
upon the two great problems of Puerto
Rico — the political problem of status, or
relationship to the United States, and the
FEBRUARY 1945
63
economic problem of how the island can
support its dense and rapidly increasing
population.
Munoz Mann tried to convince voters
that the election related only to the eco-
nomic issue; that the question of political
status was not involved, and that a vote
for the Popular Democratic Party was not
a vote for independence. The opposition
parties, on the contrary, insisted that a
Popular Democratic victory would mean
an immediate move to free Puerto Rico
from the United States. In large part the
campaign of the Opposition candidate for
resident commissioner, for example, was
made "to keep the American flag flying in
Puerto Rico."
The 500 Acre Law
But the first question raised by the elec-
tion is how the government will act to
better economic conditions in the island.
The main outlines of the economic program
are clear, and are already embodied in the
legislation of the past four years. Its two
basic proposals are to increase and redis-
tribute the income from land, and to in-
dustrialize the island. Of the two the lat-
ter is now, at least, much more important
economically, although the land program
has political appeal which makes it an
essential part of any planning for the fu-
ture.
The land program so far has been
largely one of redistribution. Within the
near future, however, the government pro-
- poses to establish an Agricultural Develop-
ment Company to encourage more efficient
and more diversified land use.
Even when Puerto Rico became part of
the United States in 1898, land ownership
was concentrated in relatively few hands.
Congress in 1900 adopted a joint resolu-
tion— later known as the 500 Acre Law —
which prohibited any corporation from
owning or controlling more than 500 acres
of land. Ignored for forty years, this law
was made operative in 1941 when the in-
sular legislature was authorized by the
Supreme Court of the United States to
establish the method by which the joint
resolution would be put into effect. Three
methods of land distribution are provided
under the Land Act of 1941: outright gift
of one quarter of an acre to any agricul-
tural worker or agregado in the island;
sale or lease of family sized farms (5 to
25 acres); lease of proportional benefit
farms (100 to 500 acres) to agronomists or
experienced farmers. In the last case, the
workers on the farms share in the profits
in addition to receiving wages at estab-
lished rates during the year.
Up to last October, 10,716 families of
agricultural workers, representing close to
60,000 persons, had been resettled on small
plots of land. Over 11,000 acres had been
put into use in proportional benefit farms,
which form the heart of the program. The
six farms in operation this year distributed
slightly over $45,000 in proportional bene-
fits to the workers employed, and the Land
Authority claims that sugar on these farms
was grown at less than average cost and
that the yield was higher than average.
This is extremely important since, with so
little land in relation to population, every
acre must be used as fully and as eco-
nomically as possible.
Although the program of industrial de-
velopment has lagged somewhat behind
the land program, it is now well under
way. The Puerto Rico Development Com-
pany was established in 1942, not only to
help private industry, but to initiate and
carry on business for the insular govern-
ment. To make insular government funds
available to the company or to private in-
vestors, the Puerto Rico Development Bank
was created.
New Industries — Plans and Projects
As one of its first activities, the Develop-
ment Company initiated a thorough-going
investigation and inventory of the island's
natural resources. That investigation is
still under way, but two new industries
already have been established by the com-
pany itself. A glass container factory is
now going into operation, prepared to sup-
ply a major portion of the bottles needed
in the rum industry. A paper products
factory to make the corrugated paper in
which bottled rum is packed, is nearing
completion. Both will add very materially
to employment and income.
As soon as war conditions permit, the
Puerto Rico Development Company is pre-
64
Under the six-year plan it is believed that most of the urban slums — of which this is typical — can be cleared
SURVEY GRAPHIC
pared to build and operate a textile mill to
spin and weave imported cotton (later,
perhaps, it will use the long staple cotton
grown in the island, which is used only
for fine fabrics and requires very skilled
and experienced textile workers); a knit-
ting mill; a plant to manufacture vegetable
fats and oils, primarily from local coconuts;
a wallboard factory, using bagasse (sugar
cane from which the juice has been extrac-
ted); and four plants to make synthetic,
edible yeast, to improve the diet of the
people. In addition, semi-mechanized or
handicraft industries are starting, and the
Development Company already has put on
the market pottery of various kinds, and
furniture.
So far, the emphasis in industrial devel-
opment is clearly on government controlled
and operated industry. This is due in part
to the fact that speed is so essential, for
both political and economic reasons; in
part to the management of the Develop-
ment Company itself; and in part to the
definite leaning of the entire insular ad-
ministration toward government control
of the economic life of the island.
Businessmen are asking whether all in-
dustry is to be socialized; whether taxes
are to be greatly increased; what restric-
tions upon business and industry may be
imposed; into what kinds of industrial
activity the government means to go.
Mufioz Marin has said that he wants in-
creased taxes on corporations, probably
some kind of excess profits tax. It is taken
for granted that existing wage and hour
laws will be liberalized to give workers a
greater share in income. If private capital
is to be utilized in any significant degree
in the' future industrial development of
Puerto Rico, the government will have
either to define much more clearly the
fields into which it means to go, or to
work out some method by which both
government and private investors can unite
in industrial enterprises, with private in-
vestors given some responsibility in man-
agement.
Private capital, however, has been notori-
ously slow to invest in the island except in
sugar and, more recently, in the manufac-
ture of rum.
Even if the newly elected government
were interested in a change in the attitude
of the private investor, it might be im-
possible to attract to industry any appreci-
able amount of private capital until the
question of political status is settled.
The fact that public utilities are already
in large part government owned makes
the industrial program easier. The Water
Resources Authority, an insular government
agency, supplies all power used in Puerto
Rico. The Transportation Authority, an-
other insular agency, owns and operates
the principal bus system in the San Juan
metropolitan area and plans island-wide
transportation as soon as equipment is
available. It expects to build within the
_next six years not only an airport for in-
ternational air service, but local airports
as well. The Communications Authority
now controls the telegraph system and is
about to take over the telephone system.
In the past four years, the government
The Popular Democratic Party invests #20,000 in war bonds. Jesus T. Pinero, Resi-
dent Commissioner in Washington (left), hands the check to a U.S. Treasury official
has quite frankly tried to establish its eco-
nomic program before it faces the enor-
mous social problems of Puerto Rico. In
some part this attitude may have been due
to war restrictions, which made building
impossible, but in larger part it was the
conviction that Puerto Ricans can in the
long run hope only for those social insti-
tutions which they can support. Accord-
ingly, little has been done since 1940 in
housing, education, sanitation, or health.
Now, however, the government proposes
to go ahead as rapidly as possible with a
broad social program.
The Issue of Independence
Meanwhile, within the Popular Demo-
cratic Party itself the issue of status has,
in the weeks since the election, flared into
the open. At least a minority of the party
leaders want independence now, at any
cost, and are already agitating for it.
Mufioz Mann does not belong to this
group. Puerto Rico must wait for inde-
pendence, he insists, until it can be assured
of continued economic help from the
United States, since political independence,
without economic help, would bring only
suffering and starvation to the island. Al-
though he has been careful not to commit
himself, it appears that he favors some
form of qualified or partial independence,
such as dominion or commonwealth status,
which would leave the island free to legis-
late for itself and determine its own future,
but would not break the strong economic
attachment to the United States which has
developed in the last forty-five years.
The issue of status was of course in the
minds of voters at the November election.
Mufioz Mann promised the people to ar-
range, as soon as possible, a vote on the
kind of political status they wanted. Until
that time, he urged that the issue rest.
Nonetheless, the election has resulted in
widespread "jitters" on the question of
status. Many remember the violence of
1936 during which the chief of police lost
his life, and fear something of the same
kind now. "They will kill us in the
streets," one woman cried when she saw
the election returns.
Among business and professional men,
both in and out of the Popular Demo-
cratic Party, there is fear of the Jnde-
pendentistas. If any section of the Puerto
Rican people has adjusted to colonial sta-
tus, it is this group, whose ties with the
United States are close and profitable, and
who intellectually are turning to the con-
tinent as they once turned to Spain.
The immediate question is whether
Mufioz Marin can control the "independ-
ence now at any cost" group within the
party. The very completeness of the
Popular Democratic victory makes this
more difficult, since there is no opposition
from the outside to hold the party together.
There is also the fact that for the defeated
parties, and the interests they represent —
chiefly sugar — dissension within the Popular
Party ranks becomes extremely important.
The Independentlstas have already shown
that they do not mean to wait. They are
pressing for action now, in a number of
ways. Rafael Arjona Siaca, newly elected
senator and extremely vocal member of
the Popular Democratic Party, declared a
few days after the election in a widely
publicized speech that Puerto Rico must
end at once its humiliating political situa-
tion and become independent. Later, at a
meeting called to hear two Cuban students
who came to the university to speak for
independence, he declared that Puerto Rico
was even now in "full revolt" against its
present colonial status.
The visit of the Cuban students has
assumed the character of an international
(Continued on page 77)
FEBRUARY 1945
65
"Dad is our pal." When he doesn't have to work at night, he spends his evenings with us
"I like to watch myself grow" at the annual health check-up
"Learning is fun in our school room," thanks to our teacher
These Make Up "My Happy Days"
From a book on normal Negro childhood by Jane Dabney Shaclcelford. Photographs by Cecil Vinson
"What fun we have" in the park across the street from school
These glimpses of the details of wholesome child life are from a book
of alternating photographs and simple text, "My Happy Days"
(Associated Publishers, Inc., Washington, D. C). The book is ad-
dressed to Negro parents as well as to Negro children, but its message
is for all parents and children. "I hope it will establish a pattern that
will be followed in many homes," writes the author, "because we all
realize that strengthening family life is a bulwark of democracy.
''I am proud to be a citizen of the United States"
After a good-night story, "I go to bed with happy thoughts"
LETTERS AND LIFE
To Be Young, Poor, and Black
OUR INDIVIDUAL LIVES, SO IT IS OFTEN SAID,
are subject to three basic influences: our
physical makeup, which provides the main-
spring of our activities; our homes, which
influence their direction; and the social
group, which limits or extends them. It is
to the credit of Richard Wright, who even
as a novelist protests racial discrimination,
that he has recognized these three factors
in his autobiography without becoming
pedantic. ("Black Boy. A Record of Child-
hood and Youth," by Richard Wright.
Harper. $2.50.) In this terrible picture of
life in the United States, in this personal
testimony that, for frankness, makes Rous-
seau's "Confessions" read like a novel of
manners, Mr. Wright has placed the blame
where it belongs. He has not spared himself
in revealing his intractable, unruly nature
as a little boy; he has not recalled his par-
ents in a haze of sentimental nostalgia;
hence his account of what made life in the
South unbearable for a sensitive Negro lad
is many times more convincing than the
furtive development in "Native Son."
For Richard was tense, hypersensitive
from earliest childhood, thus proving anew
that the artist feels more deeply than his
fellows and is more keenly aware and re-
flective by his very physical nature. He
was browbeaten by Negroes before he was
intimidated by whites, and his protest was
the natural reaction of a high-spirited and
intelligent youth against all forms of in-
justice. So this book becomes a unique
record, a story of a black boy's soul as well
as of that ring of discrimination that keeps
the Negroes cowed in the Deep South. It
is a unique supplement to Gunnar Myr-
dahl's comprehensive study, "An Ameri-
can Dilemma," bearing out many of the
scientist's conclusions.
Since practically all autobiographies are
written when the author has reached the
age of reflection, none can escape a certain
amount of adult sophistication. But Mr.
Wright has managed to make his remi-
niscences seem fresh and new by treating
them as episodes, providing a rich succes-
sion of them, and only occasionally com-
menting as an adult.
The Untamable Spirit
He begins by showing what kind of
boy he was temperamentally. At the age of
four in Natchez, he set the house afire in
order to see the curtains burn, despite the
presence of a sick grandmother. He was
punished: "I was lashed so hard and long
that I lost consciousness." A few years later,
in Jackson, Miss., he loitered around sal-
oons, picked up dirty words and scandal-
ized his relatives, who reacted violently.
He joined other children in jeering at Jews,
and his intense curiosity told him much
(All booths
HARRY HANSEN
about sordid relations in shabby houses. He
does not spare himself, and we begin to
see him as intensely nervous, stubborn, tor-
tured in soul and body but keenwitted,
inquisitive, and by no means passive.
The home life Mr. Wright reveals upsets
the conventional belief that poor Negroes
are easy-going, affectionate, and gentle in
family relationships. His mother worked
as a laundress and wept and worried over
her two boys; his father, a Beale Street
drugstore porter, found himself another
woman. His grandmother, white of skin
yet born in slavery, labored hard to help
the handicapped members of her family,
but she was a strict religionist and dis-
ciplinarian. In justice to her and other rel-
atives who browbeat Richard, it must be
admitted that he was a tough proposition;
none knew how to tame this wild one ex-
cept by blows and abuse. Even an aunt,
on becoming his teacher in school, refused
to admit the relationship and treated him
as a culprit.
In later years, Richard began to wonder
at this antagonism among his own. He
"used to mull over the strange absence of
real kindness in Negroes, how unstable
was our tenderness, how lacking in genuine
passion we were, how void of great hope,
how timid our joy, how bare our traditions,
how hollow our memories, how lacking
we were in those intangible sentiments that
bind man to man and how shallow was
even our despair."
For some Negroes the church provides
both a tradition and a social magnet. Rich-
ard was briefly affected by the religious
symbols and the hymns. But he thinks
they came too late (at ten or eleven years!)
in his career; therefore "full emotional and
intellectual belief never came." The lad's
nature was already too skeptical, too in-
quiring; he could not accept beliefs on
faith.
The Day-by-Day Repression
As he grew older, he recognized the
fear that is in the air for the Negro in
the South. Here his testimony is exception-
ally valuable, for while everyone is aware
of the more obvious manifestations of race
discrimination, such as Jim Crow cars and
lynching, we are less familiar with the
insidious, day-by-day repression, which is
implicit in the very attitude of white peo-
ple. Richard was merely a curious boy
when he first saw a Jim Crow car, but he
was older when a classmate lamented the
loss of a brother who had been killed by
whites for "fooling with a white prostitute."
He was to discover, to his own hurt, what
other methods were used.
Young Richard learned that he could
not reply to an employer who corrected
ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will
68
him; his remarks "indicated a consciousness
on my part that infuriated white people."
Something of this spirit may have been
absorbed by the Negro principal of his
school, who considered it an insult that
Richard should refuse to deliver the vale-
dictory address he had written for the boy.
As a bell boy in a hotel, Richard had to
run errands for white prostitutes; when
they walked about shamelessly in the nude
he was told: "Keep your eyes where they
belong if you want to be healthy!" White
employes of a Memphis company used
devious methods to get two Negro lads to
fight by assuring them separately that each
was out to knife the other. Fortunately
they compromised on a fist fight.
Richard's basic makeup made it impos-
sible for him "to submit and live the life
of a genial slave." He resented the attitude
of the Negro elevator operator who al-
lowed himself to be kicked for a quarter.
He heard Negroes discuss the ways of
white folks toward them, but it led no-
where. Negroes grumbled, cheated, and
stole from their employers. Richard had a
mush and gravy poverty like the rest, but
he had something they lacked — the ability
to develop mentally despite all handicaps.
The Spark
And here credit goes to H. L. Mencken
for being the electric spark which spurred
Richard on. Mencken was being denounced
in a Memphis newspaper, probably for
one of his periodic attacks on the South,
when Richard became aware of him. Un-
able to draw books from the public library,
he asked an Irish Catholic to wangle a card.
Then he began reading "Prejudices" and
"A Book of Prefaces," and taking up the
authors Mencken discussed. H. L. Mencken
has electrified many able spirits with his
writings; Richard Wright is only one of
the latest.
It is good for us to learn how a black
boy felt in his growing years. It is good to
know what pulled him out of his difficult
situation. He went North — to Chicago —
to become an author with a conscience, a
spokesman for justice. Although he has not
told it here, we know that he did not find
complete freedom from racial discrimina-
tion even in the North. But his way was
easier now; he had enough to eat; he could
speak his mind and find listeners.
The book, full of anecdotes as it is, re-
vives our democratic belief that brains may
sprout in the humblest surroundings and
that intellectual courage wins a way. This
personal testimony shows that even trivial
incidents have their bearing on individual
development. But without the sensitive na-
ture that was his, Richard Wright's "scald-
ing experience" would have left him like
be postpaid)
many another black boy of the South, out-
wardly genial, inwardly discontented and
oppressed, unable to find his way out of
the atmosphere that smothered him.
THE UNITED STATES
STUDIES PEACE
THE LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE, by
Ruhl J. Bartlett. University of North Caro-
lina Press. #2.50.
HERE is A FULLY DOCUMENTED HISTORY OF
the League to Enforce Peace, which was
formed shortly after the beginning of the
first World War and which, according to
former President Lowell of Harvard, was
"killed and buried by the Republicans and
President Harding in 1922." The book is
a valuable contribution to today's study of
the techniques of international coopera-
tion, why our predecessors failed, what we
must avoid; and, lest we miss our second
chance, it points to what we must achieve
if we are to have peace.
APPROACHES TO WORLD PEACE:
Fourth Symposium of the Conference of Sci-
ence, Philosophy, and Religion in Their
Relation to the Democratic Way of Life.
Edited by Lyman Bryson, Louis Finkel-
stein, and Robert Maclver. Harper. f5.
A MIGHTY TOME HAS BEEN MADE OF THE
papers discussed at the Fourth Conference
on Science, Philosophy, and Religion, held
in New York City in September, 1943.
Fifty-nine different authorities, representing
fifty-nine approaches to the complex prob-
lems of the present world crisis, have united
in an effort to face the very real crisis in
the field of intelligence and ideas. It is, of
course, of primary value and interest to the
scholar, but the layman would do well to
catch some of the objective and timeless
attitudes brought to this study by these
men of the classical tradition.
AN AMERICAN PEACE, by Neil MacNeii,
Scribner. #2.75.
IN STRONG, CLEAR, CONCISE TERMS, WITH A
terse, effective 'style, Mr. MacNeii calls for
an American peace. But let no one inter-
pret that as an insistence on nationalism. It
is simply this: the United States, having at
last a military strength that matches its re-
sources in industry, having the greatest in-
ternational authority it has ever known,
must take its mature part in building a just
and flexible peace. This peace must be
based on economic solutions of political
problems, for the basic problems are eco-
nomic. Just as this country once wrote the
Bill of Rights, so it must write an Eco-
nomic Bill of Rights, wherein there shall
be access to raw materials and markets for
all. Without such an Economic Bill of
Rights, Mr. MacNeii feels "there is little
hope for a realistic peace."
FOREIGN POLICY BEGINS AT HOME,
by James P. Warburg. Harcourt, Brace.
#2.50.
MR. WARBURG HAS WRITTEN A MOST INTER-
estingly condensed history of American
foreign and domestic policy, showing that
the two are closely interdependent. With
this factual knowledge at hand, the Amer-
"A clear, vigorous,
courageous book."
—The Nation
Foreign Policy
Begins at Home
By JAMES P. WARBURG
N. Y. HERALD TRIBUNE: "Thorough-going and
thought-provoking. To maintain and extend
democracy, citizens must therefore exercise their
right to determine the broad shape of the nation's
policies; and, to make those policies good, they
must possess the information on which to base
proper decisions. This book presents this kind of
information with a very large measure of clarity,
simplicity and success."
MINNEAPOLIS TRIBUNE: "Its wealth of factual in-
formation and provocative ideas should stimulate
independent thinking among Americans who used
to believe the field of international relations was
roped off for the exclusive pleasure of the 'ex-
perts'."
MAX LERNER: "A wonderfully lucid, admirably sim-
ple survey of American foreign policy . . . Better
than in any other book I know, he has captured
the basic truth that there is an organic connection
between what we do abroad and what we do at
home."
DALLAS NEWS: "The summaries of recent history
alone make the book worth while . . . But far more
important are the guiding principles, based on a
specific examination of our policies following the
last
war.
£2.50
HARCOURT, BRACE AND COMPANY
383 Madison Avenue • New York 17, N. Y.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
69
ican is brought face to face with his re-
sponsibility as a citizen in a democracy
and the part his democracy must play in
a world torn by conflicting ideologies. It is
a plea for the right objectives and princi-
ples back of the peace settlement to come.
THE GENTLEMEN TALK OF PEACE, by
William B. Ziff. Macmillan. #3.
MR. ZiFF FEELS THAT THE MAIN PROBLEM
of the future is one of adjusting the aging
political and social forms of society to its
new economic and industrial needs. He
offers precise plans for a world territorial
reorganization, and he seems to have
thought it through to the last minute detail.
JULIE D'ESTOURNELLES DE CONSTANT
Assistant Director
Woodrow Wilson Foundation
OUR JUNGLE DIPLOMACY, by William
Franklin Sands in collaboration with Joseph
M. Lalley. University of North Carolina
Press. £2.50.
IN THE CURRENT NATIONWIDE DEBATE ON
foreign policy, one is happy to encounter
anyone attempting to analyze the long term
trends in this nation's conduct of foreign
relations. Taking as a springboard his as-
signments in Latin America during the
heyday of American imperialism, Mr.
Sands, an excellent career diplomat of many
years' experience in the Far East as well,
examines our foreign policy over the past
four decades for an indication of some co-
herent purpose — and finds it wanting.
The author likens our diplomacy to a
jungle, where every man must hack a way
for himself through the twisted under-
growth of protocol, intrigue, and miscon-
ception, only to gather the fruit of ag-
gression and war. For our capricious and
unpredictable course in international rela-
tions, motivated by power drives and inter-
preted by "professions of virtue," has pro-
vided a pattern, he says, for other more
consistently expansionist nations.
For his belief that we in the United
States have sowed the wind and are now
reaping the whirlwind, Mr. Sands has cer-
tain grounds, of which he occasionally per-
mits the reader to catch a glimpse. He was
present at the birthing of Panama, wit-
nessed our attempts to bring about peace
and prosperity in Central America by
bankers' loans and armed intervention, ob-
served our well-meaning, if erratic, efforts
to introduce democracy in Mexico at the
point of a gun. His discussion of power
politics in Latin America is so discursive,
so interlarded with anecdote and personal
experience, however, that one emerges
without a clear notion of just what it is
Mr. Sands is trying to say.
The reader will probably find much to
agree with in the author's contention that
lack of knowledge abroad of this country's
intentions has proved in the past far more
dangerous than any fear of its concrete
plans. But it is speculative whether the
reader will be able to concur in the con-
clusion, for which he has been sketchily
prepared, that the present war is the result
of the shattering collision of the imperial-
ist drives of Japan and the United States,
and only that.
Mr. Sands makes no mention of the
German threat in our Latin American pre-
serves. A period of residence in Latin
America, even on the Pacific side, should
make one all the more aware that our
orientation in this hemisphere, because of
the lay of the land and the flow of the sea,
has always been Europe-ward. Negative as
it is, the Monroe Doctrine — the only
American policy on which a certain
amount of agreement has been achieved —
is aimed at Europe. Not to make this
clear is, in this reviewer's opinion, to betray
a certain carelessness in the material's pre-
sentation.
One wishes that the author and his col-
laborator, Mr. Lalley, had confined them-
selves to their very readable account of
Mr. Sands' experiences in Central America
and elaborated the discussion of some of
the social and racial concepts of the Mexi-
can revolution, much of which is ex-
tremely valid.
Research Associate OLIVE HOLMES
Foreign Policy Association
EVERYBODY'S POLITICAL WHAT'S
WHAT, by Bernard Shaw. Dodd, Mead.
03.
STYLING HIMSELF AN "ARTIST PHILOSO-
pher," having, so far as he can comprehend
it, "the whole universe for his workshop,"
the irrepressible George Bernard Shaw in
his eighty-ninth year soliloquizes and rem-
inisces zestfully with sturdy wisdom, little
nostalgia, and more tolerance than usual.
Education, he maintains, stems from the
arts rather than from formalized rote.
"Drawing wrong conclusions from known
facts" is, he observes, more responsible for
current cynicism than ignorance itself. "The
honest artist does not pretend that his fic-
tions are facts, but he may claim, as I do,
that it is only through fiction that facts can
be made instructive and intelligible." He
stigmatizes "competitive examinations" as
giving the competitors "an interest in one
another's ignorance and failure" and as
associating success "with the notion of do-
ing the other fellow down." He looks more
favorably upon competition between teams
as uniting members "to share their knowl-
edge and help one another."
After watching the pageant of three
generations, Shaw characterizes democracies
as government by "anybodies" elected by
"everybody," operating upon a level which
is necessarily no higher than that of "ev-
erybody." As for himself he has, he says,
"still much to learn, even within my own
limited capacity." He sees himself, how-
ever, as "realist" enough "to see through
more of the romantic illusions and know
more of the hard facts than Mr. Every-
man." His penetrating eye can still detect
the most carefully concealed skeleton and
he has lost none of his capacity to discon-
cert by dragging it ruthlessly from the
closet.
Yet there is a new mellowness in this
cavalcade of Shavian reflections: on his ex-
cursions into Marxist propaganda; his transi-
tion from novelist to playwright; the glee
in his feeling that his critics and biogra-
phers can find no "pigeonhole" to fit him.
His spicy acidity is frankly meant to "en-
tertain" and he is always conscious of the
indispensability of the surprise element to
put his humor across. On his first meeting
with Anatole France, the latter had tardy
inquired, "Who are you?" to which Shaw
retorted, "I, like you, am a genius."
This is autobiography at its best, by a
man who, whatever he may do to others,
is as free from self-deception as a human
can be. There is one very important cat
which he intentionally or unintentionally
lets out of its bag. He loves the world
with which he has quarreled so eagerly.
RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR.
Cornwall, N. Y.
WORLD ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT:
Effects on Advanced Industrial Countries,
by Eugene Staley. The International Labor
Office. #1.75.
THIS WORK BY ONE WHO IS NO NEWCOMER
in the field of international trade relations
raises a basic problem that is certain to be
a matter of considerable debate in the post-
war period. On the assumption that there
will be an increasing demand on the part
of undeveloped nations for rapid progress
in economic development after the war, the
main purpose of the book is to explore
"the effects — primarily the economic
effects — which are likely to be felt in the
advanced industrial countries of the world
as a result of economic development."
Mr. Staley 's answers are essentially op-
timistic, developing the thesis that the situ-
ation will present both opportunities and
dangers, but that it will be possible by
policies of "mutual cooperation and intelli-
gent adaptation" to make the advantages
outweigh the disadvantages.
He holds that investment in the unde-
veloped countries will prove to be an outlet
for surplus funds and will contribute to
the maintenance of a balance between sav-
ings and investment, a condition necessary
for full employment in developed countries.
Certain changes in trade relations will
be inevitable as a result of increased indus-
trial productivity in undeveloped areas.
The impact of such changes may be met
by "industrial adaptability," by shifting
labor and capital into those lines of produc-
tion made more profitable by the rise of
world income.
Most of the text is devoted to the elabora-
tion of these ideas and to indicating the
policies which should be followed to achieve
the result. A final section deals with the
broader implications of economic develop-
ment in the new areas — the effect on popu-
lation, political alignments, and cultural
development.
From one point of view, the approach
is realistic. Mr. Staley starts his analysis
with the concept of "freedom from want,"
but he does not advocate "Uncle Sam's de-
livering the proverbial quart of milk to the
Hottentot." He states with emphasis that
freedom from want will come in various
parts of the world only when the popula-
tions in those countries have increased their
own productivity.
He is aware, also, of the delicate political
repercussions of international, trade rela-
tions. But he asserts that mutual coopera-
tion, sensible economic controls, and de-
70
cisions based on long-run considerations or
benefit to both types of countries will point
the way to healthy economic development
and eliminate "one-way imperialism." In a
world in which most decisions are results
of pressure politics rather than of economic
literacy, one might question the possibility
of this achievement without much more
drastic over-all economic control than Mr.
Staley contemplates.
Considering the fact that a large pro-
portion of the book deals with technical
economic data, the presentation is clear and
stimulating. It should be of interest to the
non-technical reader as well as to the
specialist. Also, it might well be on the
required reading list for the peacemakers.
Lois MAC DONALD
Department of Economics
New Yor^ University
THE POWER INDUSTRY AND THE
PUBLIC INTEREST— A Summary of the
Results of a Survey of the Relations Between
the Government and the Electric Power
Industry. Twentieth Century Fund. $2.
THE READER WILL FIND IN THIS BOOK SUCH
an array as he will scarcely find elsewhere
of pros and cons on the multitude of prob-
lems and experiences that go to make up
the picture of the power industry and its
relation to the public interest. This evident
effort to present all sides in a fair-minded
marshaling of facts and opinions will not
satisfy the ranter nor attract the ultra-
conservative.
In reading, one's mind is constantly on
a seesaw. Technical, financial, and public
relation problems are developed in quick
succession, yet rarely left without some
presentation of different points of view.
Generally technical matters are successfully
handled, though it is manifest the authors
felt most at home in reviewing the powers,
experience, and attitudes of the Federal
Power Commission and the Securities and
Exchange Commission.
The presentation of the program and
development of the TVA shows broad
study and considerable understanding. A
point the authors may not appreciate is that
the extraordinarily high average energy
consumption (and a correspondingly low,
average cost per kwh) is an important re-
flection of use of electricity at an especially
low final step in the rate schedule by well-
to-do citizens in house heating. The major-
ity of consumers are still satisfied with an
electric refrigerator and the small current
consuming convenience equipment.
Possibly too much emphasis is put on
the creation of high capacity long distance
interconnection, the cost of which is high.
Most customers and consumption, like the
travel of automobiles, are largely within
limited range of centers of supply. How
much can be afforded in excess capital, idle
much of the time, as insurance against a
possible emergency is a matter for careful
weighing. Of course, enormous water pow-
ers set up in the wilderness must have high
capacity transmission lines to reach ade-
quate markets.
No one reading this book, if fair-minded,
can fail to realize that the problem is com-
plex, that the facts are ever changing, and
MY HAPPY DAYS
A Charming Story of Negro Family Life
By JANE DABNEY SHACKELFORD
Author of The Child's Story of the Negro
Comments
"I doubt if a better portrait has ever been presented of
our healthy everyday American life. School days and vacation
times, fun at home, parties, trips to the doctor, marketing
with mother, going to Sunday school — all the good sol id things
we give our children, the things we are fighting for now across
the world." - Phyllis A. Whitney, in the Chicago Sun,
December 31, 1944.
"Jane Dabney Shackelford has done America a favor in
giving it this book. And American parents, white and colored
alike, will be doing their children a favor by giving them a
copy." — M. Crosby Rogers, in the Springfield Union, January
3, 1945.
121 pages
Beautifully illustrated
Price $2.15
The Associated Publishers, Inc.
1538 NINTH ST., N.W., WASHINGTON 1, D. C.
there is no easy solution of progressively
maximum service at lowest honest costs to
the public. The rapidly changing conditions
of the past three or four years leave the
impression that data based on 1939-1940
may have become somewhat academic.
JUDSON C. DlCKERMAN
Consulting Engineer, Washington, D. C.
THE VALLEY AND ITS PEOPLE— A Por-
trait of TVA. Text by R. L. Duffus. Illus-
trations by the Graphics Department of
TVA, Charles Krutch, chief. Knopf. #2.75.
R. L. DUFFUS, FROM THE HILLS OF VfiR-
mont, wandered through the Tennessee
Valley before TVA and from time to time
since has watched with sympathetic under-
standing the changes in the lives of the
Valley people wrought by that enterprise.
He recounts a "history ... of beauty,
waste and attempted redemption . . . sim-
ple ideas" in the simple but penetrating
style with which readers of Survey Graphic
are familiar.
He sees through to the central core of
TVA: dams and hydropower are transient,
reservoirs will silt up, new sources of energy
will be found; only ideas are enduring. And
the idea of TVA, recently presented so
fervently by Chairman David E. Lilienthal
in his great book, "TVA: Democracy on
the March," is here presented succinctly,
objectively, in homely pipe-and-tweed writ-
ing. It is the use of science and government
as the tools of 2,800,000 people to achieve
their own creative self-expression and ad-
vancement. "The pioneer stock . . . still
has character and virility. What is needed
was something outside itself of which it
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC.)
71
had been robbed by unhappy circumstances.
It needed hope for the future."
For over a decade, Charles Krutch, chief
photographer for TVA, has pictured farms,
fields, eroded hillsides, floodlighted valleys
in which dams were building, the stark
beauty of spillways, penstocks, generators
— and the people of the Valley. It is hard
to say whether this generous sampling of
fine work by him and his staff illustrates
the text well or whether Mr. Duffus has
written a fitting commentary on the pic-
tures. The happy collaboration has pro-
duced a satisfying book.
CHARLES S. ASCHER
National Housing Agency
THE TVA— LESSONS FOR INTERNA-
TIONAL APPLICATION, by Herman
Finer. International Labor Office. $2 boards,
#1.50 paper.
HENRY A. WALLACE is ONE OF A GROWING
number of statesmen and writers who have
raised their voices in favor of a United
Nations or international authority of some
kind to deal with physical and economic
development on a regional basis in the
war-devastated countries. In a speech in
1942 the vice-president said: "There must
be an international bank and an interna-
tional TVA."
In a book put out by the International
Labor Office, Mr. Finer presents the whole
mosaic of the TVA experiment, breaking
it down into its various parts: the taming
of the waterway with its integrated and
unified program of flood control, power
generation, and navigation; the power de-
velopment; the land use and fertilizer pro-
4 Recent
CED
books
• Committee for
Economic
Development
research studies
• See them
10 days
on approval
Providing for Unemployed Workers in the
Transition
By Richard A. Lester, Associate Professor of Eco-
nomics, Duke University. 154 pages, 5%x8%, $1.50
Fully probes the probable scope and character of
unemployment in the transition, its possible effects,
and existing measures for meeting them. Among
the factors examined are adequacy of unemployment
compensation to sustain purchasing power, extent to
which public works can be utilized for unemploy-
ment, advantages or disadvantages of Federal public
works programs as against local undertakings, and
the value of a transition-period program of educa-
tion and training for unemployed workers.
Demobilization of Wartime Economic
Controls
By John Maurice Clark, Professor of Economics,
Columbia University. 210 pages, 5V4x8%, $1.75
Deals with the many-sided question of economic
controls put into effect because of the war, and
how they should be relaxed with the approach of
peace. Presents a thorough survey of the kinds of
controls, their objectives, authority, effect, etc.,
analyzes carefully the varying circumstances under
which need for them may abate, and offers specific
recommendations for the time, manner, and decree
of their cessation which will most support objectives
of high production and job opportunities in the
postwar period.
The Liquidation of War Production
By A. D. H. Kaplan, Professor of Economics, Univer-
sity of Denver. 133 pages, 5^x83,4, $1.50
This volume analyzes the score and nature of the
problems involved in cancelling war production
contracts and in disposing of war goods surpluses
and government-owned plants. Impartially discusses
how, when, and by whom the problems should be
handled and presents concrete proposals for recon-
version that will contribute to production and job
opportunities in the postwar period.
Production, Jobs and Taxes
By Harold M. Craves, Professor of Economics,
University of Wisconsin. 115 pages, 5%x8%, $1.25
This book shows the important role federal tax-
ation can play in maintaining stability through high
levels of production and in encouraging business to
create job opportunities. It brings to the front the
ways in which taxation affects initiative and out-
lines the means and specific tax changes for build-
ing a tax program that will make the most of
business potentialities within desirable economic and
social limitations.
Send this McCRAW-HILL coupon!
McGraw-Hill Book Co., 330 W. 42nd St., N.Y.C. 18
Send me the books checked below for 10 days'
examination on approval. In 10 days I will pay
for books, plus few cents postage, or return them
postpaid. (Postage paid on cash orders.)
D Lester— Providing for Unemployed Workers In
the Transition. $1.50
D Clark — Demobilization of Wartime Economic
Controls, $1.75
D Kaplan — The Liquidation of War Production.
$1.50
D Groves — Production. Jobs and Taxes. $1.25
Name
Address
City and State
Position .
Company S.O. 2-45
(Books sent on approval In the United States only.)
gram; the intricate and related problems
involved in the relocation of families with
the impounding of water behind the dams.
The author covers the entire scope of TVA,
appraising the difficulties involved in each
step of the program as well as the pro-
gress achieved.
Then, in the light of the American ex-
periment, he presents the problems of an
international TVA, posing without bias the
serious difficulties which inevitably would
be encountered. In his words: "The pur-
pose of such an institution — an interna-
tional resources development authority —
would presumably be to contribute to
raising the standard of living in under-
developed countries by means of long term
credits and technical assistance which
would foster economic enterprise. In some
degree, which would have to be the object
of serious inquiry, financial assistance and
administrative support of these enterprises
would come under the general good offices
of such an international agency."
Mr. Finer states frankly that "depart-
ments of world government, regulation, or
control, are today only in their incipient
stage and hence there must be vagueness
on the place and relationships that a de-
velopment authority should possess." But
he points to the possibility that a number of
new international institutions with eco-
nomic or financial functions may be estab-
lished after the war, and that any
international lending agency should be
integrated in, and should collaborate with,
other institutions. He hopefully adds: "In-
ternational lending policies, properly ap-
plied, would have a significance greater
than any particular financial and economic
services that are rendered. They could aid
in the building and expansion of a more
unified and better balanced world econo-
my."
The book is well documented with sub-
stantiating facts and statistics without im-
peding its readability.
capitalism. It has suffered from the his-
torical fallacy which assumes that whatever
things happen together must logically be-
long together. Both fascist and communist
critics have successfully pointed out the
weaknesses of democracy; and both sides
seem erroneously to maintain, for example,
that since the democratic movement grew
up with capitalism, its survival without
capitalism would be inconceivable. There
are many other charges against democracy;
with the consequence that its defenders
have come to understand that another, and
more valid, philosophical basis must be
found for it.
Some persons have sought to base it in
metaphysical realism, and have made
philosophical studies to that end. Others
have approached the problem more cau-
tiously and piecemeal, seeking to overhaul
and to save one foundation stone at a time.
Among this latter group may be counted
Miss Stapleton. She has chosen the idea of
justice, and upon the revision of our no-
tions of this universal she pins her hopes
for democracy. The same hope has been
sought in the idea of tolerance. Justice
is a legal notion; tolerance a humanitarian
one. Democracy is a political conception,
and its true basis ought to be sought in the
theory of politics.
Incidentally, Vico is very much mis-
understood in this work. Vico was not a
historicist nor a relativist; he was, on the
other hand, a friend of science. He sought
to save the realism of Plato which he did
not find inconsistent with the empiricism
of science. JAMES FEIBLEMAN
Author of "Positive Democracy"
CARTELS— CHALLENGE TO A FREE
WORLD, by Wendell Berge. Public Affairs
Press, Washington, D. C. #3.25.
THE PUBLICATION OF THIS BOOK IS ENCOl
aging evidence that under Wendell Berge
leadership the anti-trust division of
Department of Justice will continue to
Office of Community War Services
Federal Security Agency
JUSTICE AND WORLD SpCIETY, by
Laurence Stapleton. University of North
Carolina Press. $2.50.
THE MODERN WORLD, THE WESTERN WORLD
since the Renaissance, has limited its no-
tion of reality to the mind of man and the
material world. These two conceptual re-
sults of the implicit acceptance of the
nominalistic premise displaced a restrictive
KATHERINE GLOVER a vigorous and effective advocate of
cause of economic freedom. Such advc
will be sorely needed in the confusion
postwar years.
A large amount of the stocks and bone
which we are accustomed to think of a
private wealth owe their entire value to the
fact that they represent the power to keep
independent enterprise from producing
goods. Vested interests in such organiza-
tions have grown so large that they cannot
be disturbed without serious economic dis-
locations for millions of people who are de-
metaphysical realism which, in the Church's pendent on them. It would be unreasonable
hands, had earned a bad name for all to expect the management of such busi-
nesses to give up without a fight.
Railroad investment is a case in point.
A large portion of the $26,000,000,000 in
realism. But the Church, in its organiza-
tion and accepted dogma, has never been
metaphysically realistic; it has rather been
neo-Platonic. Under the false philosophy railway stocks and bonds will lose its value
of nominalism, however, two good things
were brought to birth: democracy and
science. They have been interpreted nomin-
alistically, whereas they are clearly realistic.
Now that events in our culture have dem-
onstrated the falsity of the nominalistic
philosophy, how can we save democracy?
Democracy was born into an age of
if new forms of transportation over roads,
waterways, and airways are permitted the
same kind of unrestricted development that
gave us our cheap and efficient automobiles.
And so there will be a powerful drive from
railroad interests to slow down the growth
of competing forms of transportation. If
drives like this succeed in American in-
nominalistic movements: individualism, dustry we shall be faced with the same kind
subjectivism, irrationalism, Protestantism, of depression we had before — that is, a
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
72
depression created by the fact that we re-
fuse to utilize to its fullest extent the pro-
ductive wealth of America in order to
protect obsolete capital values.
The second force against the philosophy
of free enterprise will come from those lib-
erals who are not content to allow compe-
tition to solve a problem such as transpor-
tation. They desire some over-all plan.
They are the kind of people who believe
that the automobile would have developed
faster in America, and without the dis-
tressing bankruptcy of so many automobile
manufacturers, had a government bureau
planned automobile expansion. I have read
reviews criticizing Mr. Berge's book for its
failure to produce some over-all plan. Of
such persons it can only be said that they
do not understand either the philosophy or
the practical operation of competitive capi-
talism.
I am convinced that in the long run the
economic philosophy of Mr. Berge's book
will win out. Some nations like Russia
may be able to subordinate the personalities
of their individual businessmen to a vast
government bureaucracy. But America can-
not do this even if she tries. It is not our
tradition or our cultural pattern. Our
choice is not between competitive capital-
ism and some other form of economic or-
ganization. Our choice is rather between
competitive capitalism and the utter con-
fusion of conflicting and contradictory poli-
cies and warring pressure groups which we
have experienced during the last ten years.
THURMAN ARNOLD
Judge, U3. Court of Appeals
I WENT TO THE SOVIET ARCTIC, by
Ruth Gruber. Viking. £3.50.
THIS IS AN INTENSELY HUMAN STORY OF
modern life in erstwhile polar wasteland.
Although the author disavows any attempt
to write "a red-blooded adventure story,"
readers will not find her straightforward
matter-of-fact narrative lacking in any of
the essentials that make a genuine thriller.
Against the stark background of the frozen
North, this story is warm with gripping
episodes of man's struggles and triumphs
in winning a place for himself under the
midnight sun.
When Miss Gruber's book first appeared
in 1939, her travels and adventures were
cortfined to a limited sector of the Soviet
Arctic and her report was centered chiefly
on how Russian men and women had
created Port Igarka, a seaport within the
Arctic Circle. Life in this north Siberian
town is still a keystone of the revised 1944
edition, but the interpretation has been
broadened by an account of the author's
later travels into northeastern Asia and
Alaska.
Now the Soviet Arctic is seen in neigh-
borhood to the American Far North. The
opening of the Northern Sea Route around
Eurasia, the blazing of polar air routes
from the USSR to the USA, and the set-
ding of the Asiatic arctic regions earlier
seen in their inception are depicted in their
later extensions: the allied convoys of war
supplies to Russia via the northern seas to
Murmansk and Archangel, the Alaska-Si-
berian aerial staging route along which
lend-lease war planes are ferried to the
eastern Allied front, and the wide interest
throughout Alaska in the progress civiliza-
tion is making in the vast northern reaches
of Soviet Asia.
The story reads like a travelogue spiced
with the telling details of intimate acquaint-
ance with the ordinary and extraordinary
people who inhabit the North today. Miss
Gruber interviewed all the headline figures
and put into the headlines many of the
obscure. They are real persons; I have met
many of them myself.
Miss Gruber gives us the feminine angle,
almost unique in the annals of Arctic ex-
ploration, and carries forward to a new con-
firmation Vilhjalmur Stefansson's message
to modern man that the north country is
hospitable — a Friendly Arctic. It is most
appropriate that her book should carry a
preface by Stefansson, dean of living Amer-
ican explorers. In 1932 Ruth Gruber be-
came the youngest doctor of philosophy in
the world; in 1944 one might call her the
world's most distinguished woman explorer
of the Arctic.
"If the Arctic has any message to the
world," she writes, "beyond its first mes-
sage of proving that the country was habit-
able, with fabulous wealth and infinite eco-
nomic and strategic possibilities, that mes-
sage was to show what women could do,
if you gave them the chance. It was a
lesson to counteract the horrible medieval
To People who want to write
but can't get started
Do you have that constant urge to write but the fear that a beginner hasn't a
chance? Then listen to what the editor of Liberty said on this subject:
"There is more room for newcomers in the writing field today than
ever before. Some of the greatest of writing men and women have
passed from the scene in recent years. Who will take their places?
Who will be the new Robert W. Chambers, Edgar Wallace, Rudyard
Kipling? Fame, riches and the happiness of achievement await the
new men and women of power."
Beginner Earns $1,819.00
"Today I received a check for $165 for a story. An-
other I sold for $34. The other day I counted up just
how much I made previously. It amounted to $1,620.00.
Not bad for a beginner, is it?" Mrs. L. L. Gray, 579 E.
McHarg Ave., Stamford, Texas.
WRITING APTITUDE TEST FREE!
THE Newspaper Institute of America offers a free Writing Aptitude Test. Its
object is to discover new recruits for the army of men and women who add to
their income by fiction and article writing. The Writing Aptitude Test is a simple
but expert analysis of your latent ability, your powers of imagination, logic, etc.
Not all applicants pass this test. Those who do are qualified to take the famous
N.I A. course based on the practical training given by big metropolitan dailies.
This is the New York Copy Desk Method which teaches you to write by writing!
You develop your individual style instead of trying to copy that of others.
You "cover" actual assignments such as metropolitan reporters get. Although you
work at home, on your own time, you are constantly
guided by experienced writers.
It is really fascinating work. Each week you see new
progress. In a matter of months you can acquire the
coveted "professional" touch. Then you're ready for
market with greatly improved chances of making sales.
Mail the Coupon Note
But the first step is to take the Writing Aptitude Test. It re-
quires but a few minutes and costs nothing. So mail the cou-
pon now. Make the first move towards the most enjoyable and
profitable occupation — writing for publication! Newspaper In-
stitute of America, One Park Avenue, New York 16, N. Y.
(Founded 1925).
NOTICE TO
CANADIANS
Newspaper Institute's
operations in Canada
have been approved by
the Foreign Exchange
Control Board, and to
facilitate all financial
transactions a special
permit has been as-
signed to their account
with The Canadian
B ank of Commerce,
Montreal.
Newspaper Institute of America
One Park Ave., New York 16, N. Y.
Send me, without cost or obligation, your free Writing Aptitude Test and further
information about writing for profit as promised in Survey Graphic, rebru*
Mist
Mrs.
Mr.
Address
(All correspondence confidential. No salesman will call on yon.)
86-B-665
Copyright 1945 Newspaper Institute of America.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
73
The
Great
Decision
By James T. Shotwell
Here is one of the most con-
structive plans that has yet
been offered toward the
ideal of world peace. Dr.
ShotwelFs realistic and in-
formed experience in inter-
national affairs lends enor-
mous weight to his forecast
of what can, and must, be
done. $3.00
"A remarkable compendium of a
vast subject, by the very best
authority." — The New Republic.
"Should be read seriously, before
it is too late — again." — Chicago
Sun.
MACMILLAN
For every
American
interested in
•the future of
his country
Special Interests vs (he Public Welfare
by STUART CHASE
Author of Where's The Money Coming From?
When the war ends, will peace come?
Mr. Chase says no — not so long as 400-
odd pressure groups with their Wash-
ington lobbies continue to put their
selfish interests above the public inter-
est. Mr. Chase points out legitimate
needs for group representation in our
democracy, but paints a searing picture
of danger from the unrestrained selfish-
ness of warring special interests. A
vivid, timely report for every American
to read and ponder as a new Congress
convenes.
This is the fourth
volume in Stuart
Chase's series, WHEN
THE WAR ENDS.
$1.00
THE
TWENTIETH
CENTURY FUND
330 West 42nd Street
New York IS
(In
lesson women were learning in Germany
and Italy. It was a guidepost to women
in the great democracies who were still
struggling for economic and social emanci-
pation, now that most of them had the
vote. . . .
"To be sure, the present was not Utopia,
not even in the Arctic. But the Russians
were the first to admit it. ... To them
the Soviet Arctic was the greatest pioneer-
ing venture in the modern world. For it
was opening not only a new world, but it
was finding a new social philosophy, a new
freedom, and a new way of life."
ANDREW J. STEIGER
Co-author of "Soviet Asia"
FRANCES WILLARD— From Prayers to Poli-
tics, by Mary Earhart. University of Chicago
Press. #3.75.
THE READER WHO QUICKLY PASSES OVER THE
title of this book because he is not inter-
ested in a little bow of white ribbon or
the temperance cause for which it stands,
will make a grave mistake. For this biog-
raphy is as American as pioneering, as uni-
versal as human nature, as modern as social
security.
It is, moreover, that highly prized and
equally American phenomenon, a "success
story." With scant schooling, Frances Wil-
lard became the first dean of the Woman's
College of Northwestern University. Reared
in isolation, bound by strict tenets of ortho-
doxy, she became an astute politician, a
brilliant speaker and led a world organiza-
tion of a million women, creating "the
flood tide of a woman's movement which
should sweep aside restraints and barriers
of seclusion, of timidity, and of ignorance."
While the Woman's Christian Temper-
ance Union was the principal medium of
her activities, she made this field as broad
as human need. Not only did her followers
storm legislative halls and bury the legis-
lators under a mound of petitions for local
option, they also took part in political cam-
paigns, fought for woman suffrage, for
better labor legislation, and urged world
arbitration and peace.
Were these less troubled times, this book
might easily stir a storm of controversy
her own remembered fervor would have
breathed life into the framework so pains-
takingly reconstructed. But perhaps that
would have robbed her of the courage to
say what she has said. And that would have
been a great loss. LENA MADESIN PHILLIPS
President, International Federation
of Business and Professional Women
MCCARTHY OF WISCONSIN, by Edward
A. Fitzpatrick. Columbia University Press.
#3.50.
CHARLES MCCARTHY is A SYMBOL OF THE
best in the American way of life. The
son of immigrant parents, working his
way through Brown and the University
of Wisconsin to a Ph. D., he devoted his
life to broadening the frontiers of pub-
lic service in this country. He created
a new species of political institution to em-
body his ideals which grew to a rich flow-
ering in his adopted state, Wisconsin, and
spread to every other state capitol and to
Washington. Though he did not live
to the age of fifty, he left an indelible
mark upon the thinking of his contem-
poraries and the future processes of gov-
ernment as a tool for the promotion of the
general welfare.
McCarthy of "the Wisconsin Idea" has
been known, aside from his friends of
whom many are still living, to a small
circle of educators and public officials.
Yet thousands have been the beneficiaries
of his idea — of a legislative reference and
drafting service to aid the people's repre-
sentatives to fashion statutes that would
effectuate what they wanted to accom-
plish.
His contribution to Wisconsin and to
American politics did not end with the
invention and refinement of the legisla-
tive reference and drafting device. For
the first two decades of this century, he
utilized a minor administrative position
in a single state capital to animate the
programs of political leaders of every per-
suasion within and without the state.
In the Progressive Era, he was a major
taproot from which flowed the intellec-
tual and moral sap of the vital forces
alike of the New Freedom and Arma-
within the circles of organized women. For geddon. A natural human sympathy with
Miss Earhart lifts Frances Willard from the the under-dog infused his spirit. A pow-
exclusive possession of the WCTU and erful intellect translated aspirations into
makes her the foremost leader of the cen-
tury in the woman movement. She thinks
Miss Willard has too long been denied "her
rightful place in history. Women of lesser
stature, like Elizabeth Cady Stanton and
Susan B. Anthony, have been accorded far
greater prominence by historians than she,
although it is probable that her contribution
to the woman suffrage movement alone far
surpassed that of either of these notable
leaders."
This is a double charge of dynamite. But
the biographer makes an excellent case,
amply documented. Although a first book,
the style is clear, concise, easy. But it is a
research worker's record. Everything is
there, yet nothing quite comes to life, sings
and surges into reality experienced. One
almost wishes that Miss Earhart herself
had known years of crusading under the
direct influence of a great leader so that
answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC^
74
workable legislative formulas — for sound
progressive taxation, for effective agricul-
tural and labor legislation, for broader ed-
ucational opportunity, for a professional
civil service, and for dozens of other ideas
which are today the keystones of prog-
ress in all our states.
This warm and human biography
a friend and co-worker in Wisconsin is
rich addition not only to the literature
political science but to the saga that
America. Here was a man capable and
eager to seize an opportunity for servic
to the people, who never deserted their
trust in him for the greater rewards
money which were more than once of-
fered him, who died as he had lived — ir
that service.
The author has put us in his deb
by revealing the personality behind "th
Wisconsin Idea." The work, so finely
portrayed here, lives on as concrete
achievement in our governmental system
and as proof of the efficacy of effort.
PHILLIPS BRADLEY
Queens College, New Yor/(
A DICTIONARY OF AMERICAN POLI-
TICS, edited by Edward Conrad Smith and
Arnold John Zurcher. Barnes & Noble. #3.
THIS IS A FIRST-AID BOOK FOR TODAY'S
reader of newspapers and weeklies. Its
compact entries, written by fourteen au-
thorities in the field of political science,
define and explain more than 3,000 terms,
ranging from the American political slang
of this and other periods to Supreme Court
cases and the names of military decora-
dons. The present volume is a revision and
enlargement of a dictionary originally pub-
lished in 1888, with a second edition put
out in 1924.— B.A.
AN AUTHOR REPLIES
To THE EDITOR: I suppose authors are never
satisfied with reviews of their books, yet
I have written three and never before have
I complained. As a public official I learned
to receive criticism and like it, but the re-
view of "Freedom from Fear" [Survey
Graphic, November 1944, page 468] hurt
me, not because it is critical or because it
disagrees — that is the right of any reviewer.
My grievance is that the comment distorts
the aim and purpose, and even more im-
portant, misstates what the book says. My
main purpose was to show that we cannot
have social security at home unless there is
security and employment in other nations
too — that a United States of Europe, a free
flow of trade, and international economic
agencies such as envisioned at Bretton
Woods and Dumbarton Oaks are as neces-
sary to peace and prosperity here as they
are to the rest of the world. The whole
book turns on this point, yet there is not a
suggestion of it in the review.
As for social security at home, on which
the reviewer concentrates, the review delib-
erately misstates what the book says about
accident and health companies, experience
rating, Sir William Beveridge and the Bev-
eridge Plan, the sound and logical extension
of social security, and passes over the many
positive and constructive suggestions for
progress along social and economic lines
which the book advocates. Let me take
just one sample.
Your reviewer says that the book "warns
against undue liberalization of the federal
old age and survivors' insurance system —
lest it discourage private initiative." As a
matter of fact, my book favors the ex-
tension of old age and survivorship insur-
ance and says that it is:
". . . one of the most satisfactory of our
governmental services. It provides pensions
for those who reach sixty-five and have
retired. Though intended primarily for the
lower income group, as a matter of admin-
istrative simplicity, all are subject to its reg-
ulations and are required to contribute on
the first $3,000 of income. Since many
who have large earnings find themselves
practically penniless in their old age, this
protection should be a source of satisfaction
to people in all walks of life. The pro-
vision for widows with small children, or
widows who have reached sixty-five, is also
progressive and desirable.
"The amendments suggested by the
National Resources Planning Board for in-
creasing benefits in the low income brackets
seem desirable. Benefits should be deter-
mined not only by contributions but by
considerations of 'social adequacy.' That
employes of nonprofit corporations should
be covered is obvious; they should never
have been excluded. The suggestion of the
Planning Board for the inclusion of agri-
cultural and domestic workers is also logi-
cal and sound; there is no argument, except
difficulty of administration, for discriminat-
ing against people who are apt to need
protection most." (page 138)
The reviewer suggests that the book is
merely a front for the private insurance
companies, but anyone who knows any-
thing about my record as State Superin-
tendent of Insurance (New York) will re-
sent this. It may add to the peace of mind
of the reviewer to know that the only
serious criticism I have received, outside his
own, is from the executive of a large insur-
ance company who says that the book is
unfair to industrial insurance.
New Yor/^ Louis H. PINK
"You Must Have Spent Years on Shorthand"
\»: I Learned in 6 WEEKS!
You, too, can master SPEEDWRITING, the modern shorthand, in one-quarter
the time required by symbol systems. It is far easier and more accurate to write
and transcribe. Tens of thousands of shorthand writers have been freed from the
drudgery of old-fashioned methods of learning and writing shorthand through the
marvelous SPEEDWRITING system. It has no signs or symbols but uses the
familiar letters of the alphabet. It eliminates the strain of taking dictation and is
easy to read back.
SPEEDWRITERS are employed in the better jobs all over the country. Prepare
now for one of these jobs — and for the post-war opportunities that await you
just ahead!
YOU CAN QUALIFY AS A FAST, ACCURATE SHORTHAND WRITER
IN 72 HOURS OF HOME STUDY BY THIS FAMOUS METHOD.
TRADE MARK, REG U.S. PAT. OFF.
With no interference with your present work, with no sacrifice of your hours of
recreation, you can master this easy, natural modern shorthand in six weeks of
home study. You can take longer if you wish ; many have learned Speedwriting in
less time. Over 100,000 have studied Speedwriting at home in their spare hours.
The cost is only a small fraction of what you would expect to pay. Speedwriting 11
nationally recognized and highly endorsed by educators and
business leaders. It has been used for over twenty years in
FREE!
FASCINATING NEW
ILLUSTRATED BOOKLET
Gives you full informa-
tion about Speedwriting,
and includes easy lesson
that will have you writ-
ing typical business sen-
tences in shorthand in a
few minutes!
School of Speedwriting
55 West 42 Street
N. Y. 18
leading corporations and Civil Service. Mail coupon below for
illustrated booklet. No cost, no obligation ; no salesman will call.
SCHOOL OF SPEEDWRITINC,
Dcpt. 3502, 55 West 42 Street, New York 18, N. Y.
MAIL THIS COUPON TODAY
School of Speedwriting, Dept. 3502
55 West 42 Street, New York 18, N. Y.
Please send me without obligation or expense your new
illustrated booklet containing full information on Speed,
writins— The Modern Shorthand; *Uo jour easy. Inter-
esting demonstration lesson.
Name
Address
City
and State
(Include P.O. Zone No.. If any)
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
75
AIR AGE TRANSPORTATION
(Continued from page 59)
use. At this writing, it is said that only
about one hundred helicopters are in ex-
istence in the United States, all of them
used by the armed forces.
Of many improvements to be made, per-
haps the one least assured is the ability to
land in a small space when the engine stops.
Without power, landing is safer with a
forward motion, especially if the power
goes off accidentally. But if city landing
areas for helicopters should be large enough
for emergency, power-off landings, then
much of the advantage of the helicopter
in adapting to congested areas is lost.
How this problem will be solved is not
clear; very probably by improving engines
and mechanisms 'so that the likelihood of
the engine stopping, except at the will of
the pilot, will be exceedingly small. Even
now a helicopter engine cannot stall as does
an automobile engine. And if presently the
chances of a helicopter engine stopping art-
no greater than of an airplane overturning
at the take-off, certainly people will use
them. Helicopters will follow air lanes over
the city, with emergency landing areas
along the lanes. A city located on a body
of water will have convenient emergency
landings on its lake, river or harbor.
For landings near homes, vacant lots or
parks will serve and the helicopter with
wheels may then be driven along the
ground into a garage at the residence.
By the end of the first decade after the
war, there may be many hundred thousands
of helicopters, which will curtail the use of
private airplanes. Helicopters are likely to
be used first by professionals, such as the
Coast Guard, the Forestry Service, by cattle-
men, and for scheduled passenger trans-
portation. Although helicopters are now
slower in speed than the airplane, this is
not likely to be a deterrent since they travel
betwen 100 and 150 miles an hour, and
later they will go even faster.
The postwar price contemplated now is
around $5,000 for a small helicopter,
though early models today, not produced by
assembly line methods, probably cost $100,-
000 to build. Later they are expected to be
priced at about the present figure for private
airplanes. It may be a very long time before
they are sold at less than $1,000 or $1,500.
A helicopter is not likely to be a substi-
tute for an automobile, and probably the
majority of owners of helicopters will also
own cars. Before the war, there were 752,-
000 persons and families with incomes of
$10,000 a year and over, and 2,086,000 with
incomes of $5,000 and above. It is from
these income groups that the owners of
helicopters are likely to come, but only a
small minority of these groups are apt to
own helicopters in the second decade after
the war. In contrast to this are the 20,000,-
000 owners of private automobiles.
The fact that a helicopter owner will
need a car as well suggests that the two be
combined into a single vehicle. Both the
flying automobile and the roadable heli-
copter are technically possible. But it is
"difficult to make a vehicle that moves in
two media as well as in one alone. In the
past, no amphibious vehicle has been as
good as the single purpose one built for
land or water only. A roadable helicopter is
not expected to be a good automobile. It
will be heavier and more complicated than
a non-roadable helicopter.
However, the old autogiro could run
along the ground at about 40 miles an hour.
A helicopter that could do as well would
have a greatly increased flexibility of use.
An owner with a garage but no landing
space at his residence could use it. It could
be stored more easily in city buildings for
parking. Suburbanites could travel on the
ground to nearby shopping centers. Up to
now, there has been less talk about a road-
able helicopter than about a roadable plane.
But the demand for a roadable helicopter
probably will be very great and there would
seem to be a rather high probability of its
development, perhaps in the second decade
after the war. A roadable helicopter would
need to be cheaper than the combined price
of an automobile and a helicopter. Even so,
roadable helicopters are not likely to replace
very many automobiles.
The car is an excellent means of trans-
portation in a country of good roads like
the United States. After the postwar tran-
sition period, the automobile will be im-
proved in construction, as manufacturers
take advantage of today's technological de-
velopments. Improvements will include
lightness in weight, greater visibility, great-
er engine efficiency, increased durability,
and more convenience in design. In speed,
automobiles cannot compete with aircraft,
but the speed of aviation will be available
in common carrier planes, irrespective of
the developments of private aircraft.
Adjusting to the Air Age
The foregoing picture is set forth with
the thought that it is a relatively reliable
estimate of what may be expected in the
predictable future. It will be necessary to
make many adjustments in our institutions
and habits for such a new and radical
change. A few illustrations may be listed
as suggestions.
Scheduled air passenger and cargo trans-
portation will be especially significant for
undeveloped countries such as Alaska, the
interiors of South America, Africa and Cen-
tral Asia. The airplane is particularly adap-
table to undeveloped areas, not only because
of its speed, but because landing fields can
be built more readily than highways or rail-
roads. The natural resources of these un-
developed areas will be exploited. Other
forms of transportation will follow aviation.
In the United States, the Pacific Coast will
be connected more closely to the areas east
of the Mississippi River.
Larger numbers of our population will
travel to foreign countries and thus widen
their knowledge of the customs and habits
of other nations. International isolation,
both political and economic, will be im-
possible. Great Britain and Latin America
will be drawn commercially closer to the
United States. Aviation will offer American
business many new opportunities for in-
vestment and trade.
The influence of aviation in a warlike
world is further to weaken the small nations
and to strengthen the great powers, espe-
cially those with large land areas. Small
nations already are being tied closer to ad-
joining or nearby great powers. It will be
more difficult to be neutral in future wars.
In a warlike world, aviation for a time
encourages a sort of feudalism among
nations, perhaps later on — integration. One
international world seems immeasurably
far off.
The small plane and small helicopter
will call for a great variety of adjustments.
In agriculture, the helicopter will be widely
used for spraying and dusting and even
seeding. The helicopter has proved its value
in rescue work. The preservation of forests
will be aided. The helicopter should modify
greatly the work of the cowboy and the
sheep herder. In mining, aviation means a
great expansion through its use in prospect-
ing undeveloped areas. Color photography
and the helicopter are very useful in ex-
ploration of natural resources.
The areas of buying and selling will be
widened for various businesses, and for
some goods there will be new markets.
Business transactions will be speeded. Pack-
ing methods will be radically changed, in
many instances in favor of lightness. The
use of light-weight materials may extend
to railroad cars, automobile bodies, and
other fields. Helicopters' will be used by
the police, by patrols, and also by smug-
glers and other criminals.
New Ways and New Attitudes
In the space of a single article it is not
possible to consider in detail the social
effects of a new dimension of travel and
commerce. But let us glance at a few prob-
abilities.
In recreation the trend toward the utili-
zation of the weekend for pleasure trips
will be furthered, especially to different
climates, to scenes of woodland beauty, and
to wilderness areas that attract sportsmen
or campers. There is the possibility of great-
er international competition in sports and,
at least in the United States, a further na-
tionalization of the sport spectacle.
In education, some phase of aviation will
find its way into practically every course of
the school system. The teaching of geog-
raphy will be most radically affected. The
history of the Oriental peoples and their
civilizations will be a part of the curricula.
Aviation also will extend student exchange,
especially perhaps in the graduate schools
of the large universities.
The religious activity which will be in-
fluenced most by aviation will be foreign
missions. Obviously, mission administration
can be improved by use of the airplane, and
the emphasis of the missionary work of the
air age is likely to be concerned less with
customs and more with the spirit of religion
and with the extension of services — medical,
educational, welfare. Perhaps home missions
at a later date may find the helicopter use-
ful in extending the area the pastor can
visit and bringing outlying members closer
to the church. Secularization is not dis-
couraged by aviation.
It is quite possible that aviation will fur-
76
ther the use of basic English, in view of the
great role of the United States and Great
Britain in aviation, and the increased de-
mand for a common tongue at the landing
fields.
As to family life, it is the well-to-do who
will be affected first by aviation. Occasional
residences will be located farther from cities,
on the rim of suburbs. If helicopter buses
are not frequent enough, private helicopters
may connect the home with through-service
of one kind or another. Helicopters also
will mean larger residential land space for
their owners. Aviation, like all travel media,
leads to wider scattering of members of the
family. No doubt, too, like the automobile,
aircraft may lead to some competitive family
rivalries for social recognition and display.
The birthrate may be lowered slightly and
the deathrate probably increased by a very
small fraction. The redistribution of popu-
lation will be a slow process, not rapid as
in the case of the railroads. Planes will
follow present population routes. But even-
tually population will be spread to outlying
regions, for instance, Alaska, if the eco-
nomic base exists. Also regions like the
Pacific Coast will gain in population since
the spread of aviation will enable big
markets to be tapped.
A great development like aviation is like-
ly to leave an impression on our thinking.
International ideas and considerations and
less provincialism are to be looked for,
though the first influence probably will be
to accentuate national interests and rivalries
among the larger powers. Travel will be
fashionable and its broadening influence
felt. Racial issues are likely to be raised.
But even the village storekeeper will have
to learn to think in terms of the world,
rather than of Main Street. The tempo of
living will be increased, and time will be
watched even more closely than now. For
those who see a dichotomy between the
spiritual and the material, aviation appears
likely in the main to strengthen the forces
of the machine and of material progress.
CLEAN SWEEP IN
PUERTO RICO
(Continued from page 65)
the time for reform had passed and that
today only complete independence could be
satisfactory. Everywhere, at all times,
Puerto Ricans are talking of status.
Munoz Marin would like to postpone
the promised plebiscite until the end of
the war. He may have to call it much
earlier or appeal to the people over the
heads of many of the prominent men in
his own party. He also may have to sub-
mit some proposal on status to Washing-
ton, to forestall action on the part of the
insular legislature contrary to his purposes.
Even if the reform bill now pending in
Congress were passed in its original form,
giving Puerto Ricans the right to elect
their governor and other officials now ap-
pointed by the President, and assurance that
future changes in the Organic Act will be
made only with the approval of the people
of Puerto Rico, it is questionable whether
it would be acceptable, though the demand
for immediate and unqualified independ-
ence might be weakened. On the other
hand, the Reform Bill as adopted by the
senate is satisfactory to no one.
Certainly anyone who has been in Puerto
Rico for a time can see that the United
States should adopt toward the island a
definite, clear-cut, dependable policy, which
will assure it consistent treatment and in-
creasing autonomy. So many Puerto Ricans
recognize not only the desirability but the
necessity of continued close relationship
with the United States that they might,
upon the basis of established, firm, and
progressive colonial policy, prevail over the
independence faction.
Puerto Rico Has Money to Spend —
Despite the problem which it must face
on the independence issue, no party in
Puerto Rico ever took office under pros-
pects as bright as those of the Popular
Democrats. Not only are they in complete
control, but they have, relatively speaking,
incident. The student council of the Uni-
versity of Puerto Rico, without the knowl-
edge of any responsible officer of the uni-
versity, invited the president of the student
organization of the University of Havana
to visit Puerto Rico. He himself did not
come, but two Cuban students, without
legal authority to enter the island, reached
Puerto Rico on a Cuban navy plane and
gave independence talks to university stu-
dents and others. When it was discovered
that their papers were not in order they
were asked to leave the island.
Other evidences that agitation for inde-
pendence is growing are not lacking. A
meeting of the "Pro-Independence Con-
gress" was held on December 10, with
delegates from all over the island in
attendance. The very word independence
was greeted with shouts of enthusiasm, and
the general sense of the meeting was that
(In answering
Two VALUES FOR ONE
Assured Income for Life
Joy in Helping Others
OUR GUARANTEED
GIFT ANNUITIES
Your money works for YOU during your lifetime, and for OTHERS after
you're gone, by helping to finance the religious and charitable program
of this great organization.
A SAFE, DEPENDABLE INVESTMENT
1 It guarantees you an income for life from 2Vi to
7% according to age.
2 It is thoroughly safeguarded by certified account-
ing reports and is backed by the reputation and
resources of this national institution.
3 It has the legal reserve and surplus fund protec-
tion required by law.
A SOUND ANNUITY... AN ACT OF CHARITY...
FOR THE SAME INVESTMENT
Gift annuity agreements are issued under the author-
ity of the New York State Insurance Department.
Send for illustrated booklet for full details
The SALVATION ARMY
(A New York Corporation)
130 West 14th Street • New York 11, N. Y.
Please send me your Annuity Booklet No. 25
telling about your plan for a life income from a gift.
Name
Address
Date of Birth
advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
77
an enormous amount ot money with which
to work.
On June 30, 1944, the Puerto Rican
Treasury had a free surplus of approxi-
mately $75,000,000, which will have in-
creased to well over $100,000,000 by the
end of the present fiscal year. This money
comes in large part from the internal
revenue tax on rum sold in the United
States, which, under the Jones Act (1917),
is returned to the insular government. In-
come from this source alone amounted to
$63,884,357 during the fiscal year 1943-44,
compared to $13,550,000 for the previous
fiscal year.
The new government is also fortunate
in that it will be guided in its economic
program by over-all planning much more
extensive than any planning yet done on
the mainland. To proponents of economic
planning, the next few years in Puerto Rico
promise to be extremely interesting, since
it will be the first time in any part of the
United States that long term planning on
such a broad scale has been attempted.
— And a Six-year Plan for Spending
The Puerto Rico Planning, Urbanizing,
and Zoning Board, set up in 1942, has
just issued its revised Six- Year Plan for
the fiscal years 1945-46 through 1950-51.
This plan will be submitted to the insular
legislature as a guide for appropriations.
The plan recommends the expenditure of
$322,000,000 in improvements "necessary
to the health and well-being of the people
of Puerto Rico." This is a long way to
go in six years and, if the plan is put into
effect, Puerto Rico, at the end of that
period, will be far different from what it
is today.
It is regrettable that the one place with-
in the boundaries of the United States
where economic planning has been really
accepted, has certain peculiar problems
which seriously increase the difficulties of
planning. The Puerto Rico Planning, Ur-
banizing, and Zoning Board is, in its Six-
Year Plan, limited to financial planning.
And even there it must proceed without
knowing for what kind of political entity
it is planning. Should its recommenda-
tions be directed toward a Puerto Rico
in the present colonial status, toward a
free Puerto Rico, toward a Puerto Rico
linked to the United States in some kind
of dominion status, or toward a State of
Puerto Rico? Long term plans, to be re-
alistic, must be in terms of a settled politi-
cal future. If Puerto Rico becomes inde-
pendent, for example, the entire economy
of the island will change.
In its current Six-Year Plan, the board
assumes continuance of the present politi-
cal status and, therefore, the plan contem-
plates federal aid for housing, roads, edu-
cation, health — in fact, all the infinite va-
rieties of help which Puerto Rico receives
from continental United States. It pre-
sumes the continued return to the insular
government of the internal revenue tax
on rum, which at present forms the back-
bone of insular income, and which the
planning board estimates at 43.4 percent
of total income for the next six years.
This dilemma in which the board finds
itself is, of course, merely a reflection of
that of any insular government which at-
tempts to plan for the future. Political
uncertainty, dependence upon a distant and
fundamentally uninterested federal Con-
gress, which nonetheless has power to over-
turn at will any program the insular gov-
ernment may undertake, in large part ex-
plains why, before 1940, no government
had ever undertaken a long time program
to solve the island's economic and social
problems.
For the island as a whole, the first re-
quirements of a social program are water
and sewerage systems, schools, and hospi-
tals. Not more than 22 percent of the en-
tire population, urban as well as rural,
now has access to running water. An even
smaller proportion has access to any kind
of sewer or sanitary system. Close to half
of the school population is not in school,
because there are neither schools nor teach-
ers enough to care for them.
The Six- Year Plan calls for the estab-
lishment of about half of the needed water
supply and sewerage systems within the
six years; it proposes the construction of
9,300 new classrooms at an expenditure
of $28,560,000. Even this will provide only
about half the schools required to make ef-
fective the island's compulsory education
law.
In the matter of health, although a six-
year building program totaling close to
$25,000,000 is proposed, with a very great-
ly increased budget for current expenses,
it is only about one third of the expendi-
tures needed to meet modern health stand-
ards. As to housing, it is believed by the
planning board that within the six years,
and with federal aid, most of the urban
slums can be cleared.
All of this is one way of saying that, if
the Popular Democratic Party does not de-
stroy itself, or permit others to destroy it,
on the issue of political status, the next few
years will see enormous betterment in the
economic and social conditions in Puerto
Rico.
ON OUR CONSCIENCES
(Continued from page 48)
Labor Relations Acts fortify the boards they
set up by providing that the board's find-
ings "as to the facts, if supported by the
evidence, shall be conclusive." The Tempor-
ary Commission's draft inserted, instead, a
provision that "the findings of the commis-
sion as to the facts shall be conclusive only
if supported by a fair preponderance of all
evidence." The provision would have
wrested from the Permanent Commission
all real power in dealing with discrimina-
tion— and turn it over to the courts. Criti-
cizing a similar provision in a federal bill
for another purpose, the Committee on Ad-
ministrative Procedure of the United States
Department of Justice held that it would
"require the courts to determine independ-
ently which way the evidence preponder-
ates. Administrative tribunals would be
turned into little more than media for
transmission of the evidence to the courts.
It would destroy the value of adjudication
ot tacts by experts or specialists in the field
involved."
The resulting delays, with their drain on
time and energy, would be only a small
part of the price for such a change. The
fact is that the success of such an ad-
ministrative body depends on the expert
and fully-informed judgment of men and
women constantly concerned with these
problems, and chosen for their sympathy
with the purpose of the legislation. Under
the amended set-up, the judgment of such
experts would be replaced by that of mem-
bers of the bench holding, quite naturally,
widely variant views on so controversial an
issue as equality in the right of employ-
ment.
2. The Temporary Commission's draft
provided that the Permanent Commission
might obtain an order from the court for
the enforcement of any ruling or order of
its own only in the event of failure of com-
pliance by the violator. These words could
only mean that after the Permanent Com-
mission had found that a complainant has
suffered from a violation of the law, and
after it had issued an order, the violator
could block enforcement in the courts by
claiming he had meanwhile corrected the
situation. The commission would then have
to hold a second hearing before a court
order could be secured.
As a matter of history, employers hostile
to the National Labor Relations Act sought
to have such a provision read into that law,
but the federal courts refused, saying that
such procedure would make a "merry-go-
round" of it.
3. Under the redraft only the employe or
worker directly involved could file the com-
plaint, which would be prerequisite to any
action by the Permanent Commission. Such
a complaint could not be filed by a union,
by a religious organization, or even by an
organization established for the very pur-
pose of securing the rights of minorities.
A procedure of this sort means, in prac-
tice, that if complaint is to be filed, the
worker involved must be able and willing
to risk his own job, if he has one, or be-
come known as a trouble-maker. Will a
wage earner who has been passed over for
promotion by reason of his color, race or
creed dare do this? Will one who has
found another job take on the burden of
the situation once he has left it behind?
Generally speaking, the answer to these
questions is "No." The provision, there-
fore, would have substantially undermined
the enforcement of the high principles set
forth in the proposed act.
These flaws in the tentative proposals
might be described as classic amendments
repeatedly inserted or offered by persons op-
posed to progressive administrative mea-
sures in order to limit the powers of the
agencies created to execute them. Happily,
they were brought out into the open by tbe
press and by participants in the public hear-
ings of the commission. Supporters of the
purposes of the bill predominated and
called for stronger legislation. However,
there is every reason to believe that the
representatives of special interests, are at
work to prevent any legislation at all.
78
The 1945 Bills Themselves
As this issue is in press, the Temporary
Commission has submitted its definitive
bills. Religious, social, and other non-
profit organizations are still excluded from
their scope. More seriously, only aggrieved
individuals may file a complaint, and must
do so within three months. But two other
major criticisms in this analysis are met.
Thus the preponderance-of-evidence rule
laid down in the tentative proposals has
been supplanted by a workable formula,
giving proper weight to the findings of the
Permanent Commission. More, the provi-
sions for securing compliance with that
commission's orders have been streamlined
and greatly strengthened. The legislation
recommended would mark a decisive step
forward in the fight to end discrimination
in employment. The fight at Albany will
be a real one, and it is essential that New
Yorkers who believe in the purpose of the
bills do not allow any division over minor
imperfections to play into the hands of their
opponents.
A limited number of opponents to such
legislation appeared at the New York hear-
ings in December. Some attempted to tag
the bill as "communistic." Others professed
that education rather than legislation is
what is needed to correct discrimination on
the part of employers and labor unions.
That oft-repeated argument should be con-
sidered in the perspective afforded by re-
cent polls conducted by the National Opin-
ion Research Center at Denver University.
The Center reported on a cross-section of
opinions held by white persons the country
over. This showed that most complacency
exists wherever discrimination against the
Negro is most severe. Showed, moreover,
that those who have had least opportunity
for education themselves are most optimistic
about the economic opportunities open to
the Negro. The less schooling they have
had, the more concerned they are about the
job competition they will face should racial
bars be lifted. Such attitudes do not pro-
vide fertile soil for improvement through
education alone.
These polls revealed, also, how muddled
and contradictory much of our thinking is.
Thus, 35 percent of these white people reg-
istered that their own standards of what is
fair treatment on the other side of the color
line are far different from those held by
N'egroes themselves. Fifty percent answered
that Negroes have the same chance as the
rest of us to make a good living in this
country. In another answer in the same
questionnaire, 71 percent admitted that
Negroes do not have just as good a chance
as white people to get any kind of job.
These answers should be read against an
earlier survey by NORC which found that
Xegroes consider economic discrimination
the most important grievance they have
I against white Americans.
On the one hand, we see in such cross-
I sections of opinion how complacency, vary-
j ing standards, discrimination, and prejudice
I among white Americans center on the key
I problem of equality of economic opportun-
ity. On the other hand, the most con-
I eentrated sense of grievance among Negroes
I stems from that same source.
True, these polls show how much educa-
tion is needed. But can the American
people afford to wait until the least secure,
least educated, and most prejudiced among
us are transformed? Economic discrimina-
tion is damaging alike to those against
whom it is aimed and to those who practice
it. Only legislation can crystallize our prin-
ciples in standards for all of us and can
provide the machinery to effectuate them.
TAXES AND EMPLOYMENT
(Continued from page 62)
inflation periods, and will leave the neces-
sary deficits in periods of recession. To
illustrate, when the national income fell to
approximately half its former level in the
depression of the Thirties, the personal in-
come tax, in spite of an intervening increase
in rates, dropped to one third. If, in addi-
tion, the tax rates could be raised or low-
ered as business conditions demand, the
tax system might become a really useful in-
strument of control — even though it cannot
be expected to do the job alone.
The most encouraging factor in tax plans
so far offered is that most of the planners
recognize the close relationship of the tax
system to the problem of full employment.
Apparently they are all aware that however
desirable a balanced budget may be, there
is no hope of attaining it unless the whole
economy prospers-. Tax reduction is no
magician's wand — and full employment
will not be achieved by this method alone.
Industry must learn that profits can be
made from low prices and full production
as well as from high prices and restricted
output, and that profits from a low price
policy are apt to be steadier than those from
a high price policy. Tax policy can supple-
ment price policy in achieving full employ-
ment, but it cannot replace it.
In short, while taxation may affect em-
ployment, the complete solution of the
problem of full employment will not be
found in tax policy. It is in fact the other
way round: full. employment is the first es-
sential to any satisfactory solution of the tax
problem. This must be borne in mind as
we approach a period when the country's
welfare may depend in no small degree on
the full use of our labor force.
It'sten to t/iis Record!
SPEAK
SPANISH
FRENCH.GERMAN, OR ITALIAN
Bic opportunities awaiting American* who ipeafc Spaauh.
' u a child learnt — "by listening" to thcM
I -earn at easily at I
brand-new CORTINA recordings.
Only 15 Minutes a Day
THOUSANDS hare found it the most fascinating, most
satisfactory method. Here is the quick, easy way to learn
Spanish for PLEASURE AND BUSINESS. INVESTI-
GATE!
Sent on 5 Days Approval
"The Cortina Short-Cut" tells just
what you want to know. Interesting.
CORTINA Academy (Language Soecialists for 60 Years)
Dept. 392, 105 West 40th Street, New York 18, N. Y.
Please send me free — without obligation — your booklet
"The Cortina Short-Cut." I am interested in (mark)
D SPANISH D French D Italian D German
Vame ...............................................
\ddreu ........ .................... , ....... .......
12 BOOKLETS BY
WILL'DURANT
AND 1 ABOUT HIM
Dr. Will Durant, who has a talent for
popularizing problems in philosophy, has
written 12 booklets for E. Haldeman-Julius,
as follows:
NIETZSCHE'S PHILOSOPHY
ARISTOTLE'S PHILOSOPHY
PLATO'S PHILOSOPHY
BACON'S PHILOSOPHY
ARE WE MACHINES?
VOLTAIRE AND THE FRENCH ENLIGHTENMENT
SPINOZA'S PHILOSOPHY
KANT'S PHILOSOPHY
SPENCER'S PHILOSOPHY
CONTEMPORARY EUROPEAN PHILOSOPHERS
TODAY'S AMERICAN PHILOSOPHERS
ANATOLE FRANCE: LAUGHING CYNIC
In addition we offer Booklet No. 13, which contains
a long study, by Joseph McCabe, entitled "Will
Durant's Story of .Civilization." This appears in a
volume (5J4 x S'/i inches) that contains about
60,000 words. All 13 booklets offered for $1.25,
which includes all carriage, packing and handling
charges. Ask for 13 WILL DURANT BOOK-
LETS. .Address:
Box
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
79
E. HALDEMAN-JULIUS
D-8 Girard, Kansas
THE BOOKSHELF
HOW TO RETIRE AND LIKE IT
Raymond P. Kaighn
For persons who contemplate retirement,
voluntary or otherwise . . . here's how to
go about it and how to make the most
of it. $1.75
ASSOCIATION PRESS
347 Madison Avenue New York 17, N. Y.
BOOK SALE, new and used. Bargains. 35c up.
New free catalog. 6000 titles. Novels, westerns,
mysteries, non-fiction. AMERICAN LENDING
LIBRARY, Dept. SU, College Point, N. Y.
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF NURSING
shows the part which professional nurses take in
the betterment of the world. Put it in your
library. $3.00 a year. 1790 Broadway at 58 St.,
New York, N. Y.
PRINTING
LET US PRINT YOUR PAMPHLETS. Send
for free circular giving terms. Haldeman- Julius
Company, Box P-1003, Girard, Kansas.
PROFESSIONAL SERVICES
SPECIAL articles, theses, speeches, papers. Re-
search, revision, bibliographies, etc. Over twenty
years' experience serving busy professional per-
sons. Prompt service extended. AUTHORS
RESEARCH BUREAU, 516 Fifth Avenue, New
York, N. Y.
ORIGINAL SERMONS, SPEECHES, LEC-
TURES, Club Papers, professionally prepared.
Criticism, rewriting, plotting, ghostwriting of
book-length manuscripts, short-stories, feature ar-
ticles. Testimonials galore. Printed Lectures,
Sermons and Outlines also furnished. FREE
Circular. Dept. "S," Continental Writers' &
Speakers' Bureau, 210 Fifth Ave., New York,
NVY.
HELEN GUILES, Literary Agent. Short stories,
current articles, book manuscripts and poetry ex-
pertly criticised and marketed. 131 West 69th
Street, New York City.
MANUSCRIPT TYPING, also Stenotype Report-
ing, Mimeographing. Prompt, efficient service;
reasonable rates. ROLEN REPORTERS, 351
Pennsylvania Avenue. Brooklyn, N. Y. Dickens
2-0296.
RESEARCH: Congressional Library, Government
Bureaus, etc. Questions, literary or scientific in-
vestigations, genealogy, business errands, attended
by experts. Valuable circular, lOc. Crehore, Box
2329-G, Washington 13, D. C.
FOREIGN LANGUAGE DICTIONARIES
DICTIONARIES AND GRAMMARS
For 1U2 Languages. Catalog Free
Schoenhof's. Box 6. Harvard Sduare.
Cambridge. Massachusetts
LANGUAGES
PHONOGRAPH COURSES. Mail Orders. All
Makes. Booklet G. LANGUAGE SERVICE, 18
East 41st St., New York 17, N. Y.
29 LANGUAGES BY LINGUAPHONE. Russian,
Spanish, Portuguese — Direct conversational
method for mastering any language quickly,
easily, correctly at home. Send for FREE book.
LINGUAPHONE INSTITUTE, 50 RCA Bldg.,
New York 20. CI 7-0830.
SPANISH, RUSSIAN, FRENCH, all other Lan-
guages. Phonograph Courses. Bought, Sold,
Exchanged. A. Alin, 475 Fifth Avenue, New
York 17, N. Y. MU 3-1093.
BOOKPLATES
FREE CATALOG, showing several hundred beau-
ANTIOCH 'BOOKPLATES, Box 21S, Yellow Springs, Ohio
RATES
Classified Advertising
Display . . .
Non-display . .
Minimum Charge
Discounts
* « • * 35c per line
.... 8c per word
. . S1.5O per insertion
1O% on six Insertions
15% on twelve insertions
CASH WITH ORDER
Survey Graphic
112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
COFFEE
CONNOISSEURS, GOURMETS, people who know
coffee. . . . Famous blend, rich, winey taste,
unforgettable aroma. Send $1 for trial package —
2 pounds postpaid. Specify grind. Richard H.
Toeplitz, Suite 205, 342 Madison Avenue, New
York 17, N. Y.
INDIAN PIPE
SEND a dollar bill for genuine "Powhatan" hand-
made Indian clay smoking pipe, replica famous
original Virginia antique, two long stems, his-
toric booklet, directions, enjoyment, and care.
Rustic container, postage prepaid. PAMPLIN
PIPE CO., Richmond, Virginia.
EMPLOYMENT AGENCY
GERTRUDE R. STEIN, INC.
AGENCY, 64 West 48th Street, New
York. Wise. 7-4961. A professional
bureau specializing in fund-raising, group
work, institutional, casework and med-
ical social work positions.
SITUATIONS WANTED
YOUNG MAN, college graduate, trained and ex-
perienced social worker, desires administrative
position. 8098 Survey.
SOCIAL WORKER, young man, ten years' experi-
ence welfare work, well equipped education and
experience handling people; public speaker. Now
employed large national organization, wishes new
opportunity, New York or vicinity preferred.
8097 Survey.
DIRECTOR OF MEDICAL SOCIAL SERVICE
DEPARTMENT, fifteen years' experience, de-
sires challenging opportunity in hospital or teach-
ing field. 8092 Survey.
WOMAN, college graduate. A.A.S.W. member,
former settlement Headworker and experienced
social worker desines counseling position in Fam-
ily Agency in the Philadelphia area. 8093 Survey.
TRAINED, EXPERIENCED WORKER in boys'
work field available in near future — capable,
adaptable. Northeast. 8086 Survey.
EXPERIENCED WOMAN GARDENER Degree
Horticulture, Fruit, Flowers, Vegetables, Green-
houses, Poultry, able run truck garden, instruct-
ing, course Rehabilitation, Columbia, wants inter-
esting all year round position, excellent references.
8089 Survey.
LADY WITH COLLEGE DEGREE desires posi-
tion in Juvenile institution as dramatics teacher,
supervisor, or superintendent. Specialized in
Child psychology and children's activities. Thirty
years' experience. 8088 Survey.
USED BOOKS
50% Off Regular Price
for books displayed by our field workers.
In good condition, but without that new
look!
For complete ncic list write
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.
Book Order Department
112 East 19 Street, N«w York 3, N. Y.
WORKERS WANTED
WANTED: MEDICAL SOCIAL WORK
AGENCY, St. Louis, high standards, interested
in psychosomatic developments, needs a qualified
case work supervisor and three case workers.
8096 Survey.
SPECIAL WORKER— in Jewish multiple service
case work agency to carry selected case load and
assume special responsibilities involving community
organization and interpretation. Salary range
$2400 to $3500. 7986 Survey.
CASE CONSULTANT in Jewish Case Work
Agency rendering family and child placement
services. Responsible for program of staff develop-
ment and some administrative duties. Profession-
ally trained and experienced person desired.
Salary range $3600 to $4500. 8090 Survey.
GROUP WORKER — Director of Community Ac
tivities with Jewish Community Council in inter
mediate Midwestern community. Excellent oppor-
tunity for community organization. Salary rang
$2700-$3200. 8087 Survey.
FULL TIME Boys Athletic Director to replac
present part time worker for Community Center,
Poughkeepsie, New York. Write Rockwoo"
Jenkins, Executive Director, Lincoln Center.
TWO CASE WORKERS for child and family work
in rapidly expanding Lutheran agency in Easten
city. Requirements: Master's Degree or one yea.
training plus experience. Salary range: $1800-
$2400. 8083 Survey.
TRAINED AND EXPERIENCED SOCIAL
WORKER for large, progressive mental hospital
in East. Beginning salary $1908. Excellent op-
portunity for advancement for well qualified per-
son. Citizenship required. 8084 Survey.
WANTED: Director of Boys' Work in neighbor-
hood house and playground in a large Eastern
city. Residence desirable but not required. 8082
Survey.
WANTED: Woman Social Worker with some
psychiatric experience who could work in as
assistant to superintendent in Jewish old people's
Home in Chicago. State qualifications and salary
expected with full maintenance. 6079 Survey.
PAROLE OFFICER— Male, New York State resi-
dents. Vacancies principally in New York City.
Beginning salary $2400 plus 754% war emergency
compensation. Give age, education, experience.
David Dressier, Executive Director, Box 1679,
Albany, New York.
HEAD CASE WORK SUPERVISOR, man or
woman, professionally trained and experienced, in
large New England Family Agency serving
Armed Forces and Veterans. Salary commensu-
rate with experience and ability. Give full de-
tails. 8094 Survey,
WE SERVE as a confidential clearing house
through which social workers, executives and
agencies everywhere can get in direct touch with
one another quickly and at surprisingly small
cost. A $3.00 registration fee to both employers
and applicants is our only charge. No com-
missions! Just tell us what kind of situation you
are qualified for, location you would consider,
etc., or give us complete details about the posi-
tion you have open. After careful crossmatching,
employers descriptions are mailed to all potential
candidates. Those interested then apply direct
to employers on special forms we furnish. Don t
run the risk of overlooking the very position or
applicant you might be most interested in I Take
advantage of the increased selection our low ^fees
and streamlined service creates. Central Registry
Service, 109 South Stanwood, Columbus 9, Ohio.
WANTED: MEN CAMP LEADERS— TEACH-
ERS, as Counselors in a co-educational so-called
"progressive" camp. Single or married, with or
without children, if one and all are capable of,
and interested in, sharing the responsibilities for
the continued development of a sound guidance
program in a truly cooperative, democratic camp
community, for the summer of 1945. 8056 Survey.
WANTED: HEADWORKER for an established
Settlement. 8099 Survey.
WANTED: Catholic Charities or Child Welfare
Worker. Must have graduate training. Apply
Catholic Charities, 418 N. 25th Street, Omaha 2,
Nebraska.
WANTED: A couple for resident position as
Superintendent and Matron in small New England
Home for Boys. Write qualifications apd for
information 8076 Survey.
BUY WAR BONDS
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC.)
80
SMITH COLLEGE
SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL WORK
A Graduate Professional School Offering a Program
of Social Work Education Leading to the Degree of
Master of Social Scienre.
Academic Year Opens June 1945
The Accelerated Cour»e provide* two years of aca-
demic credits, covering two ie«iotu of theory, nine
months of field practice in selected social agencies, and
the writing of a thesis.
The demand is urgent for qualified social workers to
serve in the reconstruction period.
SMITH COLLEGE STUDIES IN SOCIAL WORK
Contents for September, 1944
The Changing Role of Social Work in an Expanding
American Economy Eveline M. Burnt, Pk.D.
Intake Interview! with Relatives of Piychotic Patients
Either Goodale
Behavior Problems of Bright and Dull Negro Children
Teague Stradford
The Adjustment of Handicapped Persons to Employment in
War Time Clara SweelUnd
For further information write to
THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8
Northampton, MaaMchtuetts
PENNSYLVANIA SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK
(Affiliated with the University of Pennsylvania)
Professional Education For
Social Administration
Social Case Work
Social Group Work
Social Research
Fall Semester, 1945-46, opens October 2, 1945.
Applications received after February 1, 1945.
Slimmer Institute, June 11 — June 23.
Announcement available February 15.
Address, Secretary for Admissions
2410 Pine Street
Philadelphia 3, Penna.
SIMMONS COLLEGE
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK
Professional Education Leading to the degree of M.S.
Medical Social Work
Psychiatric Social Work
Community Work
Family and Child Welfare
Public Assistance
Social Research
Catalog will be sent on request.
18 Somerset Street Beacon Hill, Boston
THE BRITISH AND OURSELVES
The tenth in our series of Survey Graphic specials will be
published soon. This special number — written by Americans
for Americans — will deal with a new England tempered by five
war years; with the British system from London to Montreal,
from Sydney to Cape Town. It will trace realistically our
wartime collaboration from joint boards at Washington to the
furthest fronts and come to grips with divergencies and things
in common — with the choices ahead for Americans and
Britishers alike. Watch for it!
SURVEY GRAPHIC • 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N.Y.
THE NEW YORK SCHOOL
OF SOCIAL WORK
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
FELLOWSHIPS 1945-1946
Commonwealth Fund: For advanced training
in psychiatric social work.
Group Work: A limited number of fellowships
for men and women living outside the metro-
politan area who are interested in group work.
Recent College Graduates : A limited number of
fellowships for men and women living outside
the metropolitan area who have graduated since
1942.
Tuition Fellowships: A limited number of fel-
lowships providing tuition for three quarters.
Preference will be given to applicants living
outside the metropolitan area.
Willard Straight: For a foreign student who
has a background of social work experience in
his own country and expects to return there.
Final date for filing all applications is
February 15, 1945.
For details and application blanks apply to the School.
122 BAST 22nd STREET
NEW YORK 10, N. Y.
ARK OLD. HOWARD Pi
Tin* Most
tt ork Of Onr Time —
THE PHILOSOPHY OF AMERICAN HISTORY
By MORRIS ZUCKER
Whose Historical Field Theory, If
Valid, Must Revolutionize Thought
In History As Did COPERNICUS In
Astronomy, DARWIN in Biology,
And EINSTEIN In Physics!
The Historical Field Theory-
The THEORY:
^e historical
Theory
Period, In Ameri
lu APPLICATION:
u
to lf
tific achievement
1070 pages.
Nobly conceived and executed, in this work
history emerges from the status of an art to
assume the rank of a science. The effective
social forces of a period and the laws of his-
torical motion are presented in definitive
form. The Philosophy of American History
consists of two separate and complete vol-
umes: the Historical Field Theory and the
Periods In American History — the theory and
its application. It is a penetrating, vital,
factual work. The style, while analytical, is
warmly human. Many of its incisive sen-
tences will become the current phrases of
the next generation. Because prediction based
on established laws is the essence of science,
you will discover an almost irrefutable
answer to the most pressing questions of
these times.
What will be our economic, social and
political development? What their world re-
percussions? Is a third World War inevitable?
The entire philosophy of history is crystal-
lized in the final chapter: "The Next Twenty
Years in American History."
The digest on the left tries to give you
some cue to the contents of these two master-
ful volumes. It can be but an inkling. In-
spect these works at your bookstore. You'll
realize at once what a grand climax 25 years
of patient study and reflection has achieved.
Every scholar, statesman and student of cur-
rent problems will find the Philosophy of
American History an indispensable addition
to his classic library — to read, re-read and
refer to again and again. Cloth bound, price
$4.50 each volume; $8.50 for both. At your
Bookstore now, or write to
ARNOLD- HOWARD
PUBLISHING COMPANY.INC.
Long Island City 3, N. Y.
IQ45
SURVEY
30 CE NTS fl COPY
Cartoon by Fitzpatricfc in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch
" Without a Country"— Joseph P. Chamberlain
FULL EMPLOYMENT
A British Plan: What Beveridge Proposes- Maxwell S. Stewart
American Bill: From Patchwork to Purpose- Leon H. Keyserling
The Electronic Tube, NEW ALADDIN'S LAMP-Waldemar Kaempffert
Helping the
sick get well
LAMPS that kill germs ... X rays
to guide the surgeon's fingers . . .
operating rooms bathed in glare-
less light ... air conditioning to
screen out street noises and dust.
Helping the sick get well is only
one of the contributions of
General Electric. From the re-
search and engineering in G.E.'s
laboratories come products to
make your work easier, your home
brighter, creating new comforts,
better jobs.
The pictures you see here are
typical of things accomplished for
you by G-E research and engi-
neering. General Electric Com-
pany, Schenectady, N. Y.
of D-Doy Injury! How X rays speed
treatment of war injuries is shown in this
picture of Seaman Brazinski's thigh. On D-Day
a German mine shattered bis boat, blew him
20 feet in air. Rescued by an LST, rushed to
England, X rays quickly defined his injury,
permitted accurate setting. Portable G-E
X-ray machines at St. Albans Naval Hospital,
L. I., regularly check his progress. Through the
skill of doctors 97 per cent of the wounded in
this war are saved. The modern form of X-ray
tube was invented by Dr. W. D. Coolidge, G-E
scientist. X-ray units built by the G.E. X-Ray
Corp. are at battlef ronts the world over.
New lamp kills germf . . . Germ-laden air is
purified by the new G-E germicidal lamp.
It is already at work in hospitals, in battle-
front operating rooms. Tried in a school class-
room during a measles epidemic, only one-
fourth as many children contracted measles
as compared with unprotected classrooms.
Seeing the Invisible ... The electron micro-
scope, more powerful than ordinary micro-
scopes, gives doctors a new tool to fight
disease. Here is the germ, bacillus subtilis,
magnified 8,000 times. G-E engineers are
working to make available a portable electron
microscope for industry.
Help* treat Infantile Paralysis . . . Doctors
wanted hot packs to relieve pain and reduce
muscular spasms, but such steam packs tended
to burn. G-E workers put together a ma-
chine for hospital use that produces heated
packs that even at 180°F. will not burn
the patient's skin.
Hear the G-E radio programs: The G-E All-girl
Orchestra, Sunday 10 p.m. EWT, NBC— The World
Today news, Monday through Friday 6:45 p.m.
EWT, CBS— The G-E House Party, Monday
through Friday 4:00 p.m. EWT, CBS.
FOR VICTORY— BUY AND HOLD WAR BONDS
GENERAL 11 ELECTRIC
DIRECTORY OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS
Social, Economic and international Planning
AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR A DEMOCRATIC
GERMANY, 8 East 41st Street, New York 17,
New York. Officers: Dean Christian Gauss,
Honorary Chairman; John A. Lapp, Reinhold
Niebuhr, Dorothy Thompson, Vice-Chairmen.
Program : The distribution of factual and
interpretive material on current developments
in Germany; the mobilization of support for
genuinely democratic German groups and
movements, both in the United States and
abroad.
AMERICAN COUNCIL, INSTITUTE OF PACIFIC
RELATIONS, 1 East 54th Street, New York 22,
N. Y. Research and study organization on
the Pacific area problems as they affect
America.
Special Labor Packet . . . 25c . . . includes:
LABOR UNIONS IN THE FAR EAST—
Eleanor Lattimore
LABOR IN AUSTRALIA— Lloyd Ross
OUR JOB IN THE PACIFIC— Henry A.
Wallace
Also available: popularly written pamphlets
on China (by Maxwell Stewart); Philippines;
Pacific Islands; Korea; Japan; U.S.S.R. ;
India; Australia; New Zealand; Burma and
Malaya. Write for complete pamphlet list.
AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE
(QUAKERS)— 20 South 12th Street, Philadel-
phia, Pennsylvania; Clarence E. Pickett,
Executive Secretary. "Whatever concerns
• human beings in distress, whatever may help
free individuals, groups and nations from
fear, hate or narrowness — these are subjects
for the Committee's consideration." Present
projects include civilian relief operations in
England, China, India and North Africa; aid
to refugees, aliens and Japanese-Americans
in the United States with overseas activities
in Switzerland, Portugal, Sweden and Hawaii;
enrollment of students and other volunteer?
in world camp projects in the United States
and Mexico to improve social-industrial and
race relations; Institutes of International
Relations to promote study of religious and
economic bases for peace and post-war
reconstruction; administration of Civilian
Public Service Camps for religious consci-
entious objectors in cooperation with other
agencies.
Since 1917 AMERICAN JEWISH CONGRESS has
concerned itself with protection of rights of
Jews. Activities now embrace situation in
United States, Latin America, and Europe.
Its program includes defense against anti-
Semitic propaganda, combating economic dis-
crimination, law and legislation with a view
to strengthening democracy, political repre-
sentation on behalf of rights of Jews, and
amelioration of conditions for refugees; par-
ticipation in war program of United States;
preparation for reestablishment of Jewish
rights at end of war.
Toward this end it has set up, in cooperation
with the World Jewish Congress, an Insti-
tution of Jewish Affairs now studying facts
of Jewish life with a view to establishing
basis on which rights may be claimed at end
of war,
Also engaged, together with World Jewish
Congress, in political negotiations with demo-
cratic governments with a view to securing
sympathetic support for post-war rights.
Has recently established Inter - American
Jewish Council for inter - American Jewish
community cooperation in behalf of post-war
Jewish reconstruction and strengthening of
democracy. 1834 Broadway, New York City.
AMERICAN RUSSIAN CULTURAL ASSOCIATION
— Devoted to strengthening cultural ties
between U. S. and U. S. S. R. Lectures,
Public Events Exhibitions, Classes, Private
Lessons in Russian given by graduates of
Russian Universities. For full information
address American Russian Cultural Ass'n.,
200 West 57th St., New York 19, N. Y.
AMERICAN SOCIETY FOR PUBLIC ADMINIS-
TRATION, 1313 East 60th Street, Chicago 37A,
Illinois. A national organization to advance
the science of public administration. All
members receive official quarterly journal
Public Administration Review, which presents
articles on current administrative practices.
Discussion groups for members in metro-
politan,, areas. Membership $5.
B'NAI B'RITH— Oldest and largest national Jew
ish service and fraternal organization whose
program embraces manifold activities in war
service, Americanism, youth welfare, war re-
lief, education, community and social service,
inter-faith good will, defense of Jewish rights
and philanthropy. Membership 200,000 in-
cluding women's auxiliaries and junior units
—1003 K Street, N.W., Washington, D. C.
INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION —
2 West 45th Street, New York 19, N. Y.
Stephen Dutrean, Director; Edgar J. Fisher,
Assistant Director; Washington Bureau of
the Institute, 927 15th Street, N.W., Wash-
ington 5, D. C. A. Handle Elliott, Admin-
istrator. A non-membership organization the
purpose of which is to promote closer inter-
national educational relations and understand-
ing between the people of the United States
and other countries through such activities
as the interchange of students and teachers,
and the visits of foreign scholars as lecturers
or visiting professors to our colleges and uni-
versities. Publications: annual report, monthly
News Bulletin, and occasional pamphlets.
THE INTERNATIONAL CITY MANAGERS' ASSO-
CIATION, 1313 East 60 Street, Chicago 37, III.
To aid in improving municipal administration
(1) annually issues the Municipal Year Book,
an encyclopedia of information about munici-
pal activities in the 2.042 cities in the United
States over 3,000; (2) publishes Public Man-
agement, a monthly journal devoted to local
government; (3) issues special reports such
as "Police and Minority Groups," "Measur-
ing Municipal Activities," "Municipal Public
Relations,'* etc.; and (4) provides a series of
eight practical correspondence courses in
municipal government. Write for complete
list of publications and a catalogue on
training courses.
NATIONAL CONGRESS OF PARENTS AND
TEACHERS — An educational organization of
over three million men and women, working
together in 28,000 local associations to pro-
mote the welfare of children and youth.
Conduct a nation-wide program devoted to
home and school education, parent education,
health and social services. One of its major
projects is the preparation and distribution
of Parent-Teacher publications, among which
are the "National Parent -Teacher," official
magazine, and a monthly Bulletin, both issued
on a subscription basis; Proceedings of An-
nual Meetings; Community Life m a Democ-
racy ; The Parent -Teacher Organization, Its
Origin and Development. Write: Mrs. William
A. Hastings, President, 600 South Michigan
Boulevard, Chicago 5, Illinois.
NATIONAL CONSUMERS LEAGUE, 348 Engineers'
Building, Cleveland 14, Ohio. A voluntary
organization founded in 1 899 to awaken
consumers' responsibility for conditions under
which goods are made and distributed, and
through investigation, education, and legis-
lation to promote fair labor standards. Mini-
mum membership fee including quarterly
bulletin, $2.00. Elizabeth S. Magee, General
Secretary.
NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH WOMEN, 1819
Broadway, New York 23, N. Y. FIFTY
YEARS' SERVICE TO FAITH AND
HUMANITY. SERVICE TO FOREIGN
BORN — immigrant aid, port and dock work,
naturalization aid, Americanization classes,
location of relatives in war-separated families.
SOPTAL WELFARE AND WAR ACTIV-
ITIES— Council houses and clubs, nurseries,
clinics; scholarships, camps, teen-age canteens;
work with handicapped. Participation in
national wartime programs through educa-
tional projects and community activities.
FmirATTON DIVISION — Contemporary
Jewish affairs, international relations and
peace, social legislation. Study groups under
national direction keep Jewish women through-
out country alert to vital current issues. 215
Senior Sections in United States. 100 Junior
and Councilette Sections. 65,000 members.
SAVE WASTE PAPER
BUY WAR BONDS
NATIONAL FEDERATION FOR CONSTITU-
TIONAL LIBERTIES -205 East 42 St., Room
1613, New York 17, N. Y. A national
federation through which labor, church, civic,
fraternal and farm organizations, as well as
individual citizens, work to protect and
extend civil rights in the tradition of. the
American Constitution.
Maintains a national office in New York,
and a Washington Bureau to provide accurate
and timely information on civil rights issues
— through publications, meetings, and special
legislative assistance.
NCFL Subscription Service: $3 per year for
individuals; $5 for organizations.
NATIONAL PEACE CONFERENCE, 8 West 40 St.,
New fc'ork l,ity 18. Through meetings, popu-
lar pamphlets and an annual study project
marking November 1 1 as World Government
Day the CONFERENCE contributes to the
education of public opinion for an organized
postwar world. Subscription price to the
N.P.C. Bulletin is $3.00 per year. Dr. Walter
W. Van Kirk, Honorary President; Dr. John
Paul Jones, President; Miss Jane Evans,
Director.
THE NATIONAL VOCATIONAL GUIDANCE
ASSOCIATION. Christine Melcher, Executive
Secretary. 525 West 120th Street, New York
City 27, is the professional organization for
counselors and others engaged and interested
in vocational guidance, and the publishers of
OCCUPATI ONS, the Vocational Guidance
Journal.
PUBLIC OWNERSHIP LEAGUE OF AMERICA —
Facts about America's 10,000 publicly owned
projects — Bi-monthly illustrated magazine —
Extensive bulletin and leaflet service. "Studies
in Public Power" — 25 chapters, latest data
on Bonneville, Grand Coulee, TVA, and
other great federal power projects — for
individuals, study and discussion groups —
with questions and answers, $5.00. Aids
municipal, state and federal government and
progressive groups. Send lOc for descriptive
literature. Address : 1 27 North Dearborn
Street, Chicago 2, Illinois.
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.— 112 East 19th Street,
New \ ork 3. A cooperative educational
society built around a periodical rather than
a campus, and carrying forward swift re-
search and interpretation in the fields of
family and child welfare, health, education,
civics, industrial and race relations, and the
common welfare. Publishes monthly Survey
Graphic, Magazine of Social Interpretation
without counterpart, and Survey Midmonthly,
Journal of Social Work. Membership, $10,
and upwards.
WORLD PEACE FOUNDATION — A non - profit
organization founded in 1910 by Edwin Ginn
for the purpose of promoting peace, justice
and good will among nations. This purpose is
accomplished through the objective presenta-
tion and interpretation of the facts of Amer-
ican foreign relations through publications,
study groups and a Reference Service.
Publications: Documents on American For-
eign Relations, 1938 — (annual) ; America
Looks Ahead (a pamphlet series) ; and other
titles.
The Foundation also cooperates with the Uni-
versities Committee on Post-War Problems
in the publ ication of Problem Analyses
(appearing monthly).
Information concerning publications and other
activities sent on request. 40 Mt. Vernon
Street, Boston 8, Massachusetts.
This DIRECTORY appears In Survey
Graphic four times a year including: spe-
cial numbers. Its columns are open to
social action groups organized to pro-
mote good government, better education,
city planning and housing, improved in*
dustrial and labor relations, the safe-
guarding of civil liberties, land eonserva-
tlon, study of the Arts economic and
social planning in their widest aspirations.
Rate* are modent-^Let the Advertising De-
partment tell you about them!
SURVEY GRAPHIC for March. 1945. Vol. XXXIV. No. 3. Published monthly and copvricht 1945 by SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC. Publication Office, 34
North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburu, Pa. Kditcnp.l and business office, 11L' i-J a.st 1!) Street, New York 3. X. Y. Price this issue 3d cents; $3 a year; Foreign
po-ta^e 50 cents extra. Canadian 75 cents. Entered as second class matter on .lune 22. 1940 at the post office at East Btroudsburg, Pa., under the Act of March
d, 1879. Acceptance for mailing at a special rate oi postage piovided for in Section 1103. Act of October 3, 1917, authorized Dec. -1, 1921. Printed !n U.S.A.
Traveling Crime Laboratory
This laboratory travels the
country running down "crimes"
against telephone service. Staffed
by scientists of Bell Telephone
Laboratories, it can move to the
scene on a day's notice.
Always caught, its "criminals"
never make the headlines. For
they are not people, but such
things as a thread of lint, a trace
of acid, or sulphur compounds in
the air. Finding these enemies in
the telephone plant is one of the
services rendered to the Bell Sys-
tem by Bell Laboratories.
In an organization now concen-
trating on war work, Bell Tele-
phone Laboratories' people have
ferreted out substitutes for scarce
materials, have recommended
materials for difficult conditions,
have identified enemy materials
in captured equipment.
The services of these Bell Lab-
oratories' scientists are always
available to any part of the Bell
System. This ability to call upon
expert aid whenever needed is
part of the strength of the Bell
System.
BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM
Among Ourselves
FRANK BROCK'S ARTICLE "WAR HELPS THE
Chiselers," printed in Survey Graphic for No-
vember and condensed in the December Read-
er's Digest, has received wide attention in
newspapers all over the country. It has
brought a barrage of letters asking for guid-
ance, which the author has taken pains to
answer personally.
One such letter from a reader in a small
community pointed out that city people can,
if they wish, protect themselves against war
fraud gyps, but people in small towns and
in the country lack sources to which they can
turn for information. Here is —
Frank Brock's Reply
"WAR CHARITY CHISELERS, DESPITE THEIR WIDE-
spread depredations, are merely a minor fac-
tion of the large fraternity of gyps who are
eagerly awaiting war's end to resume practice
of their craft. Some part of more than $130
billions of investments, savings, and E bonds
now in the hands of the public undoubtedly
will reward their efforts.
"This threat has been anticipated, however,
and plans are already maturing to frustrate it.
Last October the Securities & Exchange Com-
mission called a conference of business or-
ganizations for a discussion of the problem
and a committee was appointed to study it and
report. Later meetings have been postponed,
however, because of travel restrictions. The
National Association of Better Business Bu-
reaus, with 86 bureaus in the United States
and Canada, is in the forefront of this move-
ment.
"My own small part, I think, deserves men-
tion. I have recently completed arrangements
through a firm of radio program producers
for a series of radio programs to be presented
over a national hook-up which will dramatize
the various swindles of the sharpshooting
brotherhood. The details of their schemes are
no secret, except to their potential victims. On
the theory that no one would be cheated if he
knew in advance what the swindler was going
to do, we propose to educate the public in the
tricks and devices of the non-violent racketeers.
It is hoped that a series of movie shorts will
augment this program.
"Community newspapers can help materially.
Through their press associations, correspon-
dents, membership in newspaper editorial and
In February Survey Midmonthly
OUR HONORABLE PARENT AND ESTEEMED CON-
tcmporary exhibits this month the results
of a combined face-lifting and streamlin-
ing in type, make-up, and cover. On the
stimulating outcome, we offer our respect-
ful congratulations.
Where All That Money Goes
by Cornelia Dunphy
The Man Who Will Come Home
by David Danzig
Books — Windows to the Future
by Carl Dahl
Integration in Rhode Island
by Elizabeth M. Smith
Financing Postwar Welfare
by Etvan Clagite
A Town That Is Good to Live In
by Sherwood Gates
VOL. XXXIV CONTENTS No- 3
Survey Graphic for March 1945
Cover: Cartoon by Fitzpatricl^ in St. Louis Post-Dispatch
Henrietta Szold: Inscription 84
"Without a Country" JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN 85
Aladdin's Wonderful Lamp WALDEMAR KAEMPFFERT 89
Full Employment 93
I. What Beveridge Proposes: A British Plan MAXWELL S. STEWART 93
II. From Patchwork to Purpose: An American Bill. .LEON H. KEYSERLING 95
What Shall We Do About Germany? JAMES T. SHOTWELL 99
Statesmen Discover Medical Care " MICHAEL M. DAVIS 101
Letters and Life 103
Education in a Complex World HARRY HANSEN 103
Copyright, 1945, by Survey Associates, Inc. All rights reserved.
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.
Publication Office: 34 North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburg, Pa.
Editorial and Business Office, 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
Chairman of the Board, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN; president, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR.; vice-
presidents, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, AGNES BROWN LEACH; secretary, ANN REED BRENNER.
Board of Directors: DOROTHY LEHMAN BERNHARD, JACOB BILLIKOPF, NELLIE LEE BOJC, JOSEFH
P. CHAMBERLAIN, EVA HILLS EASTMAN, EARL G. HARRISON, RALPH HAYES, SIDNEY HILLHAN, FRED
K. HOEHLER, BLANCHE ITTLESON, ALVIN JOHNSON, EDITH MORGAN KING, WILLIAM W. LANCASTER,
AGNES BROWN LEACH, WILLIAM M. LEISERSON, THOMAS I. PARKINSON, JUSTINE WISE POLIE»,
WILLIAM ROSENWALD, BEARDSLEY RUML, EDWARD L. RYERSON, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR., LOWELL
SHUMWAY, HAROLD H. SWIFT, ORDWAY TEAD.
Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.
Associate editors: BEULAH AHIDON, ANN REED BRENNER, BRADLEY BUELL, HELEN CHAMBERLAIN,
KATHRYN CLOSE, MICHAEL M. DAVIS, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, HARRY HANSEN, FLORENCE LOEB KEL-
LOGG, LOULA D. LASKER, VICTOR WEYBRIGHT, LEON WHIFFLE. Contributing editors: HELEN CODY
BAKER, JOANNA C. COLCORD, EDWARD T. DEVINE, RUSSELL H. KURTZ, ALAIN LOCKE, MARY Ross,
GERTRUDE SPRINGER.
Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINGER; Circulation manager, MOLLIE CONDON; Advertising
manager, MARY R. ANDERSON; Field Representatives, ANNE ROLLER ISSLER, DOROTHY PUTNEY.
Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue, 30c a
copy. By subscription — Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year — Foreign 50e;
Canadian 75c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor Articles, Public
Affairs Information Service, Quarterly Cumulative Index Medicus.
Survey Midmonthly published on the 15th of the month. Single copies 30c. By subscription —
Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year — Foreign 50c; Canadian 75c.
Joint subscription to Survey Graphic and Survey Midmonthly: Year, $5.
Cooperative Membership in Survey Associates, Inc., including a joint subscription: Year, $10.
business organizations, they have access to
much preventive information. Many of them,
however, are frightened by the libel bugaboo.
They hesitate to name known gyps or to print
details of their swindles until after they have
been arrested — and the damage has been done.
The cure for this evil is prevention. Advance
information is essential. Some gyps may
threaten or even bring suit, but they seldom
risk facing trial. Better Business Bureaus have
been sued for more than $60,000,000, but
never have had to pay a dollar in damages.
"Few appeals for money — charitable or
otherwise — are so urgent that a day or so can-
not be spent profitably in investigation. A tele-
gram to the right source of information
usually will bring the facts, and sometimes
trap a swindler. No honest proposition ever
suffered because it was investigated in ad-
vance, but charlatans invariably urge that you
consult no one.
"In the absence of a Chamber of Commerce,
a Community Chest or a Better Business Bur-
eau, there should be some local center of in-
formation for citizens and I nominate the
community newspaper. It is surprising how
quickly sources of information can be de-
veloped and how the information piles up.
Certainly, no paper could render a greater
service or one that will be so badly needed as
soon as peace is declared. Money saved by
veterans of the armed forces, particularly,
must not help build a swindler's paradise."
Mr. Brock has asked us to announce that he
will be glad to direct community newspapers
to the sources of information, should they wish
to advise their readers against such frauds. He
welcomes letters about concrete experiences
with war charity chiselers.
Poll Tax Repeal
A GEORGIA LAW REPEALING THE STATE POLL TAX
was passed in both legislative houses last
month by impressive majorities and signed by
Governor Arnall. While this forward step
does not admit Negro citizens in "white pri-
maries," it does enfranchise Georgians of both
races who were barred or discouraged from
voting in general elections by the tax. Seven
southern states still levy a poll tax.
A southerner presented the case against the
poll tax in our pages on the eve of the 1944
campaign: "3.2 Democracy in the South," by
Stetson Kennedy, in the May Survey Graphic.
Studio Ganan, Jerusalem
1860 — HENRIETTA SZOLD — 1945
The founder of Hadassah died in Jerusalem in Febru-
ary— at the modern hospital which is a living monument
to her faith in Palestine and in her people. A woman
rare in any country or any century, she had literally
crowded into eighty-four years several lifetimes of work.
Palestine was a desolate land when she first went there
at fifty and envisioned this institution of healing, of
teaching, and research which would help in its revival.
On the one hand, Hadassah came of that vision — the
Women's Zionist Organization of America. On the other,
came its medical program in the Holy Land which makes
for health among Arabs, Christians, and Jews, through-
out the Near East.
She was seventy-five when she put aside thought of
retirement. For in the 30's she foresaw this ancient Home-
land as the natural place of refuge for tens of thousands
of Jewish children who would have to flee from Hitler's
Europe. Out of this second vision sprang Youth Aliyah
(Youth Immigration), through which thousands of young
Jews — German, Hungarian, Rumanian, Polish — have
been given a new chance in life. Today they mourn the
loss of "Our Mother," under whose intimate aegis grow-
ing minds and bodies sprang back to health, young spirits
found new nourishment.
Miss Szold was eighty when the Women's Centennial
Congress chose her among one hundred outstanding
American women of the last hundred years. First Lady of
Palestine, she was living in a small pension when a Survey
editor visited her a decade ago. Her single room radiated
her gentle modesty no less than her indomitable initiative.
Love for her native Baltimore was not shelved by love for
Jerusalem. She transplanted there ideals and standards
from that American span of her life.
On her last visit to this country Survey Associates was
fortunate to share in honoring her. Those at our luncheon
will remember her acknowledgment to American social
workers and health workers for tools that could be turned
to account in backward regions. We shall remember most
of all, sobering and stirring things she said of young peo-
ple for whom she held out a new Promised Land.
"Above all," said Survey Graphic afterward, her listen-
ers sensed "her vivid, yet serene and simple personality."
That here "was one of the world's great people, statesman
and sensitive woman at the same time." — Loula D. Lasker
S U RVEV
PHIC
"Without a Country"
The plight of the refugees as victims of war and fascism — a blueprint
of transcendent human need superimposed on the war maps of Europe.
JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN
WHEN THE BUGLES SOUND "CEASE FIRING"
throughout Europe, the Allies will find a
mass problem already entered on their first
order of business. That is the succor and
disposal of vast companies of people up-
rooted from countries they once called
home. Estimates vary as to the number of
these "displaced persons," as they are des-
ignated, but run at least as high as 10,000,-
000 men, women, and children.
They include those dislodged by invasions
and counter-invasions, but many have been
prisoners of war, or workers constrained
to labor in factories and on farms in Ger-
many, or in the countries occupied by the
Nazis.
Among them, also, are other peoples of
German stock, brought back from their
homes in eastern Europe or elsewhere and
settled in Germany or in annexed terri-
tories, especially Poland. This largely en-
forced migration had been in line with
Nazi plans for reassembling all Germans in
the greater Reich of Hitler's dreams.
On the other hand, great numbers of
these displaced persons were transported
into the Soviet Union from Poland and
other battle areas. Perhaps 20,000 other
Europeans were caught in Shanghai by the
war in the Far East.
Almost all of them, wherever they are,
will be eager to go home wherever it is,
once the war is ended. The task of army
and civil administrations in occupied coun-
tries, of UNRRA and the new govern-
ments set up, will be to arrange for their
prompt return. The reason is simple
enough. Most of them are "nationals" and
their governments will be active in bring-
ing this about and in seeing to it that they
are provided for meanwhile. Once they are
back in their native lands, these govern-
ments will have the duty of caring for them
until they can finally reach the village or
city where each can say, "Here I belong."
Within that ten million there will, how-
ever, remain another large group who
"belong" nowhere. They are the genuine
refugees for whom no government will
make provision, either because they are
stateless, nationals of no country, or because
they are unwilling to return to the land
from which they came. How many of these
there will be at the close of World War II
no one can know until things take clearer
shape in Europe.
Enter the Refugees
The refugee, then, is a person who for
political reasons has been driven from his
country of residence or who fears the
political consequences of his return. He may
be stateless or, while not yet formally de-
nationalized, he nonetheless may have lost
his status by refusing to return home when
the opportunity offered.
He thus becomes a person without the
protection of a government. In the modern
world, made up of national states, this has
wide implications. For the international
rights of any individual, such as they are,
depend for their enforcement on the action
of his home government. Furthermore, a
network of treaties between governments
reciprocally gives to the citizens of one state
privileges in the others, the right to work,
— By the long time chairman of the
National Refugee Service; American
member of the High Commission for
Refugees Coming from Germany, set up
by the League of Nations in the mid-
Thirties. Now member of the President's
Advisory Board on Political Refugees
and chairman of the American Council
of Voluntary Agencies for Foreign Serv-
ice. Former chairman of the Foreign
Policy Association and chairman of the
board of Survey Associates.
the right to the benefits of workmen's com-
pensation and other social insurance laws,
the right to education. Thus the alien who
is a national is assured through reciprocity
many of the privileges of a citizen. In con-
trast, the stateless person, unprotected by
any government, loses each and all of these
advantages.
But there is more to it than that. Every
country is obliged to receive its nationals
if they wish to return. Moreover, most
states provide for their own people when
in want. The refugee, on the other hand,
has no country to which he may turn as a
right. No country has a duty to care for
him in case of need. Normally a person
cannot enter a foreign country without a
passport issued by the government of which
he, himself, is a national. There is no
nation to issue a passport to a stateless
person or to a political refugee.
History That May Repeat Itself
The refugee problem broke with great
force upon the world at the close of the
last World War. There was a flood of folk
from the former Russian and Turkish Em-
pires into the countries of southeastern
Europe. These impoverished countries were
unable to carry the burden and wished only
to get rid of their unwelcome guests. The
immediate problem of relief was met,
though not too liberally, by other govern-
ments and by voluntary agencies. Their
further removal to places where there were
chances for them to find both shelter and
work was encouraged by authorizing a
travel document identifying the bearer,
which governments generally were willing
to accept at their frontiers.
Fortunately enough, the League of
Nations was in existence and, under the
inspiration of Dr. Fridtjof Nansen, it cre-
ated an organ that promoted agreements
between governments under which the lot
85
American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee
Jews make the greatest company of stateless people. Here are refugees from Central
Europe who fled to Italy, and soon thereafter found themselves put into internment
camps. Though Allied advance set these men free, they remain people without a land
of the refugees was made easier. Their
travel documents were improved and ad-
justed to meet new needs. They were as-
sured the privilege of residence in the
countries where they found themselves and,
to a limited degree, the right to work was
accorded them. Through it all, the League
organization under Dr. Nansen acted as a
kind of international champion for those
who otherwise had no government pro-
tection at all — pleading the cause of indi-
vidual refugees before governments and
steadily seeking ways and means to ameli-
orate their situation.
Private agencies played an important
part from the beginning. They provided
material aid and, in cooperation with the
League authorities, urged upon one gov-
ernment after another more humane treat-
ment for these unfortunate people. More-
over, economic conditions were soon on
the upgrade everywhere. There was con-
sequent widespread need for workers to
make up the heavy manpower losses of
World War I. These and other factors per-
suaded governments to allow refugees to
live .and to work in their territories.
But when unemployment later struck any
national economy, these stateless outlanders
86
were naturally among the first to lose their
jobs, the last to find new ones. Always the
citizen has preference.
Then Came Hitler
Came the rise of Nazism in Germany;
came its excesses and, once in power, its
settled policy to drive Jews out of that
country. This was more gradual than war
in making itself felt. It seemed incredible
to many Germans, as well as to outsiders,
that the Nazi regime would go to the ex-
tremes of cruelty and hatred that it did.
"Appetite came with eating." The Nazis
invented worse and worse means of op-
pression as the lust for cruelty and greed
were unsatisfied. The Jews, native no less
than foreign born, were pushed out ot
Germany. Most left behind them all the
property and civil rights they had acquired
as useful citizens of the Reich — and went
naked out into the world. More than that,
their relatives and friends abroad had to pay
ransom; and, to squeeze out this ransom,
were warned of what would happen other-
wise to their kith and kin still within Nazi
reach.
Alarmed both at the number of refugees
leaving that country, at the greater numbers
which seemed sure to come, the govern-
ments concerned created a commission in
1933 to cope with the situation, with James
G. McDonald, hitherto chairman of the
Foreign Policy Association, New York, as
High Commissioner for Refugees Coming
from Germany. As the Reich was still a
member of the League, this new com-
mission was not made part of its machinery
but was supported by private funds. Mr.
McDonald took up his work at a difficult
time. The widespread depression of the
Thirties was on and other countries were
especially reluctant to admit immigrants as
they themselves had mass unemployment to
cope with. The commission had little suc-
cess either in persuading such governments
to open their doors wider, or in pressing
the Nazis to lessen their persecutions, much
less to end them.
The High Commissioner and his suc-
cessors made some progress, however, in
dealing with the immediate problem with
which Dr. Nansen had sought to cope —
of persons without a country. What was
done to help them was principally the work
of private organizations, or of relatives and
friends who helped them singly or in family
groups to find a home somewhere and an
opportunity to earn a living. Later, when
Germany left the League, that body took
over the work Mr. McDonald and his asso-
ciates had so courageously advanced. The
League's work for refugees both from
Germany and from eastern Europe was
united under Sir Herbert Emerson as ex-
ecutive officer.
Large numbers of these fugitives remained
in the countries of western Europe which
offered them shelter. The flight from Ger-
many, however, ended for great numbers
overseas. This was because so many German
emigrants had settled in the United States,
in other American countries or in the
British Dominions, and held out helping
hands to relatives and friends from Ger-
many. Also, because strong private or-
ganizations, some operating since the last
war, were deeply moved by the sufferings
Latin America Refugee Fuml
One of thousands of Spanish political
refugees who found shelter in France
SURVEY GRAPHIC
TM /- i t o r United Nations Information Office
Inese Ureeks from Samos who have found temporary refuge in a camp set up in the Middle East; the Spaniard on the page op-
posite; the Yugoslavs below — all belong among the millions of people who must find a place to live after the war. Many can be
returned to their homes and will find a welcome; others may be afraid to go back to their own countries, or will be unwilling to return
of persecuted people and made provision
for them.
The Russian-Turkish situation after
World War I had differed from this. Most
of the people scattered from these countries
had remained on the continent or sought
refuge in Asia.
In the Thirties, Palestine was the destina-
tion of large numbers of refugees both from
Germany and eastern Europe. How great
a haven it proved is borne out by the fact
that Palestine, with only a fragment of the
population of the United States, has taken
in 120,000 of them compared with 250,000
who found refuge with us. An advantage
of no little moment is that refugees arriving
there cease to be such. Difficulties of ad-
justment to climate and to new ways of
United Yugoslav Relief Fund of America
Undernourished, frightened Yugoslav children reach shelter in a neutral country
.
MARCH 1945
unwilling i
life they had in plenty, but the immigrants
were accepted as permanent residents and
full opportunities in the new society were
open to them. In 1939, with the issuance of
a White Paper, Britain prohibited further
immigration of Jews into Palestine beyond
75,000 to be admitted over the next five
years. There are perhaps 5,000 certificates
now outstanding. What the future holds in
this area depends on a change in British
policy.
An Acid Test
Figures vary widely, but it has been
estimated that there remain in Great Bri-
tain about 60,000 racial refugees from the
Nazi terror; in the United States some
250,000; in Latin America perhaps 125,-
000; in Palestine 120,000 of whom about
half are Germans; and in other overseas
countries more than 50,000. Switzerland is
providing for around 24,000 and Sweden
12,000. Those found by the Nazis when
they overran western Europe were ordered
deported to Germany to work there, or to
eastern Europe, but since the liberation of
conquered territories some are turning up
who were able to escape arrest.
Other racial stocks are, of course, in-
volved but Jewish fugitives from political
and religious persecution make up the
greatest company of stateless people.
Their fate remains one of the acid tests
of humanitarian concern in the period
ahead.
87
When war broke out, the Nazi govern-
ment changed its policy — but not for the
better. Most of the Jews in Germany had
been forced out — when Hitler slammed the
door on those who remained. Instead of
driving the unfortunate victims of their
hatred from Europe, the Nazis set out to
liquidate them within the continent. There-
after, we have grim evidence -of another
trek of refugees not only from the Reich
but from countries under Nazi influence,
to the prison camps and work camps of
Poland. There, disease, lack of food, and
various forms of execution and of torture
so cut down their number that only a small
proportion remains. For most of them
theirs was an enforced migration to death.
Who Are the After-War Refugees?
As indicated earlier, there can be no
certainty in the present confusion in Europe
as to what will be the number of postwar
refugees — stateless or those who are unwill-
ing to return to their homes. But we can
examine further sources and wartime
pressures from which they sprang.
We know that the Nazis brought hun-
dreds of thousands of people of German
descent from the Soviet Union and from
southeastern Europe and settled them in
what for a time was German-held territory,
principally in Poland. A quarter century
earlier, when the South Tyrol was ceded
to Italy at the end of the last World War,
some 80,000 had been settled largely in
the mountainous regions of Austria and the
surrounding country. It may be that all of
these people of German stock, now as then,
have been made German citizens — as have
many hitherto of Polish citizenship. Those
outside the Reich at the war's end may be
treated like other Germans and forced back
into whatever territories are left to it. Others
may be among those required to return to
the Soviet Union and to other countries
whence they came, to help meet demands
for workers in rebuilding regions scotched
by the Nazi invasion. Apart from claims
thus made on them in the name of restitu-
tion, such countries may not recognize their
change of citizenship. (Former Polish citi-
zens are likely to be an exception.)
Those of German stock not returned to
their countries of origin will be people with-
out homes in the diminished Germany;
their permanent settlement will be difficult
in that crowded territory, and they will
present a problem similar to that of home-
less refugees elsewhere.
A large number of people from the Baltic
states, some brought into the Reich for
forced labor, some evacuated before the
advance of the Soviet armies, will be found
after the war both in Germany and in
Poland. Among them will be many un-
willing to return to their home countries
if these are under Soviet rule. That may be
true also of various races represented among
the 2,000,000 easterners from Russia and
elsewhere who have been working in Ger-
many. Of these, some few have even served
in the German army. Many were prisoners
of war taken during the Nazi invasion of
Russia.
The Soviet authorities have indicated
their desire that their nationals should re-
turn and help rebuild the country, and if
they do not do so will probably refuse them
protection. They will thus become stateless.
In southeastern and central Europe, par-
tisanship and violence in the war years have
provided poor seed beds for peaceful and
friendly settlement of the sharp differences
among factions. Whether conservatives or
radicals win out in these countries, there
are certain to be many who will try to flee;
others now abroad will refuse to go back,
thus creating further groups of refugees.
What are left of the Poles brought into
Russia may return to Poland. If not, they
doubtless will be taken into the Soviet
Union, so they cannot be counted as refu-
gees. Not so the Poles elsewhere in Europe,
Africa or the Near East, whose return will
hang on the character of the government
set up in the new Poland, and who, as the
die is cast, might sooner or later become
stateless.
It is to be hoped that a Yugoslav govern-
ment uniting all factions will finally win
power in that country, but if this does not
happen, those who belong to the "outs"
may not be willing to return.
In France are thousands of Spanish refu-
gees. Few are adjusted to life there, and
unless there is an overturn in Madrid, or
widespread need for labor in France or her
colonies, they will need help in migrating
elsewhere.
The Status of the Jews
Finally, we must reckon with the back-
wash of hatred and calumny against the
Jews in Germany and — under spur of the
Nazis — in all of eastern Europe where anti-
Semitism long had existed. This makes all
the more probable a large refugee problem
among what is left of German and eastern
European Jewry. German Jews now in
Poland will not want, nor should they be
required to accept, protection from any
German government. German Jews now in
western European countries, it may be as-
sumed, will be no more willing to do so.
At the start, they will be stateless if they
do not accept German citizenship and want
to remain in the countries where many of
them have long made their homes.
The situation in eastern Europe and the
Danube Basin is such that it is hard to
forecast how many Jewish refugees from
those regions will want to return there, or
how many can remain there under postwar
conditions. Many of them, especially from
Hungary, were packed off to Germany to
work. Many others — from Greece, Bulgaria,
Rumania, Hungary and Yugoslavia — were
sent to concentration camps in Poland.
Greece and Yugoslavia will take them
back on their prewar footing. The settle-
ment at the time of surrender can require
enemy countries to receive their citizens as
such and to end racial discrimination. The
hope is that conditions in all these countries
will make it possible for Jewish nationals
to reestablish themselves in economic and
social life; that their nationality will be
restored if it has been taken away; and that
provision will be made for turning back
their property. More, it is to be hoped that
they will be given a fair chance to play
their part in the rehabilitation of home
countries in which they hitherto had a use-
ful place. It is important that that place
be restored to them if the world's protest
against the Nazi doctrine of racial intoler-
ence is not to have been in vain.
The Soviet Union will be very influential
in eastern Europe and its policy of non-
discrimination may be expected to affect
governmental action there. However, the
difficulties of life, the heightened prejudices,
and the probability of unruliness in these
areas will drive many to seek refuge over-
seas. If so, they will not be technically refu-
gees; they will have the nationality of their
home countries, but as migrants they will
need much the same sort of help as the
stateless.
The comparatively few German Jews left
in the Reich may come, also, in the class of
refugees. Though they are German citizens
and though their civil and property rights
will have been restored to them at the sur-
render, it is unlikely that many will want
to remain where they have been subjected
to such wholesale cruelty and ignominy.
For sake of protection, it may be necessary
to assemble them, and they should be given
the option of relinquishing their German
citizenship and an opportunity to establish
their lives elsewhere.
It is probable that the new Germany
will be obligated to open her borders to
former citizens in exile and to restore their
civil rights. But they should not become
German citizens again without their con-
sent and they should be free to remain out-
side Germany. Even the unhappy lot of
statelessness may seem better to many of
them than to resume their citizenship in a
land where they have been so slandered anc
abused. Nor should they be forced tc
shoulder burdens which will fall on Ger-
man citizens in meeting reparations pay-
ments.
Tasks and Tools Ahead
Such an analysis shows that the greater
part of the European refugees will be found
in Europe at the close of World War II.
The first tasks will be like those after World
War I: to take care of them where they
are found; to intercede on their behalf with
governmental authorities in the countries
concerned; to provide travel and identity
documents. Many will be in Germany,
where a considerable residue can be antici-
pated of those who do not desire to return
home or who are stateless. The conditions
of their lives will be subject for decision by
the United Nations authorities. This will
be true in other enemy countries. In the
Allied countries, the governments will, of
course, control.
Likely enough, many refugees will have
to remain where they are found for a long
time. Governments will be too busy with
urgent tasks, including the repatriation of
their own nationals, to give the refugees
much thought. Outsiders may not be too
welcome, and it will be important for an
international authority to plead their cause.
Such an authority exists in the Inter-Gov-
ernmental Committee with its seat in Lon-
don, and with Sir Herbert Emerson as its I
executive officer, seconded by Patrick Malin, '
(Continued on page 108)
88
SURVEY GRAPHIC
The electron tube — "the most important invention of this generation." This in-
stallation changes alternating current into direct current for radio transmission
Westinghousc
Aladdin's Wonderful Lamp
A wonder story that surpasses the Arabian Nights — the story of the
electron tube, and of machines that talk, feel, listen, count, sort.
WALDEMAR KAEMPFFERT
FOR DECADES ENGINEERS DESIGNED AND BUILT
central stations which supplied electric en-
ergy to millions, invented electric lamps,
motors and coffee percolators, drove rail-
way trains electrically and saw to it that
Niagara Falls milked cows and sucked dirt
out of carpets. And all this without know-
ing what electricity was. Then came
Roentgen with his X-rays, the Curies with
the discovery of radium, J. J. Thomson with
his classic studies of the light that glows
in gas-discharge tubes, Einstein with
equations that tied matter and energy to-
gether. A few theoretical physicists who
were bent on tearing the atom apart and
finding out what matter is, and who had
no thought of radio, trolley cars or toast-
ers, told the world that a current in a wire,
a flash of lightning was a flow of electrons.
From this work came the electron tube —
probably the most important invention of
this generation. The physicists proved again
that there is nothing so impractical as a
— By the science editor of The New
York Times, author of "Science Today
and Tomorrow," a frequent contributor
to scientific and engineering periodicals
in this country and abroad.
Mr. Kaempffert is serving as our
counselor in developing the series of
articles, "The Future Is Already Here,"
of which this is the second.
practical man and nothing so practical as a
theory that works.
Now that the dreamy theorists have told
us that electricity is composed of particles,
just as a river is composed of drops, en-
gineering receives a new impetus, with so-
cial consequences which read like a tale by
H. G. Wells in his younger days and which
give economists much to think about. Many
an industrial process has been revolution-
ized. What were once possibilities and spec-
ulations are now realities. Years have
been telescoped into months. Electronically
speaking, we are in the year 1960.
The Universe of the Atom
It is impossible to understand electron-
ics without understanding the constitution
of the atom. Before the theoretical physi-
cists began to bombard matter, the atom
was supposed to be the smallest conceivable
particle. It was an infinitesimal sphere,
hard and indestructible. When the theorists
showed that it was far more complicated
than a grand piano or a telephone ex-
change, there was consternation. An atom
turned out to be somewhat like a solar sys-
tem. In the center was a nucleus or "sun,"
and around the "sun" minute "planets,"
called electrons, not only revolved and spun
but leaped from orbit to orbit in unpre-
dictable ways. The outer planetary elec-
trons could be torn away to leave only the
naked central nucleus or "sun." And these
electrons bore about the same relation in
MARCH 1945
89
size to the atom that a football bears to a
barn. In other words, not the atom but the
electron was the smallest particle of matter
and, therefore, the rockbottom of the uni-
verse.
This electron could be regarded as en-
ergy and as matter, and from this it fol-
lowed that matter was converted into en-
ergy and energy into matter. There was
no theoretical moonshine about this. The
conversion was a reality. All that the en-
gineer did when he generated electricity
was to tear electrons out of matter and
send them coursing over a wire.
The Slave at Work
With this new knowledge, Aladdin's
lamp becomes a reality. It takes the form
of an electron tube, the most remarkable
invention of our time. This Aladdin's
lamp does not summon slaves to build pal-
aces in an hour or to produce bags of
jewels, as it did in the Arabian Nights.
It is itself a slave with senses and capaci-
ties that outstrip those with which we are
endowed. It talks, feels, listens, counts,
sorts and measures, all because of its deli-
cate control of electrons. It may cost as
little as 25 cents or as much as $1,500;
it may be as small as an acorn or as big
as a prizefighter; it may assume any one
of about 2,000 different forms; it already
is the basis of an industry bigger than that
engaged in making automobiles, a five bil-
lion dollar industry.
Electron tubes are older than the war.
Look inside your radio set and you will see
them glowing faintly. If they look like
small electric lamps, it is because they were
evolved from lamps. There is a filament
coated with a metal compound out of which
electrons fly when the current is turned on.
But there is also a little metal plate and
a little metal grid between the filament and
the plate. The electrons flow from the
filament through the grid to the plate.
If the grid is electrified more or less, the
flow may be a mere trickle, or it may be
a torrent. English engineers call such a
tube a "valve." It is a good term because
it defines the function of the tube. That
grid is like a valve in a pipe — something
with which electrons can be turned on and
off like water. The electrons that strike
the plate are collected in the form of a cur-
rent which can be made to work ma-
chinery in a thousand different ways.
A tube thus constructed made radio
broadcasting possible. In one form it shakes
the ether into waves much as we shake
a rope tied at one end to a post. The ether
waves may measure a few inches or twenty
miles from crest to crest, and they can be
sent around the earth with the speed of
light. The tube also detects the waves
even when they are all but spent. Since
only a minute fraction of the energy sent
out by a station is received, it must be am-
plified. Again electron tubes come into
play. And how they amplify! By con-
necting one amplifying tube with a second,
a third, or a twentieth, if need be, the
crawling of a fly can be made to sound
like a regiment of cavalry, the ticking of
a watch like the blows of a trip-hammer.
Walkie-Talkie and Television
Because some tubes can be made no
bigger than a peanut, radio acquires new
potentialities. Men in the caboose of a
mile-long freight train can talk with the
engineer. On the fighting front the leader
of a bombing squadron gives orders to
pilots under his command and takes orders
from staff headquarters on the ground.
Men in tanks talk with one another and
with generals in the rear. The apparatus
required can be packed into a container
not much larger than a suitcase. Still
smaller is the "walkie-talkie." Parachute
jumpers and patrols use it to communicate
with their commanding officers miles away.
Brakemen on railroads will use it to warn
of danger when a train is stalled instead
of walking back a mile and waving a red
flag. In a recent report, the Federal Com-
munications Commission predicts that it
will give physicians a calling service as they
make their rounds; that department stores,
dairies, laundries, and other business houses
will use it to give drivers instructions on
the road; that captains of harbor craft
will talk with their offices; that farmers in
the field will communicate with their wives
in the kitchen. What is called a "personal
radio set" no bigger than a cigarbox has
been designed. With it anybody in a city
can talk to his home from the street. We
have seen only the beginning of radio.
One of the innovations of the war was
radar — a method of sending out radio
waves and detecting their reflections from
hostile aircraft many miles away. That
invention saved Great Britain after Dun-
kerque during those terrible months when
English towns were systematically bombed
for weeks. For radar made it possible to
concentrate the few available British fight-
ers exactly where they could do the most
good. We shall hear more of radar in
An electronic "chemist" which tests production in synthetic rub-
ber plants more swiftly and exactly than a battery of technicians
Westinghouse photos
Radio waves coat tinplate for the can factory ten times as fast
as the best previous methods, and save tin as well as time
90
SURVEY GRAPHIC
civilian life. It will prevent ships from
colliding in a fog or running aground on
a rocky coast, warn automobile drivers of
danger when they cannot see ahead. Pilots
of passenger airplanes will know exactly
how high they are over an elevation on an
inky night.
Under the pressure of war the electron
tube has acquired new powers. Because of
this acquisition, television on a grander
scale is promised. Viewing screens will not
be of present handkerchief size but as large
as those of motion picture theaters. House-
wives will probably do some of their shop-
ping by television. "Show me a nice
chicken," Mrs. Jones will say, whereupon
the butcher will hold one up for inspec-
tion. Department stores will similarly ex-
hibit their smaller and lighter wares.
Since we have been spoiled by Holly-
wood, we shall probably demand a new
television play every day — a prospect that
producers shudder at. Where are the script
writers? How is an army of scene build-
ers to be recruited? Where are the actors
who will be required for the televising of
several hundred plays a year? The fate
of the motion picture theater is in doubt,
for which reason Hollywood companies are
as much interested in television as they
are in films. The press, already somewhat
concerned about the broadcasting of news,
is wondering what will happen when base-
ball games, prizefights, sports events, in-
augurations and political meetings are
brought right into the home, with all the
blare of brass bands, the yells of the crowd
and the rapid-fire interpretations of eye-
witness commentators.
Thinking Machines
More elated are the makers of business
machines. They have been watching the
anti-aircraft guns from afar — watching be-
cause their fire is controlled electronically.
Consider what is required of an anti-air-
craft battery's crew. Allowances must be
made for the speed of a hostile bomber,
for the wind, for temperature, for baro-
metric pressure, even, occasionally, for the
rotation of the earth. There is no time
to make the necessary calculations on pa-
per. Electron tubes make the corrections
in a few seconds, so that the guns are
pointed at the place where the hostile
plane will be and fired at the right in-
stant.
The electronic mechanism can easily be
adapted to the construction of new busi-
ness machines. A 122-tube electronic mas-
ter-mind has already been devised which
saves 144,000 man-hours annually in cali-
brating apparatus for the Signal Corps.
That electronic mind calculates faster than
any mathematician can, and it never makes
a mistake. The keeping of accounts, the
dunning of creditors with bills will be as-
signed to girls who will handle cards or
slips of paper just as they now feed strips
of steel into a machine, and electron tubes
will do the rest. Huge machines have al-
ready been designed which occupy more
space than is available in a room of average
size and which solve problems in higher
mathematics for engineers. The pushing
of keys, the pulling of levers, the turning
MARCH 1945
General Electric
Electronic motor control drives in the Detroit plant of Nash-Kelvinator test airplane
propeller governors. Each governor, driven by a motor with a range of 900 to 3,000 rptn,
is held to the required testing speed by the control, even with a widely varying load
of a knob or two is all that is necessary.
When we enter the factory, we see the
electron tube at work in ways that were
inconceivable only ten years ago. It is con-
nected with a motor, a door, a conveyor-
belt, anything that moves, cuts, heats.
Here, a giant turbine spins. It is important
to know what the spinning drum is doing
at any given moment. Pressure, speed,
temperature and a few other factors must
be known to give the answer. The electron
tube performs the task. It measures all
the factors, converts them into meter read-
ings, so that a man has only to watch
a finger as it plays over a dial to know
what is happening inside the turbine.
Go into an oil refinery and you see the
electron tube at work in another capacity.
In a tower, high octane gasoline is separated
from something else. Is the rate of separa-
tion right? Is the gasoline pure? The
electron tube takes the place of the chem-
ist and gives the information wanted in
electrical terms and in meter language.
So it is with the production of synthetic-
rubber. Suppose furnace gases contain too
much moisture. Rust is then inevitable,
and rust is the enemy of the steel parts
of airplanes, guns, and tanks. The elec-
tron tube stands guard and warns when the
gases are too wet. A light flashes on a
panel and the man stationed there to watch
it knows what must be done. One such
electronic recorder can measure moisture
in a gas which is 1,000 times drier than
the air in the desert of Sahara.
In the Lockheed airplane plant, torches
are no longer used to weld 150-gallon
fuel tanks, with the result that the cost
of making a tank has been reduced to one
sixth of what it was. Westinghouse en-
gineers have made it possible to machine
the huge propellers of an aircraft carrier
700 percent more rapidly than before by
electronic means. Two sharp steel cutting
tools are automatically and electronically
guided over the surfaces of the propeller
(twenty-four feet in diameter) and in this
way perform in two days work that once
took two weeks.
The Tube in Charge of Heat
Heat is indispensable in nearly every in-
dustrial operation. Control of heat in-
volves control of temperature. We have
thermometers and other devices enough to
measure heat, it would seem. They are too
coarse when the difference of a hundredth
of a degree spells success or failure. The
electron tube steps in and with its in-
visible sensitive fingers swings a needle
on a dial and thus tells from second to
second whether there is too much or too
little heat. In this way the time of
brazing some machine parts has been re-
duced from four minutes to forty seconds.
91
Westinghouse
The phototitner (mounted at bottom of screen hood) shuts off the X-ray tube when proper
exposure has been made. It steps up X-ray pictures to six a minute, 1,000 a day
The electron tube not only controls but
generates heat. Doctors have used it in
this fashion to set up artificial fevers within
the body in treating arthritis and venereal
diseases. The patient sits between two
plates. Nothing touches him. A radio
wave passes through him, heats up his
tissues, quickens his physiological proces-
ses. Inside of the machine are the elec-
tron tubes that send out the waves — actually
radio waves. Fever machines built on the
same principle are found in many a war
factory.
If heat is wanted on a spot of metal no
bigger than a pinhead, the electron tube
supplies it; if the area is a square yard,
the tube obliges. So nice is the applica-
tion that the metal can be heated to red-
ness or just enough to achieve a technical
purpose. Only three years ago it used
to take hours and sometimes days to set
the binder that holds layers of plywood
together. The electronic fever machine
does the work in minutes and releases men.
Wherever there is gluing and welding to
be done the electron tube is in charge.
Sheets of plastics are fused into boards.
Strips of metal are "sewn" together at the
rate of 1,800 invisible stitches a minute.
In "spot-welding," electron tubes join
metals before the whole mass has time
to heat up. If there is polishing to be
done, the electron tube is switched on to
melt down the minute hills that cause
roughness.
The household is bound to profit by the
introduction of the electronic fever ma-
chine. Bread, cake, stews, roasts — all can
be cooked on an electronic range. You
may miss the golden brown crust on a
loaf of bread or the crisp shell of a roast
beef, for the electron tube sends out waves
that heat bread and meat from the inside
out. Still it is something that you can
cook a stew in your best china dish, time
the process to the second and let the range
cut off the heat automatically at the pre-
determined instant.
Hair-Trigger Control
When it comes to selective action there
is nothing that remotely approaches the
electron tube. Electrons are always nega-
tively charged. This means that they will
fly to a positively charged surface and away
from one negatively charged. The prin-
ciple is applied in painting. If a metal
kitchen cabinet is to be painted, a tube is
switched on to charge the paint negatively,
whereupon the paint flies to the positively
charged metal surface and sticks there.
So it is when dust is to be precipitated
from values. In refining plants, powdered
ore is dropped on a slowly rotating drum
electronically sprayed with either positive
or negative electricity. Ten million particles
that make up ten pounds of concentrated
ore drop off; the useless rest drops off
a little farther on. There are two piles—
the one concentrated ore, the other mere
dirt. It is possible in this way to wring
one half of one percent of tin from its
ore.
Some of these electron tubes are what
the engineer calls "rectifiers." He means
that they change alternating into direct cur-
rent. Direct current flows in one direc-
tion only, like water in a pipe; alternating
current swings back and forth usually
sixty times a second. In many shops and
mills the motors on individual machines are
driven by direct current because speed
can thus be more easily controlled. It is
possible to change a direct current into an
alternating current by a machine called a
"converter" and thus give the shop what
it wants. But converters are difficult to ob-
tain because of the exigencies of war.
The electron tube now does the conversion.
It performs its task with a precision that
has given the term "scientific management"
a new meaning. The reason is that the
mechanical tools of a machine shop have
a rhythm of their own. Work must flow
from machine to machine in a stream that
must never stop. The electron tubes control
the pace of individual machines and
hence the whole shop. "You're too fast,"
they say to a motor and slow it down.
Everywhere in the shop the electron tube
watches and regulates. The control is of
the hair-trigger type — sensitive and unfail-
ing.
The Infallible Watchman
There are micrometers in machine shops
that measure sizes down to the ten-
thousandth of an inch. The electronic
tube does better. No gauge can measure
powders which consist of particles that may
be of microscopic dimensions. But the
electron tube can. In fact it can measure
a millionth of an inch. So it is with
vapors. If there is only a whiff of an im-
purity, the electron tube will detect it
and flash a warning red light. Fruit grow-
ers save thousands of dollars annually by
using electronic inspectors to throw out
oranges and pears that are overweight, un-
derweight or off-color — and all at lightning
speed.
Most of these sorters are photoelectric
cells, that is, tubes which change light
into an electric current by which auxiliary
apparatus can be set in motion. Even be-
fore the war we saw what the photoelectric
cell could do in railway stations. Carrying
a bag with one hand, a suitcase with the
other we approached a door. As we
did so we intercepted a beam of light which
fell on a concealed cell. With that inter-
ception a circuit was completed and ap-
paratus set in motion that obligingly opened
the door for us. When we passed out of
the beam the door closed.
The same principle is applied in several
hundred different ways. If smoke from
a chimney is too thick — always a sign
that fuel is wasted — the beam of light is
cut off, whereupon engineers are warned
that their fires need attention. Anything
can be electronically counted — from auto-
mobiles traveling through a tunnel or past
a given point on the road to bottles or
castings on a belt conveyor or printed
sheets as they come off the press. The
thickness of paper as it is formed from
pulp on a machine can be thus gauged
and held constant. Cracks and holes in
thin sheets can be detected.
Go into any good pharmaceutical labora-
tory and you will see the photoelectric
cell peering into a solution and telling the
chemists how much vitamin it contains.
Go into a tobacco factory and you will see
cells sorting fifteen-cent from ten-cent ci-
gars. Go to any plant where powdered
metals are pressed and sintered into ma-
chine parts and you will see the cell sort-
ing the particles and counting them at the
rate of 50,000 a minute. An elaborate in-
strument of which photoelectric cells are
the heart and brain can distinguish two
million tints. The best that an artist can
(Continued on page 106)
92
SURVEY GRAPHIC
FULL EMPLOYMENT
/. A British Plan
What Beveridge Proposes
An outline of policy and action by which the democracies can outlaw
unemployment in peacetime, and provide steady jobs and steady markets.
MAXWELL S. STEWART
TWO YEARS HAVE PASSED SINCE SlR WlLLIAM
Beveridge submitted his notable report on
social insurance to the British government.
This public document, bold and far-reach-
ing though it was, has been accepted in
its essentials by the Churchill government
as the pattern for reorganizing Britain's al-
ready relatively advanced social security
system.
But as Sir William emphasized in his
report, the success of the social security
program depends on the abolition of mass
unemployment. No social insurance sys-
tem can provide adequately for all the vic-
tims of social misfortune if the productive
resources of the country are largely im-
mobilized. Nor can security be regarded
as a satisfactory substitute for jobs. As
Sir William puts it in his inimitable phrase-
ology:
"Idleness is not the same as Want, but
a separate evil which men do not escape by
having income. They must also have the
chance of rendering useful service and of
feeling that they are doing so."
The Peacetime Problem
Since the British government did not
ask him to prepare a companion study on
the problems of full employment, Sir Wil-
liam undertook the task on his own re-
sponsibility. The absence of government
assistance has naturally restricted the scope
of his study, but the "policy" for full em-
ployment which is outlined in his new
book* is marked by the same clarity, and
the same mastery of both details and es-
sentials which characterized his justly cele-
brated Beveridge Plan. With the result
that his two studies stand as twin beacons
in all the welter of discussion of postwar
economic policy in this country and in
Great Britain.
To say that "Full Employment in a
Free Society" is a remarkable book, or even
an outstanding one, is an understatement.
While it may never be a best-seller even
among serious books because of its tech-
nical nature, it is the kind of book that
exercises tremendous influence on the so-
cial and economic thinking of a generation.
If we are wise in our political decisions, it
may have great influence on the recasting
of our economic mechanism so as to elimi-
nate the maladjustments created by our
modern industrial system.
The problem of creating an economy that
will assure jobs for all is far more com-
* Ft'T.r, KMPLOYMFA'T IV A FRF.E SOCIETY,
by Sir William Beveridge. Norton. $3.75.
— By an American authority on employ-
ment and social insurance. Mr. Stewart
is editor of the Public Affairs Pamphlets,
and an associate editor of The Nation.
He is the author of "Social Security,"
"America in a World at War," "Build-
ing for Peace at Home and Abroad."
Survey Graphic readers will recall his
critique of the National Resources Plan-
ning Board reports on demobilization
and social security in our special issue,
"From War to Work."
plicated than that of drawing up a work-
able program of social security. There is
little in the peacetime experience of either
Great Britain or the United States to indi-
cate that full employment is a practical pos-
sibility in a free society.
Since the industrial revolution, both
countries have always had available, ex-
cept in time of war, considerably more men
and women looking for jobs than there
were jobs to be filled.
Despite all the furor about eliminating
unemployment during the past two or three
decades, the proportion of jobless men and
women has never been higher than in the
period between World War I and World
War II. Between 1921 and 1938 the gen-
eral unemployment rate in Britain aver-
aged 14.2 percent. In those seventeen years
there was only one brief period in which it
fell to less than 10 percent. Furthermore,
unemployment was much more severe in .
the second postwar decade than in the first,
and more severe in both than in any cor-
responding period before World War I.
American workers were also much more
severely plagued with joblessness between
1930 and the outbreak of World War II
than at any previous time. Substantial re-
lief was not obtained in either country un-
til the rearmament program which pre-
ceded the war.
Yet when war comes, unemployment
rapidly melts away. That has been true
both in Britain and in the United States,
true both in World War I and World War
II. The contrast between the best peace
year and a normal war year is startling.
In 1937, which was Britain's best year
between the wars, unemployment was cut
to approximately 1,500,000. In 1943, the
number was not more than 100,000. War
presents rather conclusive evidence that the
number of jobs in the world is not limited
— as so many people have believed. De-
spite the fact that millions of men have
been taken into the armed forces, the num-
ber of industrial jobs has increased sub-
stantially. Thus, it is obvious that the num-
ber of jobs can be increased whenever the
government supplies sufficient incentive for
doing so. Our problem boils down to that
of finding peacetime incentives which are
comparable to those afforded by war.
Wartime Lessons
Some of the factors which aid in pro-
viding full employment during a war can-
not very well be utilized in a peacetime
program. During war, for instance, the
individual citizen willingly accepts inter-
ference with his control over the purse-
strings. He will permit a much higher
level of taxation than in peacetime; he will
put his savings into government bonds;
permit the government to tell him what
he can and cannot buy; and even allow
the government to exercise some compul-
sion in telling him where and at what
tasks he should work. Since no one wants
such controls over his way of life in or-
dinary times, we must seek a peacetime
GENERAL EMPLOYMENT RATE 1921-1938 (Great Britain and Northern Ireland)
80
\
1922 1925 1924 B25 1926 1927 1926 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934 1935 1936 1927
Chart from the new Beveridge book
MARCH. 1945
93
program for full employment that can op-
erate without them.
Certain lessons can, however, be distilled
from our wartime experience. Chief among
these is the necessity for setting up a social
goal that is compelling enough to com-
mand the support of all groups within the
community, and seeing that sufficient
money is spent to attain this goal, subject
only to the physical limitations imposed by
shortages of manpower and resources. And
while it is not thinkable to apply compul-
sion in getting workers to accept specific
jobs in peacetime, the government can and
should insist on the elimination of all
"featherbedding" and other restrictions on
the use of manpower. Finally, as Sir
William reminds us, "war experience con-
firms the possibility of securing full em-
ployment by socialization of demand with-
out socialization of production."
Let us examine that phrase. In peace
or in war, employment depends on spend-
ing, or what Beveridge prefers to call "out-
lay." We shall have full employment only
if enough is spent to create a demand for
goods that cannot be satisfied without using
the whole manpower of the country. So
far as employment itself is concerned it
makes no difference whether the increased
spending comes from private business, in-
dividual citizens, or the government. Which
source the money comes from is charged,
of course, with high political voltage, but
the government alone is in a position to
take responsibility for seeing that outlay
is maintained. No one else has the neces-
sary power, and bitter experience over a
period of many years shows that spending is
always insufficient unless the government
takes a hand. Sir William insists that it
should be just as much the duty of the
state to protect its citizens against mass
unemployment, by assuring adequate spend-
ing, as it is to defend its citizens against
attack from abroad or robbery and violence
at home, by the use of army and police.
The "Human Budget"
To achieve this objective, Sir William
proposes a new type of budget. This bud-
get would be based, not upon money, but
upon available manpower. It would be a
"human budget." It would contain esti-
mates of how much, assuming full em-
ployment, individual citizens could be ex-
pected to spend in the following year. The
amount of public outlay that would be
necessary to maintain full employment
could then be computed. If this outlay can
be met within the limits of taxation al-
ready assumed, well and good. But if the
government is serious about full employ-
ment, it must be prepared just as in war-
time to spend as much over and above its
receipts in taxes as the emergency requires.
As an illustration, Sir William prepares
a British budget for 1948. Its principal
items are:
1. Private consumption outlay;
2. Public consumption outlay;
3. Net private home investment;
4. Public outlay based on revenue;
5. Public outlay based on loans;
6. Balance of payments from abroad; and
7. A computation of unused resources —
derived by subtracting the total of
items 1-6 from the estimated capacity
output with full employment.
It is estimated that with full employ-
ment Britain's total output in 1948 should
be approximately 20 percent higher than
in 1938. This would permit a 19 percent
SIR WILLIAM BEVERIDGE
Delar
increase in individual consumer spending
(in contrast to the 21 percent reduction
which resulted from the war) and a 25 per-
cent increase in investments.
Uses of Outlay
The essence of the Beveridge program is
to be found, of course, in the things which
the government undertakes in order to
increase and maintain spending at a level
that will provide jobs for all. Everyone
understands how this is done in time of
war. But there is profound skepticism in
conservative circles regarding its possibility
in peacetime. Beveridge does not rely
merely on public works, or on a combina-
tion of public works and relief as did the
United States in the 1930's. His program
is a comprehensive one involving:
Public spending for non-marketable
goods and services, such as roads, schools,
hospitals, defense, and order;
Investment in a socialized sector of in-
dustry, including transport, power and
either coal or steel;
Creation of a National Investment Board
to provide loans and tax rebates to private
investment;
Encouragement of low prices for essen-
tial consumer goods — if necessary, by a
system of subsidies;
Increase in private spending by increased
national income and broadened social se-
curity provisions.
Among the items on which the govern-
ment is urged to increase its spending dur-
ing the postwar period in order to im-
prove British living standards are: a na-
tional health service, nutrition, a broadened
educational system, town and city planning,
and, of course, the expanded social security
program known popularly as "the Bever-
idge Plan."
Some attention, he holds, will also need
to be given to the location of industries.
This is a particularly crucial problem in
Britain because of overcrowding in and
around London and the state of the "de-
pressed areas." A measure of governmental
control over industrial shifts he regards as
an essential part of a full employment pro-
gram.
Distribution of Labor
Even more crucial, and more difficult, is
the problem of controlling the location of
labor so that there will not be too many
workers in some localities, too few in others.
An analysis of prewar unemployment in
Britain shows that while every industry and
every section of the country had more
workers than available jobs, some sections
suffered much more severely than others.
In 1937, for example, the unemployment
rate varied from approximately 6 percent
in the London area to 24 percent in Wales
and 26 percent in Northern Ireland.
In a totalitarian state, the task of shift-
ing workers from one area to another pre-
sents no problem. They can be ordered to
move, regardless of convenience or senti-
ment. But such compulsion is intolerable
in a free society. Sir William believes,
however, that some pressure might be used
to encourage workers to accept jobs away
from home. Thus in the case of young
workers who have been trained at state ex-
pense, he feels that the government would
be justified in continuing the wartime re-
quirement of compulsory use of the labor
exchanges. And he suggests that if the
government lives up to its responsibility of
providing enough jobs for all, it would be
justified in imposing stiff conditions for
unemployment benefits on those who re-
main out of work in one locality for any
length of time. Beyond this, he suggests
that the restrictions on employment en-
forced by trade unions and professional
bodies should be rigorously reviewed to
see if they are still applicable under con-
ditions of full employment.
Of crucial significance to Great Britain
and of almost as great concern to the
United States are the implications of Bev-
eridge's full employment program as these
bear on world trade and prosperity. Ob-
viously, Britain cannot hope to improve
living conditions and provide jobs for all
of its workers without considerable trade
with other countries. But this imperative
raises fresh issues of international relations.
American Applications
Many Britishers are fearful of linking
their economy too closely with that of the
United States lest they suffer a repetition
of the events of 1929. If Britain follows
a policy of full employment but the United
States does not, Britain might readily be-
come a victim of our policy of "exporting
unemployment" — or, as we prefer to call it,
of "stimulating exports." If the United
States and other countries continue to pur-
sue nationalistic economic policies after the
(Continued on page 105)
94
SURVEY GRAPHIC
FULL EMPLOYMENT
//. American Bill
From Patchwork to Purpose
Four ranking senators throw into open discussion the momentous
issue of where we go after the war — and how we can get started.
LEON H. KEYSERLING
WITHOUT FANFARE, LAST JANUARY, JAMES
E. Murray of Montana, chairman of the
Senate Committee on Education and Labor,
introduced the "Full Employment Bill of
1945." Joined with him as co-authors were:
Robert F. Wagner, New York, chairman,
Committee on Banking and Currency;
Elbert D. Thomas, Utah, chairman, Com-
mittee on Military Affairs; and
Joseph C. O'Mahoney, Wyoming, chair-
man of the recent Temporary National
Economic Committee.
Representative Wright Patman, Texas,
introduced a companion bill in the House.
The range of sponsorship is significant;
and so was the timing, for that was the
first month of a new Congress which, we
can hope, will prove the first postwar Con-
gress.
Regardless of the vicissitudes it may face
before coming to a vote, this bill is central
to present public concern. Its short confines
and simple provisions embrace such vital
matters as the relationships between in-
dustry and government; between the Presi-
dent and the Congress; between the gov-
ernment and the people.
At such a juncture, it is good to remem-
ber that democratic states thrive upon the
basis of agreement about fundamentals.
Even our cherished rights to debate and
dissent — such as freedom of speech, of con-
science, of assembly — derive from a few
accepted propositions written into the Con-
stitution. Thus without complete agreement
about freedom of speech, no one could
speak out in disagreement about anything.
Our economic progress, like our political
freedom, depends in this same way upon
reconciling the privilege of differing about
many matters with the capacity to arrive
freely at an accord about some essentials.
Can we say as much for this Full Employ-
ment Bill — that it stems from heartening
agreement on a few dominant factors to be
reckoned with in our industrial affairs? Let
me cite half a dozen in sequence:
The Opportunity That Is Ours
1. Our unrivaled American aptitude for
technological advance, spurred on by the
depression years and since driven harder
by the impulse of total war, has exceeded
the most fanciful expectations. Witness
Hagen and Kirkpatrick. In the American
Economic Review (September 1944) they
estimate that the output per man hour in a
grouping of basic industries rose from an
index of 100 for 1923-25 to 122 for 1929,
to 167 for 1940. Viewing the marvels of war
production, they conclude that the index
may well go above 232 by 1950.
The increase has not been so startling
in other industries or in agriculture. Yet if
we couple this rising efficiency with reason-
ably full employment, it has been calculated
that (at the 1944 price level) the value of
our annual gross national product, which
stood at 106 billion dollars in 1929, slumped
to 76 billion in 1932, and rose to 115 billion
in 1939— will reach 195 to 200 billion
dollars by 1950.
Allowing for increases in population, this
would mean by 1950 a general output per
capita more than 50 percent higher than in
the peak "prosperity" year of 1929.
2. If we come near this attainable goal,
we can assure the economic upgrading of
the average family and at the same time
preserve individual initiative, unusual re-
ward for unusual merit, and full incentives
to legitimate private risk-taking.
Without making it impossible for any
to get rich, we can make it unnecessary for
any to suffer proverty.
3. These bright prospects have their dis-
— The general counsel of the National
Housing Agency is a South Carolinian
who studied law at Harvard and post-
graduate economics at Columbia.
Writing here personally, he has had
much experience up and down Pennsyl-
vania Avenue. Thus, he spent the mid-
Thirties on Capitol Hill as an assistant
to Senator Robert F. Wagner, on the
latter's great bills on Housing and Labor
Relations, National Recovery and Social
Security. Then came five years as deputy
administrator of the United States (now
Federal Public) Housing Authority.
Up to his elbows in war and postwar
matters in his present post, he was one
of 35,767 entrants a year ago for the
"Postwar Employment Awards" offered
by the Pabst Brewing Co., in celebrating
its centennial. The judges were Clarence
Dykstra, Wesley C. Mitchell, Beardsley
Ruml, and A. F. Whitney.
Mr. Keyserling's entry (rated second
— $10,000) called for an American
Economic Goal; for concerted policies to
lift not only production and employ-
ment, but also standards of living; and
for a continuing inventory as both yard-
stick and lever. These concepts he ap-
plies in appraising "The Full Employ-
ment Bill of 1945"— S. 380; H.R. 2,202.
mal counterpoint, if the shortcomings of
the past pervade the future. So long as our
economic system retains its brittleness, the
impact of twenty million veterans and ex-
war workers looking for postwar jobs 'will
deal it a shattering blow. That is, one which
ultimately might smash us down into a
depression as much larger than the de-
pression of the Thirties as our effort in this
war has been larger than our effort in the
last war.
4. Which of these two roads we follow
will not be left to fate. It will be a man-
made choice, representing a compound of
economic policies and programs put into
effect by industry, agriculture, labor, and
government. Our future is in their hands
rather, if we will, in our own.
5. In order that this compound of policies
and programs achieve optimum results, it
is essential that industry, agriculture, labor,
and government work together.
This imposes a double obligation upon
the federal government. As itself the largest
single conditioner of our economy as a
whole, its actions must be reasonably clear,
stable, and thought through to their ulti-
mate implications. It must also take the
leadership (for no other agency can) in
bringing its own variegated economic activ-
ities into harmony (through conference and
agreement) with those of private enterprise,
organized labor, and of our state and local
governments.
For each of these performers to take a
proper part in our national symphony of
productive effort, there must be a score.
Clearly each of them should play the in-
strument for which his gifts are greatest;
yet, if all of them are to keep clear of
discord, someone must wield a baton. Such
is the tradition of music; but dictation does
not fit into the orchestration of democracy.
6. Hence we must find equivalents for
score and director if we are to make the
music we want to hear. We must have a
unifying American Economic Policy di-
rected toward a common American Eco-
nomic Goal. (Of these, more later.)
The Gap Filled by the Bill
Once we found substantial agreement on
such points as these, it would be a far cry
from the time when serious men accepted
literally that the poor should always be with
us; or shook their heads forlornly at the
natural and immutable laws of the "dismal
MARCH 1945
95
FULL EMPLOYMENT IN AMERICA
SOCIAL SECURITY SYSTEM WHICH
WILL PROTECT SEASONAL EMPLOYEES. ETC.
60 _ MILLION JOBS
WORKS; HOUSING & OTHER VITAL
PROJCTS EMPLOYING UNUSED MANPOWER.
R.F.C & OTHER GOVERNMENT LOANS TO PRIVATE
ENTERPRISE ESPECIALLY SMALL BUSINESS.
FURTHER EMPLOYMENT IN PRIVATE ENTER-
PRISE STIMULATED BY GOV'T RESEARCH
FACT-FINDING INCENTIVES & INSURANCE.
MAXIMUM EMPLOYMENT
IN PRIVATE ENTERPRISE
ENCOURAGED BY
WELL DEVISED TAX
BANKING & OTHER
FISCAL POLICIES
m
FOUNDATION:
AN INTEGRATED ECONOMIC
POLICY BASED ON
COMBINED JUDGMENT
OF INDUSTRY AGRICULTURE
LABOR a GOVERNMENT.
THIS CHART ILLUSTRATES THE PROCESS. IT IS NOT INTENDED TO DEFINE THE NUMBER OF JOBS FURNISHED
BY EACH METHOD
96
SURVEY GRAPHIC
But even with consensus about what we
have and what we need, there would re-
main one difficulty that has balked us at
every turn. Aside from our war effort, we
have not yet arrived at enough fundamental
agreements — or even the machinery for
achieving them — with respect to the content
or the application of an integrated economic
policy to carry us where we want to go.
Curiously indeed, in a pragmatic and
practical people, we have not developed any
device for a continuing inventory of exist-
ing and largely disjointed public policies
even to measure whether these are working
well or badly.
The Full Employment Bill is designed to
fill in this gap. It would blend the economic
programs of private enterprise and public
agencies into one American Economic Pol-
icy headed toward what might be called an
American Economic Goal. No, the bill does
not use these terms. The goal stated is
simply this:
". . . the existence at all times of sufficient
employment opportunities to enable all
Americans who have finished their school-
ing and who do not have full time house-
keeping responsibilities freely to exercise
. . . the right to useful, remunerative, regu-
lar and full time employment."
But if we broaden this idea of full em-
ployment to include, also, the best utiliza-
tion of our natural resources and technical
skills (this, the bill at least implies) then it
may be said that it sets forth as our Amer-
ican postwar objective:
The achievement of the highest levels o/
production and presumably the highest
standards of living that are within our
reach.
A goal of this kind, aside from the means
of attaining it, would not seem subject to
much debate. Nor would there seem much
room for questioning the stated policy of
the bill that as much of this achievement
as possible should be through the medium
of private enterprise and other non-federal
WHAT THE AVERAGE AMERICAN WORKER CAN DO
PRODUCTION PER MAN-HOUR IN BASIC INDUSTRIES
232
167
122
100
PRE-WAR
'NORMALCY'
(1923-25)
PRE-WAR
'PROSPERITY'
(1929)
FIRST YEAR OF
'NATIONAL DEFENSE'
(1940)
WHAT AMERICA CAN PRODUCE
GROSS NATIONAL PRODUCT IN BILLIONS OF DOLLARS
(1944 PRICES)
$ 195*200 BILLION
$ 195-200 BILLION
ESTIMATED FOR
'MIDDLE OF
POST-WAR DECADE"
(1950)
undertakings. This course stems soundly
from Lincoln's statescraft that
"It is the function of the government to
do for the people only what they need to
have done and cannot do for themselves,
or cannot do so well, in their separate and
individual capacities."
The Core of the Bill
' The measure, as drafted, rapidly gets
down to earth in the industrial civilization
that has sprung up in the United States
since Lincoln's time. It designs machinery
for formulating such an over-all economic
policy, for gearing it to such an American
postwar objective, and for consecutively
evaluating the means used in terms of the
ends sought.
Specifically, the bill provides that at the
beginning of each regular session of Con-
gress, the President shall transmit a Na-
$ 106 BILLION
Jj||fi:
?':SS:S:£-SxSx¥£:-:'-:''
1$ 76 BILLION
il
PRE-WAR PRE-WAR
FULL WAR PRO- ESTIMATED FOR
"PROSPERITY" 'DEPRESSION' DUCTION' EXCESS REASONABLY
3-4 MILLION 15 MILLION CIVILIAN EMPLOY- FULL EMPLOYMENT
UNEMPLOYED (1929) UNEMPLOYED (1932) ,MENT, BUT 11 IN I960
MILLION IN ARMED
FORCES (1944)
tional Production and Employment Budget.
This would set forth, in substance, an esti-
mate of what at the time would constitute
full employment coupled with an estimate
of:
1. How much employment is in prospect
as the sum total of all private and other
non-federal undertakings.
2. How far these undertakings will fall
short of the yardstick of full employment.
3. What policies the federal government
can and should utilize to maximize the
success of these private and other non-
federal undertakings in achieving full em-
ployment; and, as a final supplement,
4. What programs the federal govern-
ment itself needs to undertake to assure
full employment. (Present estimates put
that at 50 or 60 million jobs.)
The bill contemplates, also, that the
President shall from time to time transmit
to the Congress information and legislative
recommendations bearing upon this Na-
tional Production and Employment Budget.
On the congressional side, the bill would
establish a Joint Committee on the National
Production and Employment Budget. This,
in turn, would be composed of the chair-
man and ranking minority members of
the Senate committees on Appropriations,
Banking and Currency, Education and
Labor, and Finance, and seven additional
members of the Senate appointed by the
President of the Senate. It would include,
also, the chairmen and ranking minority
members of the House Committees on Ap-
propriations, Banking and Currency, Labor,
and Ways and Means, and seven additional
members of the House appointed by the
Speaker. Party representation on the Joint
Committee would reflect automatically the
relative membership of the majority and
minority parties.
The bill provides further that the Joint
Committee shall study this new type of
budget transmitted by the President, and
by March 1 shall report its findings and
recommendations to the Senate and the
House, together with a joint resolution
setting forth for the ensuing fiscal year a
MARCH 1945
97
general policy to serve as guide to the com-
mittees on Capitol Hill dealing with re-
lated legislation.
The Place of the Bill in Our Thinking
It can safely be said that no future his-
torian will be able to date the decline of
the Republic from the introduction of this
bill! It proposes no redistribution of func-
tions between the Congress and the Presi-
dent. It fastens upon no single economic
program or panacea for producing full em-
ployment, nor does it introduce specific
economic measures that have not now been
tried out. It involves neither socialization
nor nationalization of anything that is
now privately owned or operated.
So far as philosophy goes, the bill
preaches neither the expansion of govern-
mental functions nor the contraction of
voluntary initiative. To the contrary, it ex-
plicitly requires that every effort be made
to enlarge our system of private enterprise
as our first and longest front against un-
employment.
As a second line of defense, the bill con-
templates that, by some method, the gov-
ernment shall provide jobs for those who
want work when all other methods have
failed to employ them. But this residual
responsibility of government by the people,
for the people, was itself put forward last
fall with equal fervor by Franklin D.
Roosevelt and Thomas E. Dewey.
What is more — two considerations that
have not always been uppermost in the
past — the bill requires that jobs provided
through direct public action shall be tested
in terms of their effect upon stimulating
private enterprise and in terms of the value
of their end products.
More difficult to allay may be trepidation
that a thorough-going national policy to
assure full employment would tend toward
the spread of bureaucracy, toward public
control and operation in an ever-increasing
area of economic activity.
Wise application of the act would pull
strongly in exactly the opposite direction.
Let us suppose, for example, that a National
Production and Employment Budget had
been in effect during a period of reasonably
high employment before 1929. One factor
entering into that fall's crisis was the failure
of mass purchasing power to keep pace
with productive capacity. Other factors
were rampant speculation in securities and,
in reaction to this, the psychology of busi-
ness fear and contraction which came to a
head in the stock market crash.
Under a National Production and Employ-
ment Budget, depressive tendencies would
have been registered through its continuing
annual inventories — long before the country
was thrown into the spiral of depression.
By 1927, the economic brains and re-
sources of America could have been mar-
shaled to exercise a corrective influence all
along the line. As time wore on, President
Hoover sensed this, but his plea to stop
wage cutting went unheeded.
Concerted advance action throughout the
highly strategic areas of prices, taxes and
wages, accompanied by moderate public
works, would have written a different story
and gone a long way toward maintaining
98
our economy in equilibrium. Much of this
could have been voluntary; some would
have required legislation or compulsion.
Prompt public moves in a limited sphere
might have averted a major economic
catastrophe. There would have been no
occasion for the infinitely more sweeping
governmental undertakings which the
actual catastrophe provoked.
This illustration suggests a variety of
reasons why such a system for budgetary
production and employment should sim-
plify and pare down the governmental struc-
ture. The testing of each separate admin-
istrative institution in terms of a single
American Economic Policy would help
weed out duplication and cross-purposes. A
constant inventory of economic trends in
general and of the economic consequences of
policies already in effect, would encourage
the stitch in time that saves nine. By
keeping our economic affairs on an even
keel, the proliferation of remedial and
rescue ventures can be avoided. In short, to
compress these analogies into a rule of
thumb:
If the American government, in concert
with industry, agriculture, and labor, did a
few things very well, it would become
unnecessary for it to attempt under duress
of emergency a great variety of things with
varying degrees of success.
Of course, the economic specifics for ef-
fecting a smooth transition from war to
peace are very different from those which
might have averted or have minimized the
depression of the Thirties. But the Full
Employment Bill does not involve pre-com-
mitment to details. As illustrated by the
accompanying chart (page 96), it presents
instead a new method for developing sound
measures to meet current problems in their
sequence. It has the merit of being oppor-
tune, without the demerit of resorting
habitually to improvization to handle a
crisis. It leaves room for fresh experiment
without abandoning the hard lessons of
experience.
When Things Are Left at Loose Ends
What, in truth, has our experience taught
us? By way of illustration, more than half
a century ago we initiated the anti-trust
laws. It is not important, here, to appraise
whether these laws were wise or not. The
point to be made is that even while Uncle
Sam was shaking the big stick at the
trusts, federal tariff and tax policies moved
in diametrically the opposite direction — to-
ward encouraging nothing less than large
scale enterprise and monopoly. Not only
were these two sets of policies in conflict —
responsive to different social pressures and
tuned to tickle different political ears — but
there was never much meticulous checking
as to whether they were accomplishing
clear objectives, however inconsistent these
might be.
Moreover, the failure to orientate the
anti-trust laws themselves to goals for the
economy as a whole, led inescapably to
vagaries when we came to apply them. We
commenced to promote recovery in 1933
by a virtual suspension of these laws. We
sought to prevent business recession after
1937 by reinvigorating them. And we have
gone about promoting the war effort in
some quarters by enforcing anti-trust laws,
in other quarters by ignoring them.
In contrast, the series of economic mea-
sures enacted in 1933 and after represented
a concerted effort to develop a system of
interrelated public policies. Nonetheless, it
has been observed frequently that the Na-
tional Industrial Recovery Act and the
Agricultural Adjustment Act, the two big
cylinders of the New Deal recovery ma-
chine, were in some degree incompatible.
There were three main programs under
the Recovery Act itself — one designed to
strengthen labor through encouragement of
collective bargaining; another, to strengthen
trade associations and tending toward re-
stricted production; and the third, to ex-
pand production and employment through
public works. These programs soon became
conspicuously strange bedfellows. Some of
the conflicts were smoothed over; none was
completely rationalized.
Our need for a unified American Eco-
nomic Policy is not limited to times of
stress. Our social security program sprang
from emergency in the mid-Thirties, but
in the years since, the program as it has
developed has exhibited the same need for
wider unity. Take unemployment compen-
sation which was advocated along three
lines:
To spur managements to concentrate
upon stabilizing employment;
To check the spread of unemployment by
maintaining purchasing power; and
To provide compensation (not charity)
for those unemployed.
These three purposes are not rriutually
exclusive; all of them are worthwhile, but
the system should delineate paramount and
secondary objectives and be accompanied by
some device for measuring success ir
achieving each of them.
Collateral effects, also, should be weighed
— for example, the influence of the payroll
taxes, imposed by the Social Security Act,
upon capital investment and consequently
upon unemployment itself. Further, the re-
lation of the system to other programs with
kindred purposes should be explored. For
example, to other stabilizing programs,
such as tax incentives or the guaranteed
purchase of excess products; and to other
purchasing power programs, such as public
works.
This adds up to the conclusion that we
can have an organic social security policy
only as part of an American Economic
Policy.
The Art of Finding Unity
The foregoing is not critical of those who
have been responsible for establishing or
administering separate programs of this
sort. In the absence of an all-inclusive
American Economic Policy, it is hard to
arrive at a satisfying tax policy, or social
security policy, or public works policy, or
labor policy, or banking policy, or foreign
economic policy. One test of subsidiary ob-
jectives is to fit them into the over-all
objective. We cannot excel in parts until we
know what the whole job is — and how we
are getting along with it.
(Continued on page 106)
SURVEY GRAPHIC
What Shall We Do About Germany?
The answer can be found in the universal ruins of universal
war. — Not in misleading lessons of history, but in the vast
revolution in human affairs that has been wrought by science.
FlRST A WORD ABOUT BRIDGES. EVERY BRIDGE
in France — and I suppose elsewhere in
continental Europe — which crossed a stream
of any size, had a hidden chamber built
into the arch, the location of which was
known to the engineers of Bridges and
Highways (Fonts et Chaussees). This
chamber was so placed that if and when an
invading enemy came down the road, a
single charge of explosives could blow up
the span.
Although nothing was said about it prior
to the Nazi blitz those who lived in any
countryside were always aware of this pro-
vision for their defense, a provision that is
altogether real where every stream may be
a battlefront, and doubly real when neigh-
boring countries are powerful and aggres-
sive.
Can anyone imagine such a bridge built
over the Wabash? Yet, if our frontiers were
like those of the European states and our
history had been as full of recurring wars
with our neighbors as the long history of
the European peoples, we should want the
same kind of protection which they have
built into not only their bridges, but the
structure of their political and social life.
Now as a result of the greatest of all
invasions in the most terrible of all wars,
the European peoples want something bet-
ter than a bridge that can be blown up
when the enemy approaches. They want
something better than a Maginot Line of
defense, or even a Siegfried Line on the
frontier. They have learned by tragic ex-
perience that there are no such Lines in
the sky and that all war from now on is
Total War, which means infinite disaster
to everyone.
The bridges of the future must, therefore,
be unlike any of those in the past; because
the future to which they lead has no parallel
in history. >
A Twice Told Tale
The Second World War has shown still
more clearly than the First that we are
turning a great divide in human history.
The countries of modern Europe, like the
city states of ancient Greece, have produced
a marvelous culture in the midst of a con-
stant threat of destruction by war. Like
the ancient Greeks they learned how to
turn war to their advantage as nation after
nation rose for a time to supremacy and.
by the might of its arms, imposed its will
upon others. This story of war has been the
constantly recurring theme in the history
of the European states, as it was for Sparta
and even Athens. And the end may be the
same. For it is clear to all thoughtful Euro-
peans that the culture which they have built
JAMES T. SHOTWELL
BRIDGES TO THE FUTURE
• — Second in a series of articles by the
historian of World War I, chairman of
the Commission to Study the Organiza-
tion of Peace.
up in the long course of centuries cannot
survive another World War, now that
modern science has developed its potentiali-
ties for destruction.
To put the case in the briefest terms:
there must either be a new European civil-
ization, free from war and the threat of it,
or there will be no European civilization at
all. It is no flight of the fancy, but sober
truth, that unless the menace of war can be
overcome, the Dark Ages will close again
on the most promising chapter of the his-
tory of the West.
Unfortunately, that history throws no
clear light upon the solution of this greatest
of all problems. Or, rather, the light it
throws is utterly misleading, for the climax
of militarism was apparently the climax of
culture. The only interval of unity which
the West enjoyed was under the Roman
Empire. Peace was secured by ruthless con-
quest, but was finally lost to the very sol-
diery which won it. Although within this
mighty fabric of the ancient world, G"eek
philosophy and Christian doctrine fovnd
their place in the body of the Roman Law,
Roman citizenship became less a privilege
than a burden as bureaucrats took over the
management of the State, at the behest of
the Imperator.
With Freedom gone, the vitality of an-
tique civilization perished. Finally only a
hollow shell was left and the barbarians
roamed through the ancient seats of culture
almost unopposed.
Throughout succeeding centuries, how-
ever, the might of Imperial Rome and the
splendor of its achievements fastened them-
selves upon the imagination of the Western
world. Popes and emperors drew upon the
prestige of Augustus and Hadrian. Poets
like Dante and historians like Gibbon and
Mommsen looked back to the era of the
Caesars with a nostalgic sense of its great-
ness.
It was not until our own day that this
greatest of all the romances of history was
analyzed with the cold measurement of ob-
jective science. Even Mommsen failed to
appreciate the fact that the ultimate disaster
was inherent in the structure of the Roman
State from the start because of the war
system upon which it was so largely based.
The predatory economics of conquest could
not, in the very nature of the case, provide
a lasting basis for wealth or for healthy
citizenship.
These facts of history are only now
emerging in the new status of the social
and political sciences and no one has yet
re-written the history of the West to show
the effect of war upon the processes of
civilization.
It was natural, therefore, that the war
system, as the readiest and most powerful
solvent of all political and social problems,
should maintain itself and continue to oper-
ate in the national state, especially since it
was by war that the nations of Europe
overthrew the anarchy of feudalism. The
fact that law and order grew under the
supreme war lord, who was the king, gave
an added legitimacy to sovereignty itself,
which maintained the right to go to war
whenever a nation's interests seemed to
call for it.
Roots of Nazi Policy
My little excursion into Europe's past leads
directly into the supreme problem of today
— that of the elimination of war as an in-
strument of policy, because the supreme use
of that instrument by Prussian militarism
was definitely modeled upon the experience
of Rome. It was not by chance that, in the
days of the Prussian liberation after Napo-
leon, a galaxy of German historians rebuilt
Roman history and they continued to do so
through the nineteenth century, a move-
ment which culminated in Mommsen's
masterly survey of Roman history and
government. This not only strengthened
the trend towards militarism but also put
the accent upon loyalty to the State as the
supreme civic virtue. There was no room
for democracy in such a history or Weltan-
schauung, but a justification for Bismarck
and von Moltke.
The roots of Nazi polity are therefore
deeper than even the history of Prussia it-
self. They go back through history to the
beginning of time, for the war system goes
back that far. Therefore, it is not only the
history of Nazism and of Prussia which
must be re-learned, but the history of civil-
ization itself, with a proper appraisal of the
evils which war has caused alongside its
use as a defense against aggression and the
forces of anarchy.
Such a re-appraisal of the past would
have only an academic interest, if it were
not for the fact that in our own day science
has changed the nature of war itself. All
war will be Total War from now on, and
Total War cannot be waged without mili-
tarizing the entire society not only of the
belligerents, but of the onlooking and ap
MARCH 1945
99
prehensive neutrals, so that it becomes a
contagion of disaster and not an instrument
under command. This means that — to re-
vive a great phrase which President Roose-
velt first used on October 5, 1937 — we must
insure ourselves against war by quarantin-
ing the nations which resort to it.
What We Must Think Through
This brings us at once from the past of
Germany to its future. What should we do
about it? We cannot leave this question to
be settled by the great Triumvirate whose
shadow now falls across the German Reich,
although their decisions . will settle many
aspects of it. In its long reach, it is our
problem to be thought through by each of
us, not only because of its absorbing inter-
est, but because German propaganda will
be challenging our strength of purpose for
years to come. They will fall back upon
history. What have we to fall back upon?
There can be no doubt about the answer.
It is to be found not in the blundering and
tragic centuries, but in the present and the
future, in the universal ruins of a universal
war and in the fact that science, which has
so greatly changed the nature of warfare, is
a process which has only just begun and
is going on forever, increasing its capacity
by geometric progression. Every invention
disturbs the existing equilibrium and thus
calls for new inventions, which the intelli-
gence of men will continually supply. It is
in the light of this incredibly vast revolu-
tion in human affairs that the old argu-
ments in support of war become not only
invalid but well-nigh criminal, because if
followed through, mankind will have no
future at all.
Now how can we educate Germany,
which has become the fanatic exponent of
the outworn past, into the new era which
science has imposed upon us?
The first step is one on which all agree.
We must destroy the mock Caesarism that
has attempted to bestride the world. This
means not only getting rid of Hitler and
the minions of his court, but the legions
which have responded to his command and
the munition industries which have made
the Nazi conquests possible.
The only way to do this is to apply force
to the uttermost. It is primarily a military
problem and was treated as such at Yalta.
The Crimea Agreement reaffirmed the
three powers' "inflexible purpose to destroy
German militarism and Nazism and to
insure that Germany would never again
be able to disturb the peace of the world.
... It is not our purpose to destroy the
people of Germany. . . ."
The destruction of German militarism
does not deny the German people a place
in the sun. They are only to be denied
other peoples' places in the sun. It
would, in my opinion, be a grave blunder
if the peace settlement were to result in
placing great sections of the German popu-
lation under foreign rule; and it would be
only a degree less dangerous for it to
result in the parceling up of Germany into
separate German states. German economic
life could not be prosperous if these political
units were barred from tree economic inter-
course with each other; and if they were
free to deal with each other as they are
today, the different sections of Germany
would then find an easy pathway to a re-
covery of their unity by a process which
would find no little outside support.
But if the parcelization of Germany must
be avoided, how can we make sure that
nation will not turn all its energy to secur-
ing revenge in a Third World War? This
is a question to which no one can have the
final answer. But at least the program in-
volves one major policy affecting us.
Our Object Lesson
International trade must become as free
as possible so that Germany cannot renew
its economic imperialism over those nations
which are least able to defend themselves
economically. Here we come at once upon
a definite shaping of American policy. For
a few years after this war — and for a few
years only — we shall be immensely power-
ful in the economic sphere. If we use that
power farsightedly it can be a major
weapon against the revival of German mili-
tarism, or for that matter against any other
attack on the liberties of free nations.
We should build upon Cordell Hull's bi-
lateral agreements for the reduction of trade
barriers so as to transform them into a
multi-lateral plan. We should do this any-
way without regard to what takes place in
Germany, for the sake of our own indus-
tries and the vast, inescapable problem of
postwar employment. It is, of course, pos-
sible that we may not be wise enough to do
the right thing because vested interests may
block our path and distort our vision. But
it is only in a world of economic prosperity
that we can hope to build the structure of
an enduring peace.
I have not said anything about the re-
education of the German mind through
schools and colleges. There are those among
us who seem to think that it will be our
duty to engage in an evangelistic crusade
over a beaten people. Surely we know
enough about human nature to realize how
utterly mistaken it would be for prophets
of freedom to preach their gospel to the
closed ears of a generation bitterly resentful
of defeat.
Our way to reach that generation is a
much more practical one. Utter defeat must
be registered in provisions for war pre-
vention, so that the means for resort to war
will no longer be at hand. Then the bene-
fits of peace must be made apparent bv
sound economic and social measures. Words
will not suffice, nor idle promises. We shall
have to show that this program is not
make-believe, but that nations reared under
freedom are more powerful in war and
happier in peace than those whose minds
are trained to slavery. The object lesson
is the one lesson which will be effective.
At the Crimea conference important de-
cisions were taken as to the treatment of
Germany. While rejoicing that the three
powers are in agreement on such treatment,
we must not forget that the small states,
many of which are Germany's immediate
neighbors, have all equally vital interest
in such a settlement and less of a chance to
enforce their will. They, too, should be
consulted, both as to the treatment of
Germany and in the planning of their own
future. And this step should be taken at
the earliest possible date.
It is true that a state of emergency will
exist for some time to come which will call
for local action in redress of grievances and
limited areas of international action. But
these plans must be made and carried out
with due regard to the ultimate realiza-
tion of that world organization to maintain
peace and security which was agreed upon
by the four Great Powers of the United
Nations at Moscow and given further form
and reality at Dumbarton Oaks.
The Big Three — and France
It is doubly important that this planning
for the future should now be shared by
nations other than the three Great Powers
which have led hitherto.
It should not be forgotten, although it is
easy for us to do so, that none of these
three belongs to Continental Europe in the
strict sense of that term.
Britain has until now been cut off from
Europe by more than the Channel; its tra-
ditional policy of the balance of power rest
upon a conception of Britain watching the
drama of continental politics, deeply inter-
ested but still a spectator.
Russia has only recently come within the
circle of continental politics; and, since it
undertook its great experiment of com-
munism, it has held off and been held off
almost as though it did not belong in the
state system of today.
As for the United States, we are suffici-
ently foreign to the whole European scene
to be regarded only as crusaders in times of
crisis and not permanent members of the
community.
The first step in the rectification of this
situation is the recognition of the role of
France, both on its own behalf and on be-
half of other continental countries which
still look to it as the outstanding exponent
of freedom and democracy. The Third
Republic may have been weak and its pol-
itics corrupt, but it at least was a champion
of the forces against the Nazis. Belgium,
The Netherlands, Norway and other coun-
tries have each earned the right to stand
alongside the Great Powers in the United
Nations. They will add strength to the
organization and save it from bearing even
a semblance of a Holy Alliance.
The sooner this organization takes shape,
the clearer will be our policies with refer-
ence to Germany. Already the need for
clarification is evident in the immediate
matter of the punishment of war criminals.
We cannot expect all the countries to see
alike in questions like this, nor will they
agree as to the degree to which they \\;"
want to have Germany undo some of the
damage it has done. But the way to avoid
misunderstanding is to prevent it from the
beginning. That means organizing now.
A start has already been made. An
agreement has been reached for periodic
meetings of the foreign ministers of the
Great Powers to deal with current prob-
lems. And the calling of the San Fran-
cisco conference would indicate that the
United Nations Organization may be set
up very quickly.
100
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Statesmen Discover Medical Care
MICHAEL M. DAVIS
ON THE EIGHTEENTH OF JANUARY THE ES-
tate of the late Edsel Ford — four acres
sweeping down to the Detroit River two
and a half miles from the center of the
city — was overrun by auto workers. They
were not trespassers. They owned it. Their
union had bought it for a health center.
In the mansion where the grandchildren
of Henry Ford once played, X-ray appara-
tus, laboratory benches, examining tables
and medical record files stood ready for
work. At the dedication of this Health
Institute the chief speaker was the Sur-
geon-General of the United States Public
Health Service. The family of Henry
Ford has not "moved from shirtsleeves to
shirtsleeves in three generations," but in
much less than that time its employes have
taken long steps from hired help towards
self-determination. The Health Institute
is part of that self-expression, based upon
the understanding that the people's health
may be achieved by the people themselves
by organized as well as individual action.
This diagnostic clinic has been recognized
as a community service. The Detroit War
Chest has given $40,000 for its educational
and psychiatric work which will reach
beyond the automobile workers them-
selves. The federal government has recog-
nized its significance through the Public
Health Service, three members of whose
staff are on the Institute's medical council.
Dr. Thomas Parran took the occasion
of the dedication to offer the most com-
prehensive national health program which
the U. S. Public Health Service has yet
presented. He stated objectives, not a
scheme of legislation or administration, but
even the brief quotation [see box on page
102] makes clear that in scope and aims
his program goes beyond the Wagner-
Murray-Dingell bill of 1943 and may cor-
respond more closely to what rumor sug-
gests the 1945 bill will contain.
At the time of the National Health Con-
ference in 1938, the program of the U. S.
Public Health Service covered hardly half
this ground. During the same period, the
American Public Health Association has
made similar progress.
Signs of the Times
Paralleling these advances of the profes-
sionals are recent significant utterances of
public officials and of candidates for elec-
tive office. President Roosevelt, in his list
of "basic freedoms" put before the nation
a year ago, included "adequate medical care
. . . and the right to achieve and enjoy
good health." Early in the 1944 campaign,
Wendell Willkie declared: "Complete medi-
cal care should be available to all. ... In
any program . . . the value of the prac-
ticing physician's relationship to his patient
must be recognized. Adequate provision
must be made for building hospital facili-
ties . . . [and] for research and medical
HEALTH— TODAY &. TOMORROW
•^-Second in the series by the chairman
of the committee on Research in Medical
Economics, and associate editor of Sur-
vey Graphic.
education." Thomas E. Dewey was even
more specific in advocating public action
to extend medical care and to forestall
"socialized medicine."
Henry A. Wallace picked up the Presi-
dent's "Economic Bill of Rights" and blue-
printed each of its eight planks in his
statement to the Senate Commerce Com-
mittee. He said of medical care:
"Your federal and state governments have
just as much responsibility for the health
of their people as they have for providing
them with education and police and fire
protection. . . . We must see that medical
attention is available to all the people. But
this health program must be achieved in
the American way. Every person should
have the right to go to the doctor and
hospital of their own choosing. The federal
and state governments should work hand
in hand in making health insurance an
integral part of our social security program
just as old age and unemployment benefits
are today. We need more hospitals and
doctors. We should make sure that such
facilities are available. . . . We must not be
content to provide medical attention for
people after they become sick. . . . The
government should appropriate needed
funds to finance . . . medical research in
private and public institutions."
The recent "Interim Report" of Senator
Claude Pepper's Subcommittee on Wartime
Health and Education presented many of
the nation's unmet medical needs forcibly:
"The quality of American medicine at its
best is very high. Unfortunately, American
medicine at its best reaches only a rela-
tively small part of the population." The
committee's program is very similar to Dr.
Parran's, except that national health in-
surance is balanced against voluntary plans,
the committee not passing judgment.
Conservative's Progress
"The Supreme Court follows the election
returns," said Mr. Dooley long ago. These
pronouncements of men who must watch
the trends of popular sentiment confirm
the opinion polls to the effect that a great
many Americans now want ways of getting
good medical care more readily and of pay-
ing for it more easily. It seems likely,
however, that a great many Americans
have not yet decided just what these new
ways of getting and paying for medical
care should be.
How rapidly will public opinion crystal-
lize on this point? The answer depends
on the amount of attention that is focused
on the subject during the next year or two,
amid the urgent issues of the war, the
peace, and postwar employment.
In California, a generation of experience
with voluntary health insurance has
brought the issue to a more advanced
front. Before the legislature had adjourned
for its regular February recess, three im-
portant medical bills had been introduced:
Governor Warren's bill for compulsory
health insurance; organized labor's bill
for compulsory health insurance; and the
California Medical Association's bill for
state-aided voluntary health insurance.
The medical conservatives have moved
forward too. Not long ago, Time remarked
[Dec. 11, '44, p. 70] that the AMA's pro-
gram of voluntary group health insurance,
"according to some critical observers
brought the organization up to twenty
years behind the times." Datelines are
invidious. It was truly an important event
in the history of medical care in this
country when about five years ago some
state medical societies began to sponsor even
limited health insurance plans. During the
last two years when statesmen have been
discovering medical care as a public issue,
even the munificently financed National
Physicians Committee which spearheaded
the drive to kill the 1943 Wagner-Murray-
Dingell bill has found it necessary to say
more than just "No." Nowadays it says,
"No, but—."
Commercial Cash Indemnity Plans
Look at the other box on page 102,
quoted from a letter sent last December
to most doctors in the United States. The
National Physicians Committee describes it-
self calmly as "a non-political, non-profit
organization for maintaining ethical and
scientific standards and extending medical
service to all the people." It has the of-
ficial endorsement of the AMA.
Observe how the committee shouts a
forcible "No" to compulsory health insur-
ance; says "Yes" quietly to five kinds of
voluntary health insurance; and plugs
mightily for the last-named kind in which
insurance companies just pay cash benefits
for hospitalization and surgery. The com-
mittee is now trying to enlist all general
practitioners to help persuade employers to
give insurance companies a good slice of a
billion-dollar business and thus assure part
of surgical and hospital fees while happily
leaving surgeons still free to charge pa-
tients what the traffic will bear.
Appreciate, if you please, where this
commercial cash indemnity program takes
us. Insurance companies offer these poli-
cies only to employed groups. Usually
there must be at least fifty in a group.
Employes in small units, the self-employed,
and the farmers are out. A goal of "fifty
million workers" is therefore bunk. De-
MARCH 1945
101
pendents of employes are not covered.
Twenty-five percent of the premium dol-
lar goes for administrative costs.
These policies provide neither patient nor
doctor with incentive for the early, prompt
treatment of sickness, nor for other forms
of prevention. "With the growth in the
powers of medicine to prevent and control
disease," says the Health Program Con-
ference Report [see "Health for the Na-
tion, Survey Graphic, December 1944],
"a program dealing mainly with serious
or 'catastrophic' illness is insufficient medi-
cally and uneconomical financially."
Fee-for-Service Payment
From the standpoint of their designers,
however, the commercial cash indemnity
plans have the great advantage of mov-
ing the least possible distance away from
the traditional mode of individual private
practice. The health insurance plans now
sponsored by medical societies go a little
further, since some of them assure service
instead of providing just cash indemnity,
and they are open to families as well as
to employes. The service, however, is only
for surgical and obstetrical cases in hos-
pitals, and the doctors must be paid fees
according to an established table. Senator
Pepper's subcommittee is quotable here:
"Evidence . . . leads the subcommittee to
conclude that the 'pay-as-you-go' or fee-
for-service system, which is now the pre-
dominant method of payment for medical
services, is not well suited to the needs
of most people or to the widest possible
distribution of high quality medical care.
It tends to keep people away from the doc-
tor until illness has reached a stage where
treatment is likely to be prolonged and
medical bills large. It deters patients from
seeking services which are sometimes es-
sential, such as specialist care, laboratory
and X-ray examinations, and hospitaliza-
tion. Individuals with low incomes, whose
need is greatest, are most likely to postpone
National Health Program of
General of the U. S.
"Steps which should be taken toward a
comprehensive national health program:
1. We should find the means to finance
the costs of medical care for every indi-
vidual— through tax-supported programs,
health insurance, or a combination of both.
2. Tax funds should be made available
through grants-in-aid to the states for the
construction of hospitals and health centers.
3. To insure adequate numbers of health
and medical personnel, tax funds should
be made available for the expansion of
professional education.
4. We should provide for the application
of all the knowledge we have to prevent
disease — through full time public health
departments in every part of the country
and the addition of such services as indus-
trial hygiene, public health nursing, chil-
Dr. Thomas Parran, Surgeon-
Public Health Service
dren's dentistry, mental hygiene, and nutri-
tion.
5. The nation should continue to support
and encourage both public and private
research in the medical sciences through
grants-in-aid to qualified institutions.
6. We should meet the present deficiencies
in the nation's sanitary facilities through
the construction of public water supplies,
sewerage systems, and the like.
We cannot attain these goals by talking
about them. Their attainment must be
planned for and organized. . . . Any nat-
ional health plan in a democracy must
consider all needs; draw upon all resources;
weigh limitations; accept risks. The vast
accomplishments of this nation in war have
taught us that we possess the physical re-
sources, the brains, and the manpower,
to attain the purposes of peace . . . through
the democratic process."
or forego diagnosis and treatment.'
These disadvantages are increased when
fee-for-service payment is carried over into
an insurance plan. When the doctor is
paid a fee for each, service — whether two
or three dollars for an office visit or sev-
eral hundred dollars for a major operation
—and when the fee doesn't come directly
from the patient but from an insurance
fund, then all economic barriers are re-
moved to over-use or misuse of services by
patients or doctors. Careful record-keeping
is necessary and, if abuse is to be prevented,
there must be an amount of professional
and financial supervision which is costly
and which is resented by the doctors —
so much so in fact that plans controlled
by medical societies will not maintain it.
Furthermore, the fee schedules have usu-
ally been such that — modest calculations
show — if the doctors were kept busy full
National Health Program of the "National Physicians
Committee for the Extension of Medical Service"
"If state medicine is to be avoided; if
the 'political control' of the distribution of
medical care is to be prevented; if the
independence of the medical profession is
to be preserved, the needs of the people
must be met. . . .
"The task is of such size that meeting
the need will tax to maximum capacity all
agencies and institutions now providing or
that can be created to provide measures
of relief. These include:
a. Physician-sponsored prepayment med-
ical care programs;
b. Blue Cross Hospitalization Plans;
c. Independent physician groups furn-
ishing medical service;
d. Industrial or business concerns pro-
viding medical care for workers;
e. Employer-employe Group Insurance
Programs.
It is estimated that to meet the actual needs
total premium payments in excess of one
billion dollars annually will be entailed. . . .
"The report, 'Opportunity for Private
Enterprise' [a 48-page brochure on 'Em-
ployer-Employe Group Insurance Pro-
grams'), was not designed for physician
consumption. It is hoped— expected — -that
you will read it; that you will hand it to
— discuss it with — an employer who to-
morrow will be confronted with the
necessity of finding a solution to the prob-
lem of the demand on the part of workers
for a greater degree of security.
"Intelligent use of the report by 50,000
physicians will go far toward stimulating
business institutions to provide adequate
protection for fifty million workers. . . .
Your cooperation is needed and is solicited
to aid in this gigantic task. . . .
"For the twelve months ending October
31, 1944: Income (all sources) — #263,-
644.40. Expenditures (current) — #223,-
176.48. Estimated essential minimum ex-
penditures for continuing the work and
intensifying efforts during the next twelve
months will necessitate revenues of
#530,000."
time treating patients at these rates, their
incomes would be multiplied two- to four-
fold.
The People's Choice
In California, this method of payment
is now a legislative issue. Governor War-
ren came out for compulsory health in-
surance in the face of the State Medical
Society's flat condemnation, but he threw
a sop to the society by commending the
fee-for-service method of payment and his
bill requires it. Perhaps he does not ap-
preciate the implications of his position on
this point. Informed persons within the
state, including medical leaders in the Cal-
ifornia Physicians Service, know that the
abuses and the high cost of fee-for-service
payment would very likely make any state-
wide plan unworkable.
The other bill, backed by the AFL and
the CIO, prescribes the capitation method
of payment for general practitioners. Under
capitation, the general practitioner would
be paid an agreed amount per month or
year for each person who chooses him as
regular physician. Specialists would be paid
on a fee basis. California may thresh out
its answers soon, in public and private hear-
ings. Capitation payment is only one par-
tial answer — group practice with salaried
physicians is another.
These events go to show that when states-
men take up health insurance they ought
to know something of the inside as well as
of the outside of the issue they are grasping.
And here the professionals must come in
again, but which professionals? "Profes-
sional" here covers both laymen and phys-
icians; and among physicians it includes
men and agencies within and without "or-
ganized medicine." Scan again the two
boxes, and ask:
In which box had the American public
better be?
And toward which program should the
medical profession itself head, consistent
with the ideals which it cherishes and
which the American people respect?
102
LETTERS AND LIFE
Education in a Complex World
HARRY HANSEN
THE DEBATE OVER EDUCATION HAS BROUGHT
forth intense partisan argument, especially
on the side of the academicians, but we
have yet to find a defender of the pro-
gressive methods who does not wish to
work with some of the tools the academi-
cians use.
On the side of the more reasonable com-
mentators is Jacques Barzun, associate pro-
fessor of history at Columbia University.
His interests also embrace social phe-
nomena and his spirited essays and articles
permit the public a glimpse of what agitates
the schoolmen. This is especially true of his
new book, "Teacher in America" (Little,
Brown; $3), a collection of papers on the
aims, ambitions and anxieties of American
teachers. It demonstrates how well equipped
Mr. Barzun is to bridge the gap between
the public and the teacher and thus carry
the arguments over methods direct from the
board room to the rest of us.
Scientific Knowledge Not Enough
The bitter debate over education has been
intensified by the world war. Teachers con-
sider themselves responsible for the training
of youth, and in wondering why a reason-
able world had to resort to killing they
have blamed themselves; a large group has
declared that the teaching of moral respon-
sibility has lapsed. It is reasonable to as-
sume that human beings were just as mean
and intractable, in war and in peace, when
the schools taught little or no science. But
the attitude of teachers toward their own
responsibility is not to be criticized on that
account.
Even Mr. Barzun feels that scientific
knowledge is not enough, that "the creation
of a large, powerful, and complacent class
of college-trained uneducated men at the
very heart of our industrial and political
system" is dangerous. He thinks that "one
of the conditions that made possible the
present folly in Germany was the split
among three groups: the technicians, the
citizens, and the irresponsible rabble." And
by describing the professional army caste as
unthinking technicians, so deeply concerned
with their own work that they will obey
any group that hires them, he shows how
the rabble and the technicians can over-
whelm the citizens. The need, then, is in-
formed citizens.
But in a democracy the technicians and
the citizens overlap and the only remedy
is to make the men of science as morally
responsible for what they do as anvone
else. Mr. Barzun sees the problem clearly —
greater attention to the humanities, in spite
of our specialized technical training, and
some form of schooling that will develop
not merely competent workers and ever"-
(All boo\s
lives but leaders of men — those who look
beyond the aims of their own profession to
the objectives of mankind.
The Place of the Humanities
Discussion of these problems can go on
for weeks, even if only in general terms,
and when we come to specific courses we
are in danger of being bogged down com-
pletely. Mr. Barzun gives us an outline of
the teacher's dilemma — how can the hu-
manities be introduced in scientific curricula
and to what good purpose? He puts the
object of college teaching into a paragraph:
"What are the broad divisions of thought
and action in the world? There are three
and only three: we live in a world saturated
with science, in a world beset by political
and economic problems, in a world that
mirrors its life in literature, philosophy, re-
ligion, and the fine arts. In all reason, a
college can but follow this threefold pattern.
To this extent the problem of 'What shall
we teach?' is non-existent. This is what we
must teach."
Mr. Barzun's discussion of the place of
the "great books" in education is welcome,
for he is himself a bookman of fine dis-
crimination and judgment, familiar with
the old and the new. The great books have
become footballs in the academic debate;
they have been overemphasized as guides to
life and learning, and social scientists have
become bewildered by the contention that
they hold all we need to know.
Great books in education stem from the
original course called General Honors Read-
ings begun by John Erskine at Columbia in
1919 with a list of fifty-three great classics.
It drew on the help of eight instructors,
among whom were Mark Van Doren and
Mortimer Adler, today among the chief
spokesmen for the great books curriculum.
The Erskine course is now called Colloqui-
um on Great Books and is still taught most
successfully, with engineers and mathemati-
cians eager to join in the discussions; and,
as Mr. Barzun expresses it in his lighter
vein: "Future doctors seem to favor it
especially, thinking perhaps that bedside
books go with the bedside manner."
The use of the books at Chicago and St.
John's is a variation, "an overreach, an ex-
cessive stretching of Erskine's excellent
scheme," Mr. Barzun says. He adds: "It is
a return to the practice used when the
ancient classics served to introduce men to
their own culture. This is no longer possible
because modern culture has become special-
ized and each specialty, even when broadly
conceived, requires the direct study of its
current output." To put it concretely, St.
John's offers six historians — Herodotus,
Thucydides, Plutarch, Tacitus, Vico, and
ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will be
103
Gibbon. Mr. Barzun knows their value but
can hardly agree that they will give the
student "a coherent idea of modern his-
tory."
When Mr. Barzun turns from teachers
to the public he is puzzled. He sees a
nation stuffing itself with facts and, while
our zeal for acquiring and storing facts
seems to him praiseworthy, he fears that it
is not used intelligently. The public envies
men who can cite a lot of facts, but suspects
men who deal in ideas. He makes a point
when he says that even our best-selling non-
fiction books are sometimes little more than
compilations of newspaper clippings sea-
soned with backstairs gossip— and of that
it is easy to find evidence.
Our Passion for Facts
He says: "Summaries there may be, but
no principles. For publishing experience
does show that faced with an idea, no mat-
ter how simply expressed or illustrated, the
layman is shocked into resistance. . . .
Whereas the brain trust was a joke before
anyone knew the men who belonged to it,
the country has again and again given itself
over to factual pedantry with great enthusi-
asm and no sense of ridicule."
This leads Mr. Barzun to deal ironically
with "fact-finding." He criticizes "hundreds
of study groups and fact-finding commit
sions, public or private |that] give their
members in this way the pleasant illusion
of being practical scholars and social scien-
tists." Possibly many of these labors do little
more than place "another layer of paper
wadding between us and the horrors of
life." They are fair game for the teacher's
comment, yet their mutiplication is evidence
of a serious mood and an earnest intention.
No doubt there is dead timber in many
a commission, but the number of partici-
pants who do this hard work to amuse
themselves must be few. Perhaps they are
pseudo-scientific; not all of their members
are trained investigators. But as the public
is drawn in, interest in something more
than mere facts spreads incontestably.
My father's generation often spoke of the
well-informed man, meaning a man fam-
iliar with matters outside his professional
or business interests. This term has fallen
into disuse in company with that of the
self-made man. There are no longer anv
self-made men because no one is supposed
to make his way without the benefit of
schooling. The well-informed man died of
competition; when all men know every-
thing no man is wiser than another.
Thousands now know facts and thous-
ands of others are deluged by them when-
ever they turn a dial. It is true that some
of these relate to war activities, to the ton-
postpaid)
nage of ships sunk, shells fired and iu
names of localities that none but a cross-
word puzzle addict would ever dig out of
the gazetteer but for the march of armies.
A great many citizens are so filled with
facts that they are like those Oliver Wen-
dell Holmes, the Autocrat, was talking
about when Mr. Barzun overheard him:
"The men of facts wait their turn in grim
silence, with that slight tension about the
nostrils which the consciousness of carrying
a settler in the form of a fact or a revolver
gives the individual thus armed." That
must have been written nearly a century
ago, when the habit of absorbing facts was
by no means as widely spread as now. But
even then some Americans — New Eng-
landers no doubt — enjoyed bragging about
ship tonnage, distances between cities, and
population growth.
Shall we despise this interest in informa-
tion? It offers more promise of a response
than the empty mind. It is true that the
masses do not embrace books of ideas with
the fervor with which they welcome new
movies, yet publishers have been known to
make a fair profit out of such books. If
ideas are unwelcome, then why do so many
Americans cling to the fundamental prin-
ciples of this republic, many of them diffi-
cult to apply in modern life; why are so
many familiar with the theories of Karl
Marx?
Mr. Barzun, however, is not against in-
formation or its accumulation; he is inter-
ested in its proper use and in that, he
thinks, we fail. We do not think deeply
about the things we know as facts. We do
not go behind the stereotypes we accept.
I do not believe that there is as much
"mental cowardice" as Mr. Barzun suspects.
Thinking does require an effort, and most
of mankind would rather act than think —
the war, after all, is an attempt to settle by
action what could not be settled by think-
ing. But the proportion of people stirred
into thinking by the world's ills must have
increased tremendously in the dark days
since 1939. We cannot expect the whole
public to become expert in this any more
than Mr. Barzun can expect all students to
graduate with the highest honors. Let us
agree with him that our need is leadership,
and there we come back to the problem
that he also recognizes in the schools.
OMNIPOTENT GOVERNMENT, by Lud-
wig von Mises. Yale University Press. #3.75.
"ECONOMIC FREEDOM AIMS AT THE ESTAB-
lishment and preservation of the system of
market economy based on private owner-
ship of the means of production and free
enterprise. It aims at free competition and
at the sovereignty of the consumer. . . .
True liberals are opposed to all endeavors
to institute government control for the
operation of an unhampered market econ-
omy."
Thus Professor von Mises in his preface.
"All the oratory of the advocates of gov-
ernment omnipotence cannot annul the
fact that there is but one system that makes
for durable peace: a free market economy.
Government control leads to economic na-
tionalism and thus results in conflict."
Thus Professor von Mises in his con-
clusion.
In all the pages between, the changes
are rung on this theme and on its ramifi-
cations in respect to ideas of nationalism,
the rise of Nazism, the role of Russia, and
the future of planning in Western civiliza-
tion. One gathers that the world is going
inexorably to the dogs.
The influences which are rampant are
all in the wrong direction — namely toward
a more conscious social control of economic
forces. Something called a "perfect capital-
ism," albeit "hitherto never and nowhere
completely tried or achieved," is the only
assurance of durable peace.
The publisher says on the jacket of the
book: "It is probably the most momentous
and challenging criticism that has been
made of the current social and economic
doctrines that threaten democracy every-
where." Such a judgment seems to me
somewhat too fulsome, to put it mildly.
Essentially the book is the product of a
mind that turns with nostalgia to the for-
mulas of the past, that puts a low value
on the capacities of the human self, that
sees the complexities of the future with
foreboding and with panic at the challenge
presented to men's constructive imagination
by the. creative tasks ahead.
It is the book of a mind that says: Be-
cause these problems have not been solved
by any methods thus far brought forward,
it is better to approach their solutions in
terms of old approaches than even to admit
the possibility that men may be able to
create better for themselves. It is in this
sense that the study is at bottom the
product of a mind tainted with futilitar-
ianism under the guise of being economic-
ally realistic.
Editor of economic booths ORDWAY TEAD
Harper &• Brothers
PROBLEMS OF PEACE
NEW PERSPECTIVES ON PEACE, edited
by George B. deHuszar. University of
Chicago Press. #2.50.
THE SINEWS OF PEACE, by Herbert Feis.
Harper. #2.50.
THESE TWO SMALL BUT IMPORTANT BOOKS,
which complement one another, reach be-
yond the traditional and narrow conception
of the problem of peace. Together they
show how many-sided must be the ap-
proach to the solution of this, the world's
most urgent and most difficult task.
"New Perspectives on Peace" is made up
of eleven chapters — each chapter on a
specific problem — by distinguished authori-
ties in various fields, with an introductory
summary by the editor entitled "The Prob-
lems in Perspective." The writers are
members of the faculty of the University
of Chicago where their analyses were
originally delivered as lectures. The geo-
graphical problem is discussed by Professor
Colby, the historical by Professor Craven,
the ethnological by Professor Redfield, the
economic by Professor Viner, the socio-
logical by Professor Ogburn, the legal by
Professor Wright, the educational by Pro-
fessor Havighurst, the psychological by
Professor Slight, the philosophic by Pro-
fessor McKeon, and the religious by Pro-
fessor Adams.
The general tone of the book, searchingly
unconventional, is illustrated by the follow-
ing sentences from the editor's introduction:
"The sterility of thinking about peace is
deplorable. One of the reasons why ade-
quate methods have not been devised is
that many of the people who concern them-
selves with peace lack the necessary back-
ground for realistic thinking on the subject.
. . . Even the most effective peace organiza-
tions do not have a membership sufficiently
varied in training to cover the problem of
peace completely. ... In the peace move-
ment as a whole, there appear very few
persons with a background in sociology,
psychology or anthropology. . . . The sec-
ond reason for the sterility of thinking
about peace is that it reflects the rudimen-
tary stage of the study of international
relations . . . which today resembles politi-
cal science half a century ago. ... It is
mostly juristic and historical. ... In order
to put international relations on a scientific
basis it is necessary to liberate it from
juristic influence. . . . We need a systematic
approach considering the problem of peace
in its entirety and integrating the various
aspects of the problem."
The book is a helpful introduction to
those who are willing to go beyond their
habitual thinking about peace and war.
MR. FEIS, WHO ALWAYS WRITES WITH CLAR-
ity and grace, has given in "The Sinews
of Peace" a layman's guide through the
maze of issues which are pressing for de-
cisions in the field of international economic
affairs. He enables readers to understand
better those involved transactions in which
our citizens and government carry on with
other peoples and governments — financial,
investment, trade, and the exchange of
foodstuffs and other raw materials. His
brief chapters make clearer than I have se
stated elsewhere the Bretton Woods plar
for an International Monetary Fund and
the proposal for an International Inves
ment Bank.
Mr. Feis does not write of our economl
relations with the rest of the world as
propagandist for any particular view. Oi
of a lifetime of study and experience — unt
a few months ago he had been for severa
years adviser on economic affairs in th
State Department — he analyzes and ba
ances the pros and cons on controversia
questions. His own conclusions, though
clearly put, are never dogmatic; rather the
are invitations to the reader to make up
his own mind.
It would be helpful if our public men
and all of us interested in international
affairs pondered on Mr. Feis's basic con-
clusion:
"The war has demonstrated the great
strength, vitality, capability, and powers of
organization of the American people. Great-
ness in the annals of history and the ranks
of our fellow nations has come upon us.
We cannot repudiate it. Proudly or reluc-
tantly it will be our responsibility hereafter
to lead, to aid and strengthen the good
and industrious, admonish the trouble-
104
I some, cause the quarrelsome to desist, and
I build firm friendships with all who share
I our spirit and our hopes for a better world.
1 Our economic strength must be at the
I service of this leadership."
I New Yori( JAMES G. MCDONALD
| SEA LANGUAGE COMES ASHORE, by
Joanna Carver Colcord. Cornell Maritime
Press. #2.25.
I IF YOU HAVE THE LEAST INTEREST IN HOW
I your everyday language got the way it is,
|i you'll have a wonderful time with Miss
r Colcord's collection of sea-born words and
phrases, the salty origin of which has been
I all but lost in years of land usage. And
r you'll make some surprising discoveries.
You'll learn, for example, that when you
I speak of "the bitter end," meaning the last
f] extremity, you are using a phrase that
". . . relates to the end of the ship's cable
I attached to the windlass-bits. When the
< anchor had been let out to the bitter end
I there was nothing more to be done; if
worse came the cable would part and the
8 ship drive ashore."
Miss Colcord's list begins with "A 1,"
a common shore expression that comes
I from the rating formerly given to British
I naval vessels and to merchant vessels for
I insurance purposes. It ends with "Yeo-
heave-ho, the standard literary spelling of
those 'unnameable and unearthly howls'
which sailors emit when singing out on a
i rope." In between are those "borrowings
I from sea language" which have currency
I upon the land, sometimes with sense differ-
ing completely from their original meaning.
I But this is not a dictionary of sea terms.
i It is exactly what its title indicates, a reach-
ing back to the ancestry of words and
i phrases that enrich our language.
Miss Colcord, the daughter of five gen-
I erations of Maine seafarers, was a "natural"
i for such a book as this, for to her congenital
I interest in salt spray is added a gift for
I the use of words to express clear thought.
1 She is quick to deny any claim to being
I a philologist, but she knows words and the
I color and flavor that time and usage have
I given them.
The preparation of "Sea Language . . ."
was a sort of busman's holiday from Miss
I Colcord's professional writings which are a
must in every social work library. She did
it, she says, as a labor of love, "strictly for
9 fun." It is fun too for anyone with a
jj feeling for the color and romance of the
English language.
1 Osterville, Mass. GERTRUDE SPRINGER
BEVERIDGE PROPOSES
(Continued jrom page 94)
war, Britain will have no choice but to
adopt some restrictive policies of its own.
Sir William expresses a strong preference
for a wide system of multilateral trading
based on low tariffs, reasonable balance be-
tween imports and exports, along with do-
mestic programs for stimulating full em-
ployment. But if such a system of world
trade is not immediately practical, he sug-
gests that Britain enter into a regional
THE MILE Lyond BJln
AFTER our soldiers have covered that long mile to Berlin, and
then to Tokyo, we — all of us — shall need to press forward on
that important mile beyond — that mile toward full employment, re-
construction, and a higher standard of living for all the people.
Here are some guideposts for that forward mile.
Social Work Year Book-1945
Edited by Russell H. Kurtz. Reports the current status of organized ac-
tivities in social work and related fields. "Of great value not only to those
specially interested in its field but also to those engaged in many other pro-
fessions and occupations." — New York Times. $3.25
Relief and Rehabilitation Abroad
A Series of Eight Pamphlets
Edited by Donald S. Howard. "Brings together a fund of factual, detailed
information about the problems of relief administration. It will be sorely
needed in the years just ahead." — Public Welfare.
20c each. Set of eight, $1.50
Technology and Livelihood
By Mary L. Fledderus and Mary van Kleeck. "This excellent book brings
together in one volume some of the most pertinent facts about our industrial
economy." — Political Science Quarterly. $1.25
Your Community
By Joanna C. Colcord. "A guide for community study, a sound compre-
hensive framework on which to erect essential social data, and an invaluable
reference for day-to-day problems." — Survey. $1.00
Institutions Serving Children
By Howard W. Hopkirk. "An extremely practical book written out of
twenty years' experience as a leader in the field of child welfare. Education,
health, recreation, work, religion, and social service are all discussed."
—Public Welfare. $2.00
From your bookseller, or from
RUSSELL SAGE FOUNDATION
130 East 22nd Street • New York 10 • N. Y.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
105
system of trade relations with such coun-
tries as are willing to encourage trade on
this basis.
A third, but much less satisfactory, pos-
sibility would be a system of bilateral agree-
ments with the countries that wanted to
trade with Britain. This plan to his mind
would result in much less trade and would
necessarily hold British living standards to
a relatively low level.
Beveridge's feeling of concern as to the
United States is, of course, well grounded.
His program for full employment stands
in direct contradiction to the postwar pro-
gram outlined for this country by the Sen-
ate postwar committee and the similar pro-
posals advanced by numerous business
groups in this country. Instead of expand-
ing "outlay," these proposals invariably call
for a sharp cut in government spending, a
balanced budget, debt reduction, and a re-
duction in the taxes on the well-to-do, so
as to encourage private enterprise. Sir Wil-
liam shows that these orthodox measures
have never provided even an approximation
of full employment in peacetime, and if
persisted in can only lead to profound so-
cial and economic dislocation involving, in
all likelihood, a loss of essential democratic
liberties.
"Better than the Dictators ..."
On the other hand, Sir William's own
full employment "policy" is based on un-
assailable economic principles. The theor-
etical groundwork for these principles was
laid in 1936 by J. M. Keynes in "The Gen-
eral Theory of Employment, Interest and
Money." This analysis is now accepted by
practically all competent economists. Bev-
eridge's own contribution is, however, fully
as important as that of Keynes; for he has
shown in detail how the Keynes principles
may be applied to solve our most perplex-
ing and costly economic problem. It is a
program which, though details will differ,
could be adapted to the United States with-
out fundamental changes. In fact, Bever-
idge's constant use of American illustrations
indicates that he was constantly thinking of
their possible application in this country.
In several ways, however, it would be
more difficult to carry out a full employ-
ment program in this country than in Eng-
land. Beveridge implies as much when
he says that Britain has a chance of show-
ing, sooner and more easily than any other
large nation, that democracy can order peace
as well as war better than the dictators do.
But although the difficulties are greater
here, the stakes are immeasurably higher.
Indeed, as Sir William sees it, the good of
the whole world, no less than our own well
being and that of Britain, depends very
largely on the policies adopted by the
United States.
"Depression," he declares, "is contagious
in proportion to the size and strength of
the national economic system from which
it comes. Today the strongest and most
productive national economy in the world
— :that of the United States — is also the least
stable. The adoption of a policy of full
employment by the United States would
be the most important economic advance
that could happen in the whole world and
to the benefit of the whole world. In solv-
ing, as they only and only in their own
way can solve, the 'baffling problems' of
their home economy, more than by the most
generous outpouring of gifts and loans, the
American people can confer immeasurable
benefits on all mankind."
The President's recent budget message
indicated that the Administration, at least,
is alive to our own situation. But con-
structive action will depend on informed
support from every forward-looking citi-
zen in the country. A wide reading of
this remarkable book should help im-
mensely in girding American public opin-
ion to act — and that soon — on the great
choices he sets before us. For on those
choices hangs much of our own future,
and the fortunes of everyday people every-
where.
ALADDIN'S LAMP
(Continued from page 92)
do is to distinguish 10,000. The guess-
work in matching colors is swept away. If
you want to catch a thief in the act of
cracking a safe the photoelectric cell will
do it. In fact, it will detect anything that
involves the reflection or the interception
of a beam of light.
It is not too romantic to imagine the
photoelectric cell imparting a new safety
to automobile driving. The cell has only
to follow a white line on the road. Take
your hands off the wheel and if the car
swerves ever so little from the line the cell
will start a correcting motor and bring
you back. Other cells along the road will
report the speed of passing cars to the
police or to the drivers themselves.
Electrons Displace Men
How many man-hours have been saved
in war production by the 2,000 different
types of electron tubes so far devised?
There are no statistics. It has been estimat-
ed that before the war, when the tubes
were few, the saving amounted to at least
1,750,000 man-hours annually — a mere
guess. Since then, electron tubes have
multiplied, and hundreds of factories have
installed whole batteries of them. This
matter of man-hours saved is of consider-
-able importance because of the Administra-
tion's announced intention of making the
most of our huge industrial capacity after
the war and of thus solving a problem
of unemployment which must be faced.
Jobs for sixty million men and women —
"57,000,000 is Henry Wallace's rockbottom
figure — must be found. Yet here is this
Aladdin's wonderful lamp, this electron
tube which does the work of analytical
chemists and bookkeepers, which does
away with hands, eyes and ears, which, in
a factory, watches over anything that
moves. It is true that the electron tubes
must be made by men and women and
made by the million, true that we shall
need more radio and television sets than we
did, true that there will be a demand for
new skills. But it is also true that in some
industries there will be a displacement of
workers because of the electron tube's ex-
traordinary virtuosity and versatility.
Probably the history of every revolution-
ary invention will be repeated. What that
history is we have seen in the case of the
automobile. The carriage maker had to be-
come an automobile body maker. Wayside
filling stations and tourist camps sprang up.
Windshield wipers and headlights had to
be designed and produced. Around the
automobile industry cluster a hundred
satellite vocations. All this is the conse
quence of what Ravenshear, an English
economist of the last century, called "origi-
native invention." But originative invention
is inevitably followed by intensive inven-
tion, meaning the kind of invention that
reduces man-hours. Thus the telephone long
gave employment to thousands of switch-
board girls. When the dial system of call-
ing a telephone number was introduced (an
intensive invention), the girls disappeared
The electron tube is such an intensive in-
vention. To produce it, thousands of ne
jobs will be created. But introduce it in
the factory and there will be less need of
much highly paid skilled labor. No one can
predict the outcome, but it is certain that
the effect cannot be ignored in solving the
problem of keeping 60,000,000 employed.
Engineers are aware of the issue. They
are actually alarmed at the electron tube's
potentialities. When they are asked to de-
sign a new tube to perform a seemingly
impossible task, they shake their heads, say
"It can't be done" and then proceed to do
it. Electronics has become a synonym of
industrial magic. The steam-engine, auto-
matic machinery, trench-diggers, ore-un-
loaders, machines that cut, wrap, fold,
brought about technological changes with
which we have not yet learned to cope.
And now comes the electron tube which
totally eclipses any invention that leaped
from the brain of the inventor. It seems as
if Aladdin's wonderful lamp can be almost
too wonderful.
PATCHWORK TO PURPOSE
(Continued from page 98)
This lack of a unifying thesis in economic
matters explains much bickering on "the
home front." It sheds light on seemingly
contradictory public action, on over-lapping
in governmental agencies; and on the
blurred line between what we need for a
period of crisis and what we need for "all
time." Moreover, current discussion as to
"streamlining" Congress overlooks too often
that "reorganization" can be approached
fruitfully only through prior clarification.
An articulation of policies and goals would
open the way for improved functioning by
the Congress as a policy-making body and
for the most satisfactory division of labor
with the Chief Executive.
Thus the Full Employment Bill, as now
drawn, provides for the initial development
of the National Production and Employ-
ment Budget by the President and its sub-
mission to a Congressional Joint Committee
for subsequent review and action. In view I
of the scope of the undertaking and the I
prime desirability of evoking maximum ac-
106
cord in testing it out, thought might be
given to placing the initial development of
the budget in the hands of an American
Economic Committee, constituted by law
and containing representation from both
Cabinet and Congress, with a permanent
staff supplemented by a rotating staff drawn
from the departments concerned.
Such a plan would offer interesting pos-
sibilities for adjusting the principle of sep-
arating legislative, judicial, and executive
powers, as written into the Constitution,
to the increasing interplay and overlapping
of congressional and Presidential functions
in matters of high policy. Partial support
for this idea can be found in a recent rec-
ommendation by the "Committee on Con-
gress" of the American Political Science
Association that the Congress establish a
permanent and formal liaison with the
White House.
If an American Economic Committee of
this type were established, it might well in-
clude, also, members appointed by the
President to represent industry, agriculture,
labor, and consumers. The preparation of
a National Production and Employment
Budget necessarily involves what free enter-
prise is going to do no less than what the
government is going to do. Its very essence
is an appraisal of inter-action between the
two. Its very spirit is accord. It needs to be
initiated in an atmosphere of maximum
cooperation and "give and take." For this
reason, to bring non-governmental repre-
sentatives more explicitly into such a flex-
ible process seems more important than to
preserve rigid concepts as to the govern-
mental structure.
It can be argued that part of the rea-
son why pressure groups have been so un-
conscionably at one another's throats, why
their specialized objectives often seem so
far abstracted from the common good, is
that they so seldom sense that good as a
common goal, or have had any chance to
participate in a general drive to attain it.
The Challenge of 60 Million Jobs
More unity arising from more common
knowledge is the essence of the Full Em-
ployment Bill. The measure is founded up-
on the proposition that nothing is worse
than to contribute to the confusion of the
people at large — or to make more difficult
their lines of communication when major
decisions in national policy are under way.
A National Production and Employment
Budget would set objectives each year based
on realities, in terms understandable to
everybody, and related to our common
undertakings as a nation. If it did no more
than that, it would bring into our public
affairs a clarity, a wholesomeness and a dig-
nity that would strengthen immeasurably
our free institutions in the years ahead.
But the Full Employment Bill is founded,
also, on another proposition — that our
American way of life and livelihood, with
all its admitted imperfections, is a good one.
We are committed to it by our history and
our ideas — and committed by the same
token to remedy our imperfections as we
go along. Such a course is consistent with
our essential practicality and inventiveness
as a people, with our emphasis on individ-
SELLS 95 STORIES AND NOVELETTES
"The introduction you gave me to your editor friend, resulting in
my present assignment to do a complete novel for him monthly,
is doubly appreciated especially since I finished my N.I.A. training
sometime ago and, consequently, have no call on your service.
Here is concrete evidence that interest in your students continues
indefinitely. To date now, I have sold 95 stories and novelettes to
20 national magazines." — Darrell Jordan, P.O. Box 279, Friend-
ship, New York.
How do you KNOW you can't WRITE?
Have you ever tried?
Have you ever attempted even the least bit of training, under competent guidance?
Or have you been sitting back, as it is so easy to do, waiting for the day to come when
you will awaken, all of a sudden, to the discovery, "I am a writer"?
If the latter course is the one of your choosing, you probably never will write.
Lawyers must be law clerks. Doctors must be internes. Engineers must be draftsmen.
We all know that, in our time, the egg does come before the chicken.
It is seldom that anyone becomes a writer until he (or she) has been writing for some
time. That is why so many authors and writers spring up out of the newspaper business.
The day-to-day necessity of writing— of gathering material about which to write— devel-
ops their talent, their insight, their background and their confidence as nothing el^e
could.
That is why Newspaper Institute of America bases its writing instruction on journal-
ism—continuous writing — the training that has produced so many successful authors.
Learn to write by writing
NEWSPAPER Institute training is based on the New York Copy Desk Method. It
starts and keeps you writing in your own home, on your own time. Week by week
you receive actual assignments, just as if you were right at work on a great metropolitan
daily. Your writing is individually corrected and constructively criticized. Thoroughly
experienced, practical, active writers are responsible for this instruction. Under such
sympathetic guidance, you will find that (instead of vainly trying to copy some one else's
writing tricks) you are rapidly developing your own distinctive, self-flavored, style — under-
going an experience that has a thrill to it and which at the
same time develops in you the power to make your feelings
articulate.
Many people who should be writing become awe-struck by fabulous
stories about millionaire authors and, therefore, give little thought to
the $25, $50 and $100 or more that can often be earned from material
that takes little time to write — stories, articles on business, fads, books,
current events, sports, homemaking, local and club activities, etc. — things
that can easily be turned out in leisure hours, and often on the impulse
of the moment.
A chance to test yourself
Our unique Writing Aptitude Test tells whether you possess the fun-
damental qualities necessary to successful writing — acute observation,
dramatic instinct, creative imagination, etc. You'll enjoy taking this
test. The coupon will bring it, without obligation. Newspaper Institute
of America, One Park Avenue, New York 16, N. Y. (Founded 1925)
NOTICE TO
CANADIANS
Newspaper Institute's
operations in Canada
have been approved by
the Foreign Exchange
Control Board, and to
facilitate all financial
transactions, a special
permit has been as-
signed to their account
with The Canadian Bank
of Commerce, Montreal.
1
1
1
1
-IACJI
Newspaper Institute of America,
1
1
jf\y^
One Park Ave., New York 16, N. Y.
1
1
1
1
1
Send me,
information
Mr. }
without cost or obligation, your Writing Aptitude Test and further
about writing for profit, as promised in Survey Graphic, March.
1
Mrs \
1
Miss j
1
1
1
(All correspondence confidential. No salesman will call on you.) 86-C-365
Copyright 1945 Newspaper Institute of America
(In answering advertisements f lease mention SUKVET GRAPHIC)
107
SEA LANGUAGE COMES ASHORE
By Joanna Carver Colcord
Contributing editor to Survey Graphic
A distinguished social worker and author,
Joanna Carver Colcord, makes a noteworthy
addition to the literary heritage of America.
Descendant of five generations of seafarers,
Miss Colcord has compiled over a thousand
nautical expressions which have been "washed
ashore," and has arranged them, with mean-
ings and origins, for easy reference. A truly
authoritative collection hailed by the critics.
"fascinating, remarkable" CARL VAN DOREN
"for everyone -who speaks American." —
Lowell (Mass.) Sunday Telegram
"Any collector of Americana will relish the
•alt air tang of these page*." — Norwich
(Conn.) Bulletin
Just published
$2.25
ENCYCLOPEDIA OF KNOTS
AND FANCY ROPE WORK
By Raoul Graumont and John Hensel
A "must" for the working library of every
occupational or recreational therapist, handi-
craft instructor, or settlement house worker.
Ideal for individual or group reference.
3,524 different examples of practical and or-
namental knots ; each type, from the simplest
tie to the most elaborate design in splicing,
braiding, tatting or fringe work is clearly
pictured, thoroughly described, fully ex-
plained.
'"S'nihiiii: lesft than the Britannlca of the
subject" — RALPH THOMPSON, N. Y. Time*
663 Pages, 332 full-page photographic plates. $5.00
At Your Bookseller or Direct
CORNELL MARITIME PRESS
241 W. 23rd St., Dent. SG, New York II, N..Y.
USED BOOKS
50% Off Regular Price
for books displayed by our field workers.
In good condition, but without that new
look!
For complete new lijt writ*
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.
Book Order Department
112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
CHRISTODORA
HOUSE
601 East Ninth Street
New York
A Residence Club for men and
women, providing an atmo-
sphere particularly acceptable
to social workers, educators,
students, professional people
generally.
All outside rooms . . . meals optional
Write for folder
ual enterprise and our adventuresome
democracy.
The human materials with which we
have to deal are mostly men of good will,
who know the dangers we all face unless
we devise more rational ways to get rid of
mass unemployment, and who know
equally well the benefits we can all look
for if we do. The task before us is to
gather up tools in our American kit which
have stood us in good stead in other great
tasks and emergencies, check them against
accomplishment, and improve and align
them systematically for use in meeting the
great test of the postwar era.
"WITHOUT A COUNTRY"
(Continued from page 88)
an American. This committee was formed
at the conference on political refugees held
at Evian (France) in July of 1938. It now
has a membership of thirty-six governments
— Britain, Soviet Russia, and the U.S.A.
among them. It includes both countries of
immigration and of emigration. It has
recognized its function to care for the
needs of refugees and to do what it can to
better their legal status in transit. Its officers
have wide experience in this phase of its
duties; but it will require greatly expanded
resources and staff, and enhanced powers,
if it is to shoulder such a long-run task.
Meanwhile, the United Nations Relief
and Rehabilitation Administration has a
great part to play in giving relief to refu-
gees in the countries in which it operates.
The agreement creating UNRRA calls for
fair treatment without regard to race, re-
ligion, or political belief of those it finds
there. The limitation of its franchise is that
UNRRA can do only special work in enemy
countries and that it cannot help enemy citi-
zens other than those who have been per-
secuted for race or religion, or because of
their activities on behalf of the United
Nations. In Poland, for example, UNRRA
is permitted to succor persons from enemy
or ex-enemy countries and to repatriate
those who wish to return home. In Ger-
many and Italy, it is authorized to care for
and repatriate United Nations nationals,
stateless persons and those enemy nationals
who qualify as above. Western European
countries are reported to intend to carry on
their own relief activities without the aid
of UNRRA, and in them the IGC will be
the appropriate authority to urge the cause
of the refugees.
This looks like a promising structure of
governmental relief, but the international
agencies concerned have declared that they
by no means supplant the need for volun-
tary effort. The sums UNRRA has been
(In
granted will be far short of the need for
relief, and there are many special services
which the flexible private agencies can per-
form more deftly and quickly than public
international authorities. Especially is this
true in the care of refugees, a field in which
private agencies have specialized. Their ex-
perienced counsel and help is counted on
and they are now cooperating actively with
both IGC and UNRRA.
answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
108
Driven and pushed about Europe as they
have been, many refugees have been sep-
arated from their families. This is true of
other "displaced persons" and often their
whereabouts are unknown to their relatives
and friends throughout the world. Plans are
on foot to install machinery to help them
make fresh contacts. Among the partici-
pating agencies are UNRRA, the Inter-
Governmental Committee, the International
Red Cross and here, in the United States,
a group of organizations actively concerned
with the problems of refugees.
There is a special committee on refugees,
also, set up by the American Council of
Voluntary Agencies for Foreign Relief.
Some fifty in number, the council was or-
ganized two years ago to coordinate their
own activities and cooperate with public
international bodies.
Here, in America, the President had set
up two such bodies. An Advisory Commit-
tee on Political Refugees, James G. McDon-
ald, chairman, has been helpful in assisting
fugitives in getting out of Europe., The
War Refugee Board is made up of four
members of the Cabinet (State, War,
Treasury, and the Attorney General). Un-
der John W. Pehle as executive director,
great energy and devotion were thrown into
tasks of rescue and relief among refugees
in Hitler-held territory.
Why Not Naturalization?
In each country in which they are found,
there is an effective alternative to passin
along unsettled refugees and stateless per-
sons. That is to accept them as citizens and
give them permanent status. Their num-
bers in a given country may not be great
and to accord them this privilege would at
once add to the forces for domestic revival
and lessen the difficulties in solving a wide-
spread and prickly problem.
The refugee entering Palestine, is in-
corporated into Palestinian society.
Here, in the United States, the refugee
who has come with quota visa for per-
manent residence is better off than he
would be in most other countries. Under
our law, he has the right to live here,
travel, and to work at most occupation
(certain professions excepted). He can b
deported only for causes set forth in th
statute. After the prescribed period, in most
cases five years, he can become a citizen if
the authorities are convinced that he is
loyal to the Constitution and of good re-
pute.
Refugees who enter the USA on tem-
porary visas do not have such security.
They are entitled to remain only during
the time fixed in their visas plus any ex-
tension granted by the authorities. The
privilege of working is not automatic but is
granted by a general or special order. And
the temporary visitor may not become a
citizen.
Naturalization is not a right in other
countries but is a matter of favor and, in
fact, is not frequently accorded. Save for
the few who do become naturalized, refu-
gees resident in European countries have
no rights to remain or to work except under
special legislation or regulation. Many refu-
gees from Russia and Turkey in Worl *
:r
!
>
1
Full Employment
in a Free Society
By SIR WILLIAM
BEVERIDCE
The author of the famous
BEVERIDGE REPORT
now offers a complete
plan for ending unem-
ployment without sacri-
ficing any of the essential
liberties of a free society.
Specifically discussed are
questions relating to the
adequate total outlay re-
quired for full employ-
ment, the controlled lo-
cation of industry, or-
ganized mobility of labor,
and necessary changes in
existing government ma-
chinery. A history-mak-
ing book for everyone in-
terested in social prob-
lems. Henry A. Wallace
says: "It transcends in
importance his master-
piece on social security."
$3.75
The Psychology of
Diet and Nutrition
By Lowell S. Selling, M.D., and
Mary Anna S. Ferraro, M.S.
Here is much-needed
light on why human be-
ings eat what they do.
and what can be done to
make them eat as they
should . Particularly
stressed are children's
feeding problems, the
psychology of feeding
the sick, food fads, men-
tal disorders and the
feeding problems they
create and domestic prob-
lems associated with eat-
ing. Clinical and indus-
trial dieticians, physi-
cians and social workers
will find its analyses and
recommendations invalu-
able. $2.75
"BOOKS THAT LIVE"
W. W. NORTON & CO.
70 Fifth Ave., New York 11
War I have lived for twenty years and more
in western Europe but are still stateless.
Many have children, citizens by virtue of
birth in the new country, who are soldiers
in its army. Others, without so strong a
claim for friendly acceptance, have never-
theless taken part for many years in the
social and economic life about them. It
would seem reasonable for their countries
of residence to grant them the opportunity
for citizenship now and thus, in this time
of revived hopes and plans, establish them
in a legally permanent home.
Refugees from Germany before and dur-
ing World War II are new claimants on the
consideration of countries with whom they
have thrown in their lot. They were the
first victims of the Hitler machine which
has pressed so hard on the life of all the
peoples of Europe. They have been through
the war and have contributed to the war
effort and should have the same privilege of
citizenship granted them.
Such a creative solution when the war
ends would be a boon for refugees living
in western Europe, in the United States,
or other overseas countries.
Many German and Austrian refugees,
who had come to France and other parts
of the continent before the war, were up-
rooted a second time by the Nazi blitz, and
they were shipped to Germany for forced
labor or to Polish concentration camps. It
may be hoped that western European gov-
ernments will permit those who have sur-
vived to return to their adopted homes in
which many of them lived and worked for
years. Their desirability could readily be
gauged by testimony from the community
which had harbored them.
Postwar Migration
World conditions will, of course, affect
the possibilities for settlement of refugees
in new countries where they can hope to
make a fresh start in life. They will be part
— and not the largest part — of the people
who will be seeking such opportunities
away from their homelands. If employ-
ment is good in their countries of destina-
tion, if there is a demand for workers in
industry or on the land, the tendency to
restrict immigration, so strong in the pre-
war years, may lessen. The problem then
will become not one of refusing entry but
of choosing which immigrants a country
wants. The principle of selective immigra-
tion can be applied.
In this field the Intergovernmental Com-
mittee is charged to facilitate the migra-
tion of refugees, to find opportunities for
them, and to establish them in a country
where they can make permanent homes.
This, again, is a task requiring forceful
energy and great tact, for success depends
on the good will and active support of
governments concerned.
In Europe, there will be a great demand
for workers to rebuild homes and industries
and to take part in agricultural production.
Aside from demanding German work bat-
talions, the Soviets want to get all citizens
home, including potential ones from the
lands united to the Union since World War
TI began. France will probably want to
"People don't believe
I LEARNED
SHORTHAND
N 6 WEEKS
But I did — and
HERE MS WHAT
HAPPENED!"
By Lucille L. Mealor,
49 Claremont Ave.,
New York
"I completed my Speed-
writing Course in 6
weeks. Shortly afterwards
I was employed as Sec-
retary in the Manager's
office of one of New
York's largest hotels.
After a few months I
was promoted to the
Banquet Dept. Now I am in charge of the
Banquet Department m the evenings, although
less than a year ago I had never typed or taken
dictation. I unhesitatingly recommend Speed-
writing to anyone."
No Signs — No Symbols
Uses ABC's
You, Too, Can Learn in 6 WEEKS
Easiest Shorthand for Adults
Today there are over 100,000 men and women
"making good" in better jobs in industry, busi-
ness and Civil Service who have Speedwriting
to thank for their success. These students found
— as you will — that Speedwriting was easy to
learn, accurate, and dependable, because it was
based upon the ABC's they had known since
childhood.
If you are interested in shortcutting your way
to a better job, more pay and a sound, sub-
stantial postwar future — find out what Speed-
writing is and what it can do for you.
FREE SAMPLE LESSON
Proves SPEEDWRITINC
Easy to Learn, Accurate, Dependable
The coupon below will bring you full details
and will put in your hands, absolutely FREE, a
sample Speedwriting lesson. Within a few min-
utes after receiving it you will be delighted to
find yourself able to take notes in Speedwriting
and marveling at the simplicity of this natural
method.
Any doubts you may now have in your mind as
to your ability to master Speedwriting will soon
be dispelled by this FREE lesson. It will enable
you to prove to yourself why thousands have
found it so easy to attain shorthand speed that
meets the most exacting dictation needs.
Write TODAY for FREE Book.
SCHOOL OF SPEEDWRITINC
Dent. 3503. 55 W. 42nd Street New York 18. N. Y
School of So?~dwr'ti ~e. IT.
Dept. 3503, 55 W. 42nd St.
New York 18, N. Y.
Please send details.
Name
Addre ••
City
23rd
Year
.State...
(In answering advertisements flease mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
109
bring in laborers to help rebuild the country
and may need them to expand its industries.
Furthermore, the loss of population in
battle and bombardment, by illness and pri-
vation, has been heavy in all the countries
of the continent. There is less likelihood
of emigration from them by those who can-
not find work at home than by those who
want to go abroad to mend their fortunes
or to find better opportunities or a freer
life.
If the much discussed industrial develop-
ment materializes in the Western Hem-
isphere and the British Dominions, there
will be a wide call for hands, especially for
skilled workers and good industrial man-
agers. If among the refugees there prove
to be peasants or workmen from parts of
the Soviet Union, or their kind from the
Baltic countries, or Poles or Yugoslavs of
the same type, they will doubtless be drawn
into this migration.
But ' the chances will be different for
tradespeople and intellectuals. For a decade
past, meager foreign opportunities have
been open to such. The case of older people
is similar. They will not be welcomed by
countries in the market for immigrants who
can work in industry or on farms. There
are many groups with these handicaps
among the refugees. Some of them have
relatives or friends in foreign countries
who will be glad to care for them; others
can be provided for by private organizations
so that they will not become a burden on
the public welfare funds.
Doors should be kept open for such
fugitives from war and fascism. Countries
which have not been invaded by land or sea
or air, can and should share in helping to
make their postwar settlement easier, the
fate of sufferers from the devastation over
Europe less hard.
Perhaps the worst hit of all Europeans,
especially in the East, are the Jewish refu-
gees. Palestine should be enabled to offer
opportunity for them — for those broken by
suffering and illness and for the old, as well
as for the workers with hand and brain
who can give so much to the development
of the expanding economic and cultural
life of the Jewish "Homeland."
Palestine can play a new role if it is
permitted to help give an adequate answer
to the problem of the Jewish refugee. It is
to be hoped that with improved economic
and political conditions in eastern Europe
there will be fewer refugees from there.
But if this betterment does not materialize,
Palestine will be important not only as a
haven for individuals seeking refuge but
as a help in restoring order and peace to
Europe.
The Internally Displaced
Wartime displacement is not limited to
those who cross national boundaries. There
has been a great churning inside the coun-
tries of Europe — among people dislodged
from old localities. Their numbers, too, have
been estimated at ten million; but they do
not fall within the scope of this article. They
are of international concern, nevertheless,
because they constitute a great humanitari-
an problem and because the nations united
in fighting the Axis decided and declared
in the UNRRA Agreement that they would
aid one another in repairing the wounds of
war.
Those who are thus internally displaced
remain under the control and protection of
their own national government. It has the
responsibility for relieving their needs and
returning them to their homes or resettling
them elsewhere within its borders. But it
is open to any government to request help
from UNRRA in meeting these responsi-
bilities and the Director General may ap-
portion part of his supplies to that end.
The Nazi invasion of Russia and transfer
of industry to the East by the USSR
shifted vast populations across two conti-
nents. On a lesser scale but for similar
reasons, millions of people have been going
from place to place within the boundaries
of their own countries.
This is notably true in China. It is said
that 30,000,000 Chinese have fled to the
West from the thickly settled eastern prov-
inces. Many will settle there for keeps,
American fashion. Nonetheless, the cost of
providing for the return of others, for food
during the process, for restoring farms and
rebuilding wrecked communities will
mount into enormous figures. UNRRA can
do no more than help from its limited funds
and give the Chinese authorities the counsel
of its personnel to be considered in the
light of Chinese conditions. •
A specific refugee problem is presented,
however, by some 20,000 fugitives from
COMMON SENSE IS PLANNED READING
In The March Issue
Bertram D. Wolfe
POLAND: THE UNANSWERED CHALLENGE
Aaron Levenstein
THE ARMY LIED ON MANPOWER
Owen Lattimore
FREEDOM BLOC IN ASIA
I. Raymond Walsh
BUDGET FOR AMERICA
Don Wharton
THE SOLDIER IS NO PROBLEM CHILD
Leila Sussmann —
HOW LABOR FARES ON THE RADIO
A Special 10 Months Offer — for $2.00
(regular price $2.50 per year)
My Name
Address Zone Stare
Send to Common Sense— 10 East 49th St., N. Y, IT
A MAGAZINE, like a book or a bridge, must be planned.
Common Sense is a planned magazine. It is a piece of
editorial engineering, each monthly issue designed to give
the progressive-minded reader a rounded picture of the
political and social world.
(In answering advertisements please
110
— Plus These Regular Features—
MASS MEDIA
An Analysis of Radio Print and Film in their
manipulation of Public Opinion edited by
Milton D. Stewart
PEACE IN PROCESS
Coordinating the Current Events that Shape
the Postwar World
THE MONTH IN HISTORY
The Long View on the Month's Turning
Points
SOLDIER'S FORUM
Uncensored Opinion From Men in Uniform
LEFT OF CENTER
A Digest of Significant Thought
PLUS — A Column by Stuart Chase Every Month
mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
Germany and eastern Europe, mostly Jew-
ish, who were caught in China by the war.
They had expected to go on to other coun-
tries; very few of them can establish them-
selves in China; and they will seek settle-
ment elsewhere.
Collective Concern
No canvass of the refugee situation can
give an adequate picture of the human
wretchedness and despair which forms its
background. Among the multitudes who
have suffered in this war, the refugee
stands out because, as we have seen, he
has no national home to which he can
go, no government whose duty it is to
concern itself with his fate. What be-
comes of him, then, is a matter for all
the nations and, as the adage has it,
what is the concern of all always runs
the risk of being the concern of none.
Plans with joint government backing
have been prepared. Earnest and vigor-
ous efforts have been put forth by those
charged with carrying them out. But up
to now, it cannot be said that the gov-
ernments of the United Nations have felt
strongly enough their duty to throw pro-
tection over the stateless and the refugee,
or that they as yet recognize that this
is a genuinely international question which
requires each government to do its part
at home to bring about the realization of
plans made in common.
A silver lining to this situation has
been the spirit and efficiency of volun-
tary organizations which have given free-
ly of effort and money to succor the refu-
gees. From the end of the last war to
the present, they have gathered funds, or-
ganized relief, urged public action.
Such work has been most effective when
those who espouse it have united in
agencies with experienced personnel and
definite programs. Among them can be
cited the American Friends Service Com-
mittee, the American Jewish Joint Dis-
tribution Committee, the American Red
Cross, committees of the Christian churches,
Hadassah, the Hebrew Immigrant Aid So-
ciety, the International Migration Service,
the Zionist Organization of America, and
war relief bodies. Their funds have often
been inadequate for the job to be done, but
many of them have had the permanence
which permits better use of resources
through long term planning. They have
shown prowess in breaking fresh ground
and they have demonstrated standards in
their treatment of the refugees that prove
the value of strong private agencies as
implements of our international society.
Nothing will so enhance the success of
their activity as an aroused public concern
for these victims of war and fascism who
have become men, women, and children
without a country.
On the other hand, without government
aid and government action, both in Europe
and overseas, the situation cannot be met.
And again that outcome hangs on an ar-
ticulate popular demand. American and
British leadership — by citizens and gov-
ernments alike — can set the pace in this
new epoch of transcendent need.
By
MAX
JORDAN
BEYOND
ALL FRONTS
As a newspaperman and radio representative, born and
educated in Europe, intimate of those who made the
news on the continent, Max Jordan was able to get above
and below, behind and beyond the events of the past
twenty years. His report of those occurrences is one of
the most significant, hopeful books of the war. $3.00
THE MYSTERY OF INIQUITY
By Paul Hanly Furfey
A probing of the mystery of iniquity which looks beyond the obvious,
natural causes of sin, to its very source, that creature of many masks,
Satan himself, from whom stems all the ills, chaos, and calamities with
which society is today burdened. $2.00
CHRISTIANITY IN THE MARKET-PLACE
By Michael de la Bedoyere
A fundamental diagnosis of the reason why Christianity is apparently
failing in the present crisis and an eloquent plea for bringing Christianity
back into the home, the school, the parish, and the market-place. $2.00
At your bookstore.
THE BRUCE PUBLISHING COMPANY
2203 Montgomery Bldg.
Milwaukee 1, Wis.
Don't you believe it when they gesture weakly and resignedly
declare: "But we can't do anything about it!"
We CAN Do Something About It!
Nobody but ourselves can be rightfully blamed if peace brings panic, and the war's end
only marks a new depression's beginning.
Words alone will accomplish nothing. Action must be taken. But what action? When
and how? These are questions we must answer first. Prepare yourself now to
answer them wisely. Let us all study them together.
ACTION for Human Welfare
provides the medium wherein we can all exchange views, express opinions, learn
from one another. Many are already doing this. A newcomer wrote us: "Courage
and truthfulness such as yours is like 'life-giving water in a thirsty land.' May the
multitudes drink thereof and be born again." It is the Liveliest Humanitarian
Monthly in America. $1 per year.
BIGGEST MAGAZINE BUY!
Six wonderful issues, containing the entire series, which ended in the February number,
on "The Obsolete Profit System," and sixty other inspiring articles.
Truly a wealth of reading; entertaining, informative, some of it startling, most of it
exclusive. Only 25c postpaid.
FREE! Above package, 6 issues, with one year's subscription. Enclose a dime for
two sample copies, mentioning SURVEY GRAPHIC.
ACTION PUBLISHERS, Drawer 348, Norwalk, Ohio
SEND YOUR
WASTE PAPER
TO WAR
Waste paper is our No. 1 war short-
age. Every scrap of paper you throw
away is a victory for the enemy.
Save your waste paper. Turn it in!
BLOOD DONORS
NEEDED!
+ RED CROSS plasma is saving
the lives of hundreds of wounded
soldiers and sailors. But thousands
of additional blood donors are
needed.
GIVE A PINT OF BLOOD TO SAVE A
LIFE.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
111
THE BOOKSHELF
CROUP WORK HORIZONS
1944 Yearbook and Proceedings of the A.A.S.C.W.
Edited by Saul Bernstein
Deals with major postwar responsibilities and opportuni-
ties that Kroup workers fare. Several articles define the
training and duties of leaders; others describe the youth
situation In Canada and Great Britain. Contributors in-
clude Harleish Trecher, Lucy Camer L. K. Hall, Dorothea
Sullivan. R. B. G. Davis, et al. 75c
347 Madison Ava. ASSOCIATION PRESS New York I7.N.Y.
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF NURSING
shows the part which professional nurses take in
the betterment of the world. Put it in your
library. $3.00 a year. 1790 Broadway at 58 St.,
New York, N. Y.
PRINTING
LET US PRINT YOUR PAMPHLETS. Send
for free circular giving terms. Haldeman-Julius
Company, Box P-1003, Girard, Kansas.
PROFESSIONAL SERVICES
SPECIAL articles, theses, speeches, papers. Re-
search, revision, bibliographies, etc. Over twenty
years' experience serving busy professional per-
sons. Prompt service extended. AUTHORS
RESEARCH BUREAU, 516 Fifth Avenue, New
York, N. Y.
ORIGINAL SERMONS, SPEECHES, LEC-
TURES, Club Papers, professionally prepared.
Criticism, rewriting, plotting, ghostwriting of
book-length manuscripts, short-stories, feature ar-
ticles. Testimonials galore. Printed Lectures.
Sermons and Outlines also furnished. FT*EE
Circular. Dept. "S," Continental Writers' &
Speakers' Bureau, 210 Fifth Ave., New York.
HELEN GUILES, Literary Agent. Short stories,
current articles, book manuscripts and poetry ex-
pertly criticised and marketed. 131 West 69th
Street, New York City.
MANUSCRIPT TYPING, also Stenotype Report-
ing, Mimeographing. Prompt, efficient service;
reasonable rates. ROLEN REPORTERS. 351
Pennsylvania Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y. Dickens
2-0296.
RESEARCH: Congressional Library, Government
Bureaus^, etc. Questions, literary or scientific in-
vestigations, genealogy, business errands, attended
by experts. Valuable circular, lOc. Crehore, Box
2329-G, Washington 13. D. C.
"THE COURSE IN PROFESSIONAL WRITING
offered by the University of Oklahoma (under the
supervision of Prof. W. S. Campbell, 'Stanley
Vestal') sounds so efficient and intelligent,
whether taken in person or by correspondence,
that we are tempted to refer to it many appli-
cants who wish that kind of information and
training." — The Saturday Review of Literature
(May 13. 1939 — page 21). For particulars write
STANLEY VESTAL, University of Oklahoma,
Nnrman. Oklahoma.
PHOTOGRAPHIC SERVICE
PHOTOGRAPHS, SNAPSHOTS skillfully copied,
restored. Preserve precious family photographs
and valuable papers. Inexpensive. Estimate and
detailed information on request. Joseph Bolger,
282 Maples Avenue, Oradell, New Jersey.
LANGUAGES
PHONOGRAPH COURSES. Mail Orders. All
Makes. Booklet G. LANGUAGE SERVICE, 18
East 41st St., New York 17, N. Y.
29 LANGUAGES BY LINGUAPHONE. Russian.
Spanish, Portuguese — Direct conversational
method for mastering any language quickly,
easily, correctly at home. Send for FREE book.
LINGUAPHONE INSTITUTE, 50 RCA Bldg.,
New York 20. CI 7-0830.
RUSSIAN, PORTUGUESE, Other Phonograph
Courses. New, Used. French new $15; Spanish.
52 lessons new $25. A. Alin, 475 Fifth Avenue.
New York 17.
FOREIGN LANGUAGE DICTIONARIES
DICTIONARIES AND GRAMMARS
For 1112 Languages. Catalan Free
Schaenhof's, Box 6. Harvard Square,
Cambridge. Massachusetts
COFFEE
WORKERS WANTED
SERVED FOR OVER 50 YEARS in New York's
finest restaurants. Send $1 for trial 2 Ibs. ol
this superb coffee. Specify grind. Richard H.
Toeplitz, Suite 205, 342 Madison Avenue, New
York 17, N. Y.
SPECIAL WORKER— in Jewish multiple service
case work agency to carry selected case load and
assume special responsibilities involving community
organization and interpretation. Salary range
$2400 to $3500. 7986 Survey.
BOOKPLATES
CASE WORK SUPERVISOR trained and experi-
enced to work in private child placing agency in
Ohio. Salary $3000. 8119 Survey.
FREE CATALOG, showing several hundred beau-
tiful designs.
ANTIOCH BOOKPLATES, Box 218, Yellow Springs, Ohio
PROFESSIONALLY trained and experienced so-
cial worker for director of expanding agency pro-
viding foster home care for 150 children in key
southern city. State qualifications. 8116 Survey.
INDIAN PIPE
CASE WORKER— In Midwest Metropolitan Jewish
Family Service Agency — to specialize in work
with male delinquents including service in correc-
tional institutions. Opportunity for participation
in agency and community planning in this field.
8117 Survey.
SEND a dollar bill for genuine "Powhatan" hand-
made Indian clay smoking pipe, replica famous
original Virginia antique, two long stems, his-
toric booklet, directions, enjoyment, and care.
Rustic container, postage prepaid. PAMPLIN
PIPE CO., Richmond, Virginia.
CASE WORKERS— 2 -professionally qualified who
would be interested in working in Midwestern
Jewish Family Agency. Excellent supervision,
salary and working conditions. 8118 Survey.
EMPLOYMENT AGENCY
GERTRUDE R. STEIN, INC.
AGENCY, 64 West 48th Street, New
York. Wise. 7-4961. A professional
bureau specializing in fund-raising, group
work, institutional, casework and med-
ical social work positions.
WANTED: A couple for resident position — Boys
Dormitory. Must be able to supervise school
work, recreational activities, direct the conduct
of the boys. There are housekeeping duties en-
tailed. For full details write to Superintendent,
Friendship House, 2080 Adams Avenue, Scran-
ton 9, Pa.
COUNSELORS: Men and women for Pennsylvania
camp run by Settlement House. Boys camp in
July, girls camp in August. Counselors may
work in summer town program and live at Set-
tlement during other month. Opportunity for stu-
dents interested in social work. 8113 Survey.
SITUATIONS WANTED
IMMEDIATELY AVAILABLE for position ot
case work supervisor. Professional training se-
cured at University of Denver and University ol
Chicago. Experienced in Child and Family Wel-
fare in fourteen States. Now Director of Social
Service in a Washington State Institution. Ad-
dress Box 184, Buckley, Washington.
CAMP DIRECTOR: Experienced man or woman
to direct camp in Pennsylvania run by a Settle-
ment House. Important coordination of group
work principles effected through winter program.
Prefer trained group worker with administrative
ability. 8114 Survey.
YOUNG WOMAN desires group work with chil
dren in community center, settlement house or
other progressive agency. 8120 Survey.
CASE WORKER with training and experience for
position with child placing agency in mid-west to
be responsible for foster day care program and
general foster home finding. Salary $2,220. 8115
EX-SOCIAL WORKER, trained and experienced
in children's work and with a semester in insti-
work. Small well-integrated agency preferred.
8112 Survey.
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR for community center
in suburb of Detroit. Generously supported by all
civic units in area of 15,000 population. Physical
facilities represent $125,000 investment with wide
range of service. Permanent position with excep-
tional opportunities. A very minimum of family
case work involved. Salary to start $3,500 or
more, if qualified. 8110 Survey.
MATURE WOMAN, skilled in case work treat-
ment, background supervision and executive work
(psychiatric), seeks right job — probably new ven-
ture — with strong board. Perhaps specialized
case load and some supervision. With jobs plen-
tiful, will look to pleasing climate. East of
Mississippi preferred. 8102 Survey.
MATRON WANTED: Institutional experience in
a Home for aged Jewish men and women. Please
respond with details of past experience. Jewish
Home for the Aged, 325 South Boyle Avenue,
Los Angeles 33, Calif.
WOMAN, PH.D. Political Science and Economics,
experienced research worker is interested in po-
sition in college or private social agency. 8109
Survey.
CASEWORKERS, Family Agency under Protestant
auspices. Middle West. Small specialized case
load. Salary range $1700 to $2400. State quali-
fications. 8108 Survey.
CAMP SEASON, Jewish Woman, 12 years. House-
keeper, Dietitian, Assistant Superintendent Chil-
dren's Institutions, desires camp privileges for
daughter 10, son 8, for services plus reasonable
monetary remuneration. 8107 Survey.
CATHOLIC CHARITIES an integrated Family
and Child Care Case Work Agency in need of
a trainee and experienced case worker. Good
salary. Challenging opportunity. Apply Catholic
Charities, 418 North 25th Street, Omaha 2,
Nebraska.
EXPERIENCED MEDICAL SOCIAL WORKER
wishes position Jewish Institution. 8111 Survey.
WANTED: Position in welfare institution ot
agency by experienced woman executive with
Master's Degree in Personnel and Social Sciences.
Seventeen years experience with group work
agency in large city. 8103 Survey.
COUPLE, Dutchess County Boarding School,
woman supervise cottage 30 boys, no cooking,
cleaning, washing; man help with cottage and
supervise athletics. Good salary, furnished apart-
ment, meals, garage. 4 weeks' vacation. 8106
Survey.
DIRECTOR Children's Institution, Male, unmar-
ried, experienced. B.A. Degree. Post graduate
work. Boys' institution or co-educational. Free
to go anywhere. 8105 Survey.
TWO CASE WORKERS for child and family work
in rapidly expanding Lutheran agency in Eastern
city. Requirements : Master's Degree or one year
training plus experience. Salary range: $1800-
$2400. 8083 Survey.
MAN, 35, master's degree, 13 years' experience in
case work and administration seeks executive po-
sition — juvenile court, institution or social agency.
Approximate salary $4000. 8101 Survey.
PAROLE OFFICER— Male, New York State resi-
dents. Vacancies principally in New York City.
Beginning salary $2400 plus 7*/$% war emergency
compensation. Give age, education, experience.
David Dressier, Executive Director, Box 1679,
Albany, New York.
WORKERS WANTED
WANTED: To work in the Pennsylvania Dutch
Country, Trained Child Placements Workers.
Agency small but developing. Five professional
staff positions now. Area interesting with its
steel mills, cement works, slate industry, farm
country, Bethlehem Bach Choir. Beauty of Dela-
ware and Lehigh rivers and valleys nearby. New
Hope, Poconos New York, Philadelphia close at
hand. Apply Northampton County Children's Aid
Society, 324 Drake Building, Easton, Pennsylvania.
Phone Easton 4263. Incorporated with Children's
Aid Society of Pennsylvania.
WE SERVE as a confidential clearing house
through which social workert, executives and
agencies everywhere can get in direct touch with
one another quickly and at surprisingly small
cost. A $3.00 registration fee to both employers
and applicants is our only charge. No com-
missions ! Just tell us what kind of situation you
are qualified for, location you would consider, •
etc., or give us complete details about the posi-
tion you have open. After careful crossmatching,
employers descriptions are mailed to all potential
candidates. Those interested then apply direct
to employers on special forms we furnish. Don't
run the risk of overlooking the very position or
applicant you might be most interested in ! Take
advantage of the increased selection our low fees
and streamlined service creates. Central Registry
Service, 109 South Stanwood, Columbus 9, Ohio.
WANTED: MEN CAMP LEADERS— TEACH-
ERS, as Counselors in a co-educational so-called
"progressive" camp. Single or married, with or
without children, if one and all are capable of,
and interested in, sharing the responsibilities for
the continued development of a sound guidance
program in a truly cooperative, democratic camp
community, for the summer of 1945. 8056 Survey.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
112
PENNSYLVANIA SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK
(Affiliated with the University of Pennsylvania)
Professional Education For
Social Administration
Social Case Work
Social Group Work
Social Research
Fall Semester, 1945-46, opens October 2, 1945.
Applications received after February 1, 1945.
Summer Institute, June 11 — June 23.
Announcement available February 15.
Address, Secretary for Admissions
2410 Pine Street
Philadelphia 3, Penna.
SIMMONS COLLEGE
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK
Professional Education Leading to the degree of M.S.
Medical Social Work
Psychiatric Social Work
Community Work
Family and Child Welfare
Public Assistance
Social Research
Catalog will be sent on request.
18 Somerset Street Beacon Hill, Boston
SURVEY GRAPHIC READERS
are invited to make use of our Book Order Department to
order books of any and all publishers. They will be sent
postage free anywhere in the United States. Send list to
Book Order Department
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.
112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
THE NEW YORK SCHOOL
OF SOCIAL WORK
Columbia University
SUMMER INSTITUTES 1945
Twelve institutes, open to practicing social workers
will be offered in three, two-week periods:
July 9-20, July 23-August 3, August 6-17.
These institutes deal with very current problems in
all fields of social work, for example the experi-
ence of the New York City Veterans' Service Cen-
ter, and problems which face communities with the
return of their veterans. Two institutes empha-
size psychiatric work with children and problems
in the child welfare field.
For details and for a list of all the institutes write
the registrar of the School.
122 East 22nd Street
New York 10 N. Y.
SMITH COLLEGE
SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL WORK
A Graduate Professional School Offering a Program
of Social Work Education Leading to the Degree of
Master of Social Science.
Academic Year Opent June, 1943
The Accelerated Course provides two years of
academic credits, covering two quarters of theory,
three quarters of field practice in selected social
agencies, and the writing of a thesis.
The demand is urgent for qualified social workers to
meet the complex problems of postwar rehabilitation.
SMITH COLLEGE STUDIES IN SOCIAL WORK
Content! for December 1944
Medical Social Work in the Vocational Rehabilitation
Program Eleanor Cockerill
A Task for Social Work in Connection with Psychiatric
Rehabilitation Helen W'ttmer and Phebe Rich
Abstracts of Theses: Smith College School for Social Work,
1944
For further information write to
THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8
Northampton, Massachusetts
Coming in the Months Ahead
Special numbers .aa the \ ;me
service of Survey Gra^ In May comes
the 10th of our CALLIM5 AMERICA
series — which, since Munich, have reached
a combined distribution of half a million :
THE BRITISH AND OURSELVES
— An adventure in common understand-
ing in what may be our last great chance
to shape the future of the world.
Written by Americans for Americans,
this May special will deal with a new
England tempered by war years — with
the British system from London to Mont-
real, Sydney to Cape Town. It will trace
wartime team plays from joint boards to
the fighting fronts — coming to grips with
issues and things in common. Here are
ten of the contributors:
John G. Winant, U. S. Ambassador to London
Herbert Agar, founder, Freedom House, editor,
Louisville Courier-Journal
Joseph Barnei, foreign editor, N. Y. Herald
Tribune
I 7/1 H. Bennett, chief, U. S. Soil Conserva-
';on Service, back from mission to South
Africa
Henry Steele Commager, Columbia; lecturer,
University of Cambridge
David Cushman Coyle, engineer, author of
"America,"
Vera Mickeies Dean, research director, For-
eign Policy Association.
Lewis S. Gannett, N. Y. Herald Tribune; back
from Western front.
John MacCormac, author of "America: Can-
ada's Problem"
William L. Batt, Combined Production and
Resources Board
SURVEY
GRAPHIC
ELVES
Home last fall from overseas service
(OWI-London), this project was out-
lined by Victor Weybright who, as our
managing editor, had handled earlier spe-
cials. He nas since gathered a symposium
by representative Britishers. Nine —
Sir William Beveridge, Liberal M.P.
Sir Kenneth Clark, director, National Gallery
W. Manning Dacey, editor, The Banker
Captain Quentin Hogg, Tory Reform Group
Harold J. Laski, chairman, Labour Pari-J
Conference £* S
Dowager Lady Reading, chmn., Womtr- S'
Voluntary Service ' ^ o
James J. Mallon, warden of Toynbee Ha £ X
Lord Vansittart, formerly British Fore?* 2,
Office .>£•
Prof. George Trevelyan, historian
ONE MONTH AFTER ANOTHER
THE FUTURE IS ALREADY HERE
— a series of mind-stretching articles on
scientific discovery speeded up by the war
— examining how synthetics, television,
penicillin, helicopters will bring swift
changes in our ways of life. Transpor-
tation in the Air Age by William F.
Ogburn (February), will be followed by
Electronics: the Mind of the Machine by
Waldemar Kaempffert; — Drugs and
Plasma: the new Life Savers by lago
Galdston of the New York Academy of
Medicine; — Public Health: new Levels
of Prevention and Care by C. E. A.
Winslow, Yale Medical School ; — and
Television : and the new Communciations
by Robert W. King, Bell Laboratories.
BRIDGES TO THE FUTURE— be-
ginning now, our readers will see the
tough process of liquidating the war and
fabricating security through the eyes of
James T. Shotwell, historian of World
War I; chairman, Commission to Study
the Organization of Peace.
HEALTH OF TOMORROW— begin-
ning now, also, Survey Graphic readers
are alive to extension of medical care as a
prime focus of wartime and postwar con-
cern— through the eyes of Michael M.
n of Committee on Re-
cal Economics.
URVEV
GRAPHIC
RIVERS AND POSTWAR RE-
VIVAL— Watersheds are coigns of van-
*f"°. through "multiple purpose develop-
ment." Earlier instalment ! >rris L.
Cooke, consultant) dealc with TVA
and Muscle Shoals in wartime; with the
campaign of newspaper editors up and
down "The Big Muddy"; the dramatic
story of the Niger in French West Africa.
Later articles range from California's
Central Valley to the "Blue" Danube.
LETTERS AND LIFE— Hurry Han-
sen, long distinguished in the goodly com-
pany of the master reviewers, writes of
their social implications.
CURRENT ARTICLES
"Peace and Bread" — John Dewey, American
philosopher, underwrites Jane Addams' in-
sight that democracy rather than coercion
should be the basis of any international or-
ganization that will last.
Fugitives from Fascism by Joseph P. Cham-
berlain. An international authority deals not
with displaced Europeans, but with genuine
refugees, their challenge to all of us.
Rehabilitation of Psychiatric War Casualties
— portrayed by Dr. Thomas A. Rennie, at-
tending psychiatrist, New York Hospital.
Mississippi's "Ordinary American" by Kath-
ryn Close, associate editor. A portrait of Earl
Finch, living symbol of Uncle Sam to Jap-
anese-Americans.
From Patch Work to Purpose by Leon H.
Keyserling, counsel for the Federal Housing
Agency. The significance of the "Full Em-
ployment Bill of 1945" proposing a national
production and employment budget.
"Full Employment in a Free Society" — Max-
well S. Stewart, editor, Public Affairs Pamph-
lets, will bring home the meaning to us of
Sir William Beveridge's new thesis that citi-
zens can outdo dictators.
Posttaar Taxes and Full Employment by
Mabel Newcomer. A Vassar economist as-
sesses fiscal proposals now to the fore.
On the Calendar of Our Conscience by Justine
and Shad Polier. Promise and pitfalls we face
in legislation to outlaw discrimination by both
employers and unions.
Northern City—vnth a Southern Exposure.
One community's adventure — by Roger Wil-
liam Riis, roving editor, Reader's Digest.
Roads to Alcoholism by Dr. Abraham Myer-
son. A Harvard psychiatrist portrays wh»t
social pressures cause excessive drinking.
Joe Doakes, Patriot, by Miriam Allen deFord.
What men behind the bars at San Quentin
are putting into the war.
jqpRIL
SURVEV
3O CE NTS fl COPY
GRAPHIC
7 1945
LOGICAL
China's Pursuit of Light
By Li Hwa
Harry Honsen— Books on Eastern Asia— Bruno Lasker
From Yalta to San Francisco'— James T. Shotwell
Public Health in the Postwar World— C.-E. A. Winslow
Coercion vs. Democracy
The Realism of Jane Addams interpreted by John Dewey
"TELEVISION"
'We
re helped television get born and we've
helped it grow.
"We made television sending and receiv-
ing apparatus back in 1927 and worked it
by wire between Washington and New York
City and by radio between Whippany, New
Jersey, and New York.
"We can transmit television over wire
lines and by radio. We produced the coaxial
cable, which is particularly adapted to tele-
vision. We have some coaxial installed now
and are installing more. We are also setting
up a micro-wave radio-relay circuit.
"Whatever television needs from us for
transmission, we'll be prepared. It might be
a network of cables or radio beams or both.
"We explore the field in order to do our
part — which is the transmission of television
from place to place, just as we furnish trans-
mission for the radio networks now.
"We're going to keep on studying all
methods— and use the best."
BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM
Listen to "THE TELEPHONE HOUR"
every Monday evening over NBC
Among Ourselves
WHEN ON MARCH 12, Gov. THOMAS E. DEWEY
signed the Ives-Quinn bill at Albany, New
York became the first state to define the right
to employment free trom racial or religious
discrimination as a "civil right." The new legis-
lation has been widely commended as a sig-
nificant victory in the fight for democracy
at home. Anti-discrimination legislation is now
pending in seven other states — Ohio, Cali-
fornia, Illinois, Pennsylvania, New Jersey,
Massachusetts, and Connecticut. New York's
action is also reported to have strengthened
the hands of congressional supporters of fed-
eral legislation to set up a permanent Fair
Employment Practice Commission.
Meanwhile at Albany a companion bill,
needed for successful enforcement of the Ives-
Quinn measure, has been adopted and signed.
This proposal, which was included in the
recommendations of the Temporary Commis-
sion Against Discrimination, gives the state
attorney general power to assist and, if neces-
sary, to supersede local prosecutors in enforc-
ing all state laws against racial or religious
discrimination. (See "On the Calendar of Our
Consciences" by Justine and Shad Polier, Feb-
ruary Survey Graphic.)
"As:A ON THE MOVE," BY BRUNO LASKER, ONE
time managing editor of Survey Graphic, is
the March selection of the Scientific Book
Club. Mr. Lasker is now research secretary of
the American Council of the Institute of Pa-
cific Relations. "Asia on the Move" is reviewed
on page 135 of this issue.
Election Returns
JUST TOO LATE TO BE REPORTED LAST MONTH
came the results of the nationwide election to
select a collective bargaining agent for Western
Union employes under the National Labor
Relations Act. Some of the issues at stake were
defined and discussed in Survey Graphic for
January ("Labor Problem With a Future" by
Diana Lewars). In the voting, the American
Federation of Labor won over the CIO
in virtually every area except New York City.
The three AFL unions, the Commercial Tele-
graphers' Union, International Brotherhood of
Electrical Workers, and the Federal Labor
Union, had previously made a jurisdictional
agreement, and were designated as the collec-
tive bargaining agents on that basis. The elec-
tion was the outgrowth of the merger of
Western Union and Postal Telegraph, ordered
by the Federal Communications Commission.
Some 60,000 workers were involved.
In March Survey Midmonthly
Babies on the Market by Maud Morloc\
Figures, Fantasies, and Facts
by Elbert L. Hooker
Training for Practice by John A. Reimers
Birth of a Council by Nell Whaley
A Welfare Staff Plays 'Truth"
by G. J. Klupar
Instead of Jail by William J. Ellis
Coming in April
What Is UNRRA Doing?
by Fred K. Hoehler
Vol. XXXIV
CONTENTS
No. 4
Survey Graphic for April 1945
Cover: Pursuit of Light by Li Htva. From "China in Elac\ and White"
John Dewey: Photographic Study by Joseph Breitenbach 116
Peace and Bread: An appreciation of Jane Addams insight JOHN DEWEY 117
Public Health in the Postwar World C.-E. A. WINSLOW 1 19
From Yalta to the Golden Gate JAMES T. SHOTWELL 123
Farmers Must Go Fishing MICHAEL M. DAVIS 125
They Can Be Made Over ELSIE McCoRMicK 127
China in Wartime: Woodcuts 130
Letters and Life: Special Section featuring bool(s on Eastern Asia 131
The West and the Far East HARRY HANSEN 131
China from the Bottom Up BRUNO LASKER 132
Reviews by: JOE j. MICKLE • KINGSLEY DAVIS • RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR. •
M. L. WILSON * WILLIAM A. NEILSON * HAROLD W. DODDS • 1ST LT. RICHARD
PATRICK KELLOGG
Copyright, 194S, by Survey Associates, Inc. All rights reserved.
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.
Publication Office: 34 North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburg, Pa.
Editorial and Business Office, 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
Chairman of the Board, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN; president, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, Ji.; vice-
presidents, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, AGNES BROWN LEACH; tecrttary, ANN REED BRENNIR.
Board of Directors: DOROTHY LEHMAN BERNHARD, JACOB BILLIKOPF, NELLIE LEE BOK, JOSEPH
P. CHAMBERLAIN, EVA HILLS EASTMAN, EARL G. HARRISON, SIDNEY HILLMAN, FRED K. HOEHLER,
BLANCHE ITTLESON, ALVIN JOHNSON, WILLIAM W. LANCASTER, AGNES BROWN LEACH, WILLIAM M.
LEISERSON, THOMAS I. PARKINSON, JUSTINE WISE POLIER, WILLIAM ROSENWALD, BEARDSLEY RUML,
EDWARD L. RYERSON, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR., LOWELL SHUMWAY, HAROLD H. SWIFT, ORDWAY
TEAD.
Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.
Associate editors: BEULAH AMIDON, ANN REED BRENNER, BRADLEY BUELL. HELEN CHAMBERLAIN.
KATHRYN CLOSE, MICHAEL M. DAVIS, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, HAXKY HANSEN, FLORENCE LOEB KEL-
LOGG, LOULA D. LASKER, VICTOR WEYBRIGHT, LEON WHIPPLE. Contributing editon: HELEN CODY
BAKER, JOANNA C. COLCORD, EDWARD T. DEVINE, RUSSELL H. KORTZ, ALAIN LOCKE, MARY Ross,
GERTRUDE SPRINGER.
Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINCER; Circulation manager, MOLLIE CONDON; Advertising
manager, MARY R. ANDERSON; Field representatives, ANNE ROLLER ISSLER, DOROTHY PUTNEY.
Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue, 20c a
copy. By subscription — Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year — Foreign 50c;
Canadian 75c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor Articles, Public
Affairs Information Service, Quarterly Cumulative Index Medicus.
Survey Midmonthly published on the 15th of the month. Single copies 30c. By subscription —
Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year — Foreign 50c; Canadian 75c.
Joint subscription to Survey Graphic and Survey Midmonthly: Year, $5.
Cooperative Membership in Survey Associates, Inc., including a joint subscription: Year, $10.
BY V-MAIL FROM SHAEF COME HEARTWARMING
words written to our Book Review editor by
Major Irving Dilliard, in his civilian days an
editorial writer for the St. Louis Post-Dispatch,
and an occasional contributor of articles
and book reviews to Survey Graphic: "My
thanks for the two books for review. They
have just come and you haven't any idea how
good it is to open a package of American
books over here in snowbound France and
to speculate a bit on them and to turn through
the pages. . . . Rufus Terral recently sent me
a copy of Survey Graphic with his Missouri
Valley article. ["Big Magic for the Big Muddy"
in the September number.] It was a good job
and so was the whole issue. How do you
maintain such a high level over the years?"
Human Test Tubes
How WAR'S NECESSITIES SPEED SCIENTIFIC RE-
search in the control of epidemics and the
furtherance of public health is told on page
119 by Dr. C.-E. A. Winslow of the Yale
Medical School. It is a swiftly moving story,
the chapters of which often are front page
news. Thus as Dr. Winslow's article went to
the printer, The New Yor% Times carried a
stirring account of how nearly 800 prisoners
in three of the country's leading penal insti-
tutions have since March 1944 been volunteer-
ing as "living test tubes."
With the certainty of disease and discom-
fort, the risk of permanent impairment, and
even death, the prisoners have permitted them-
selves to be infected, then given experimental
doses of little understood drugs. The drugs
are being developed by American chemists,
enlisted in the fight against the worldwide
scourge of malaria. As Dr. Winslow points
out, quinine and atabrine are effective in
suppressing the symptoms of the disease; the
quest is for a drug capable of actually curing
or preventing malaria. The nature of the
new drug or drugs is still a closely guarded
secret of the division of medical sciences of
the National Research Council. But as the
Times writer points out, "the stage of large
scale human testing is regarded in itself as
indicating diat the long sought goal is close
to realization."
JOHN DEWEY
Photographic Study by Joseph Breitenbach
S U RVEV
PHIC
Peace and Bread
The realism of JANE ADDAMS interpreted by
JOHN DEWEY
American philosopher and long time friend and associate at Hull House,
a great contemporary of its founder hails a re-edition of her book of
a quarter century ago.* Writing on international organization for the
first time in World War II, he subscribes to her living conception of
Democracy vs. Coercion
THE REPUBLICATION OF "Peace and Bread"
is peculiarly timely. Jane Addams' book is
a record, searching and vivid, of human
aspects of the First World War. It gives
a picture of the development of American
sentiment from 1914 to 1922, the year of
its first publication. It is a forceful re-
minder of things that would be unfor-
gettable, did we not live on the surface
of the current of the day's events.
Her book takes us through the earliest
period when that war seemed remote and
unreal, and the American public reacted
with incredulity and exasperation; through
the phase of gradual hardening into sullen
acceptance of war as a fact; to the time
when, after a delay of two and a half
years, we responded to the declaration of
war with enthusiastic participation in
which the earlier all but universal pacifism
was treated as cowardly retreat or as
actively treasonable; and then through the
postwar years of disillusionment and reac-
tion.
These facts the older ones among us have
largely forgotten and the younger ones
never knew. The picture the book gives
would be of great present value if it merely
communicated the warning and gave the
instruction provided by traits common to
the First World War and to the present
war which now afflicts the world on an
even greater scale.
But the warning and the instruction are
increased rather than diminished, when we
include in the reckoning certain matters
which make the American attitude and
response during the present war very dif-
ferent from that of thirty years ago, and
. that of the eight or ten years immediately
following. A brief statement of some of
these differences will, I think, disclose the
nature of the increased timeliness.
Conditions at home as well as abroad
produced a reaction to the outbreak of the
European war in 1939 very different from
that which greeted the events of 1914. Even
only eight years after that date Miss
Addams could write,
"It is impossible now to reproduce that
basic sense of desolation, of suicide, of
anachronism, which the first news of war
brought to thousands of men and women
who had come to consider war as a throw-
back in the scientific sense."
And she could also write, "It is very
difficult after five years of war to recall
the attitude of most normal people during
those first years" — years when the reaction
against war "was almost instantaneous
throughout the country."
Characteristics of the Change
What was difficult then is practically
impossible now. Instead, we have an ac-
centuation of that later development when,
as Miss Addams wrote in 1922, "We have
perforce become accustomed to a world of
widespread war with its inevitable conse-
quences of divisions and animosities."
It is characteristic of the change that,
while some thirty years ago the idea of a
war to end wars could be taken seriously,
we now indulge only in the modest hope
of being able to establish a peace that
will last a generation or two. Even more
significant is the change in the attitude of
*From an anniversary edit inn of "Peace and
Bread in Time of War" by Jane Addams; with a
new introductory essay by John Dewey on "Demo-
cratic Versus Coercive International Organization:
the Realism of Jane Addams."
The anniversary is tlie thirtieth of the Women's
International League for Peace and Freedom, which
MUs Addams helped to found in April 1915, and
did so much to make significant in the succeeding
twenty years as international president.
To be published this month by King's Crown Press
— a division of Columbia University Press. Price $2.
those who have opposed our taking part in
the two wars.
In the case of the first war, it was the
sense of the stupidity and immorality of
war as war that animated the opposition.
In the case of the present war, vocal
opposition came most conspicuously from
the nationalistic isolationism that wanted
to keep us out of the devastation of war,
while those who favored participation for
the most part took the ground of moral
obligation.
There is, I believe, nothing paradoxical
in saying that such differences as these,
great as they are, increase, instead of lessen,
the warning and instruction, the timeliness,
of the book Miss Addams wrote almost a
quarter of a century ago.
The warning is against adoption and use
of methods which are so traditional that we
are only too likely to adopt them — methods
which are called "Terms of Peace," but
which in fact are but terms of a precarious
interim between wars.
The instruction concerns the need for
adoption of methods which break with
political tradition, which courageously ad-
venture in lines that are new in diplomacy
and in the political relations of govern-
ments, and which are consonant with the
vast social changes going on everywhere
else.
The term "pacifist" has unfortunately
assumed a more restricted meaning during
recent years. It used to apply to all per-
sons who hoped and worked for a world
free from the curse of war. It has now
come to stand almost exclusively for those
who are opposed to war under any and all
conditions.
On the other hand, the significance of
the phrase "Peace Movement" has deep-
ened. It used to stand for something
117
which upon the whole was negative, for an
attitude that made it easy to identify paci-
fism with passivism. A large measure of
credit for producing this latter change must
go to Jane Addams.
Dynamics of Peace
In her book "The Newer Ideals of
Peace," published some years before the out-
break of World War I, she set forth aims
and methods that are so intimately con-
nected with "Peace and Bread" that the
two books form a whole. The aims and
methods set forth in both are of a kind
that more than justify her in referring to
them as "vital and dynamic."
Their nature may be gathered from the
vigor with which she repudiated accusa-
tions that were freely and ungenerously
brought against her and her fellow-workers.
Speaking of the state of affairs before the
First World War, she wrote,
"The world was bent on change, for it
knew that the real denial and surrender of
life is not physical death but acquiescence
in hampered conditions and unsolved prob-
lems. . . .
"We pacifists, so far from passively
wishing nothing to be done, contended on
the contrary that this world crisis should
be utilized for the creation of an inter-
national government able to make the neces-
sary political and economic changes which
were due; ... it was unspeakably stupid
that the nations should fail to create an
international government through which
each one, without danger to itself, might
recognize and even encourage the impulses
toward growth in other nations."
And again she wrote,
"We were constantly accused of wishing
to isolate the United States and to keep our
country out of world politics. We were
of course urging a policy exactly the reverse,
that this country should lead the nations
of the world into a wider life of coordi-
nated political activity."
Miss Addams repeatedly called attention
to the fact that all social movements outside
of traditional diplomacy and "international
law" had been drawing the peoples of
different countries together in ever closer
bonds, while war, under modern condi-
tions, was affecting civilian populations as
it had never done before.
Both of these factors have immensely in-
creased since she wrote. The futility of
dependence upon old methods, which is
referred to in the passage just quoted, has
correspondingly increased. Many persons,
among whom the present writer enrolls
himself, who are not pacifists in the abso-
lute sense in which Miss Addams was one,
believe that she has clearly indicated the
directions which all peace efforts must take
if they are not to be doomed in advance
to futility.
Miss Addams remarks in "Peace and
Bread" that "Social advance depends as
much upon the process through which it
is secured as upon the result itself." When
one considers the intimately human quality
of her writings, it sounds pedantic to say
that this sentence conveys a philosophy, one
which underlies what she has to say about
war and the conditions of enduring peace.
But the human quality of her position and
proposals in this case is a philosophy that
gives the key to understanding her.
Peace — A Democratic Process
Her dynamic and vital contribution to
the Peace Movement is her insistence upon
the necessity of international organization.
Today the idea has become commonplace.
The Wilsonian League of Nations at least
accomplished that much. We are assured
from all quarters that the Second World
War is being fought in order to achieve
an organization of nations that will main-
tain peace. But when we ask about the
process that is depended upon, we find the
word "organization" covers very different
things.
The process that looms largest in current
discussions is "political" action, by which
we usually mean governmental and legal
action, together with coercive economic
measures. Miss Addams does employ the
word "political." But the context invariably
shows that she uses it in a wide human
sense. And while this usage of hers confers
upon the word a moral, and in so far an
idealistic, significance, her attitude is in fact
much more realistic than is the attitude that
puts its trust in "organization" of the tra-
ditional political type.
For one can say, with as much justice
as is consonant with brevity, that to trust
to traditional political "organization" to
create peaceful relations between nations
involves reliance upon just that exaggerated
nationalistic and power politics that has
brought the world to its present pass.
In contrast, the process of organization
upon which Miss Addams would have us
depend is one which cuts across national-
istic lines. Moreover, instead of setting up
a super-state, it also cuts under those lines.
Its nature is indicated in a passage which
follows the one already quoted, in which
she expressed the desire that the United
States take the lead in guiding the world
"into a wider life of coordinated political
activity."
What fits the United States, Miss
Addams holds, for assuming this leadership
is precisely the fact that democratic develop-
ment in this country has in fact increasingly
cut under and cut across barriers of race
and class. In nothing is Miss Addams'
book more timely than in its sense of the
positive values contributed by our immi-
grant populations. The pattern of Amer-
ican life, composed of multiple and diversi-
fied peoples, hostile in the countries from
which they came but living in reasonable
amity here, can and should be used to pro-
vide the pattern of international organiza-
tion.
One of the ironies of the present situation
is that a war caused in large measure by
deliberate Nazi provocation of racial and
class animosity has had the effect in this
country of stimulating the growth of racial
fear and dislike, instead of leading to intel-
ligent repudiation of Nazi doctrines of hate.
The heart of the democratic movement,
as Miss Addams saw and felt it, is "to
replace coercion by the full consent of the
governed, to educate and strengthen the
free will of the people through the use of
democratic institutions" in which "the cos-
mopolitan inhabitants of this great nation
might at last become united in a vast
common endeavor for social ends." Since
the United States had demonstrated on a
fairly large scale the practicability of this
method, Miss Addams put her faith in
extension of the democratic process to the
still wider world of peoples.
Old Welding and New
Its exact opposite she found in the use of
"opposition to a common enemy, which is
an old method of welding peoples to-
gether," a method "better fitted to military
than to social use, adapted to a government
resulting from coercion rather than one
founded by free men."
There are today many persons, not paci-
fists in the present technical sense, who will
believe that Miss Addams' book is timely
because it points directly to the source of
the failure of the hopes so ardently enter-
tained a generation ago. Men then thought
they could attain peace through an inter-
national organization of the traditional
political kind, which relies more upon coer-
cive force than upon constructive meeting
of human needs.
When I try to formulate what Miss
Addams wrote informally yet clearly, I
come out with a sense of the difference
between two methods and attitudes:
On one hand, we can trust to an inter-
national political organization of an over-
all type to create the organs it requires.
On the other hand, we can rely upon
organs that have been formed to take care
of human needs (including the need for
change) to develop in the course of their
own use an organization which can be
depended upon, because it has become in-
grained in practice.
If history has proved anything, it is, I
believe, that only the latter kind of organ-
ization is so "vital and dynamic" as to
endure, while the former kind is likely
to yield a mechanical structure of forces
so uncertainly "balanced" as to be sure to
collapse when old stresses and strains recur
in new shapes.
It has become customary to give the
name "realistic" to the kind of organiza-
tion that is based upon opposition to an
enemy and that relies upon armed force to
maintain itself. In contrast, the road indi-
cated by Miss Addams is, I submit, infi-
nitely more "realistic."
There are chapters in "Peace and Bread,"
notably the fourth and the tenth, which
supply material that makes concrete and
definite the difference between processes or
organizations of the traditional political-
legal type, with their emphasis upon force
— already war in posse — and the human
and socially humane processes to which
Miss Addams appealed for help.
Her Faith— and Its Pole
The formation of UNRRA, even while
this war is being waged, is, as far as it
goes, a recognition of the "Food Chal-
lenge" for world organization. The energy
with which we use and extend this kind
of process as the working model for other
(Continued on page 138)
118
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Signal Corp*
In Pacific jungles today, in the American homeland tomorrow, we have a decisive new weapon, DDT, for the fight against malaria
Public Health in the Postwar World
With sanitary isolationism ended forever by the airplane — science and technol-
ogy now put within man's reach new levels of cooperation and global health.
WORLD WAR II HAS CONFRONTED, us WITH
public health problems of major impor-
tance— problems which as a nation we have
never been forced to meet before.
In 1898 we had only to deal with the
menace of flies and the improper disposal
of excreta in Florida and Cuba and we did
not pass even this simple test satisfactorily,
since one out of five of our soldiers con-
tracted typhoid fever.
In 1918, the world pandemic of influ-
enza struck military and civilian popula-
tions alike; and public health science had
no effective answer to that problem.
In the present conflict we face infinitely
greater difficulties in protecting the health
of our armies. We have been operating in
Central Africa and the South Pacific — the
most fever-ridden jungles of the earth. We
have had to face malaria at its worst, amebic
and bacillary dysentery, dengue fever and
scrub typhus, the newly highlighted infec-
tious jaundice, and many another disease
which most American scientists have
known only from their textbooks.
C.-E. A. WINSLOW
From this ordeal, the army and the navy
have emerged with a success which forms a
truly glorious chapter in the history of
public health. The deathrate from disease
in our army had reached an all-time low
of 3.1 per 1,000 in 1939 and fell still fur-
ther in the next three years.
— By the Anna M. R. Lauder Professor
of Public Health in the Yale Medical
School, and director of the John B.
Pierce Laboratory of Hygiene. An out-
standing American authority in the pub-
lic health field, Dr. Winslow has dealt
with international health problems as
general medical director of the League
of Red Cross Societies, expert assessor
of the Health Committee of the League
of Nations, member of the board of
scientific directors of the International
Health Division of the Rockefeller
Foundation.
This article is the third in our series,
"The Future is Already Here."
In spite of — and because of — this bril-
liant record of military medicine, the ex-
perience of the armed forces has real signifi-
cance from the standpoint of the health of
our civilian population in the postwar
period. In many of the Pacific Islands, our
troops have been effectively protected
against the development of malaria only
by continuous treatment with quinine or
atabrine. Many of them will, however, have
received infection and — when the suppres-
sive drug treatment ceases — they will come
down with the disease. Statistics already
show a five-fold increase in malaria re-
ported from our northern states during the
winter months. It is probable that tens,
perhaps hundreds, of thousands of such
relapses will occur when all our troops
return. They will serve as sources of epi-
demics wherever our own malaria-bearing
mosquitoes are not effectively controlled.
Conquest of Insect Enemies
At this point, however, some of the most
dramatic new advances of public health
APRIL 1945
119
Corps
Dusting clothing with DDT in Naples last year. Deadly typhus was "licked in a week"
I". S. Public Health Service
PHS doctors examine incoming air travelers at Miami for symptoms of tropical disease
science have come to our aid. The Pre-
ventive Medicine Service of the Office of
the Surgeon-General of the Army (under
the direction of Brigadier-General J. S.
Simmons) was, even before Pearl Harbor,
making an intensive study of materials
which would destroy insect pests and of
others which would serve as repellents to
keep such pests away from the soldier.
Early in 1933, when the situation was ren-
dered critical by the cutting off of sources
of insecticidal substances from the Dutch
East Indies and the failure of crops yielding
similar substances in East Africa, a mate-
rial now known as "DDT" was sent to the
government laboratories for test. This mir-
acle substance, it was found, kills flies,
mosquitoes, lice, fleas, bedbugs. It can be
used in the form of a powder dusted into
the clothing for the destruction of lice;
or the clothing itself may be impregnated
with the substance. It can be dusted onto
water from an airplane to kill larval
mosquitoes; or sprayed in liquid solution
into the air to destroy adult mosquitoes. It
can be painted on to the wall of a house
or stable and will kill any insect which
lights upon it. It may persist on clothing
or on a wall in toxic strength for months.
In the past, deadly epidemics of typhus
fever have always followed in the wake of
armies. Typhus decimated the troops of
Napoleon in the retreat from Moscow.
Typhus caused millions of deaths in the
Soviet Union after 1918. But when it broke
out in Naples a year ago, DDT licked it in
a week. General Simmons has said that
this substance "is the war's greatest con-
tribution to the future health of the world."
Long before the beginning of recorded
history, there began a world war between
the human race and its insect enemies. In
this age-long conflict it appears science has
at last given our side a weapon which
ensures decisive victory.
It will be our responsibility after the
war to see that these new discoveries are
applied for the protection of the civilian
population. Particularly in the case of ma-
laria, will this be essential. It is out of the
question to quarantine all the malaria car-
riers returning from the Far East. Our only
effective safeguard is to render our home-
land non-infectible. There are serious foci
of malarial mosquitoes in 68 counties of
the United States; and the U. S. Public
Health Service has outlined a program
costing $15,000,000 a year for at least five
years and $1,000,000 a year thereafter for
their control. It will be well worth the
cost.
New Weapons in an Old Fight
In the first World War, the most serious
causes of disability in the armed forces
were the venereal diseases. After the close
of hostilities, syphilis and gonorrhea as-
sumed almost epidemic proportions in
civilian populations all over the world.
During recent months the incidence rate
of these diseases has risen, both in the
services and at home. The condition is,
however, by no means so serious as one
might assume from reports of a 25 percent
or 50 percent increase, here or there, since
these percentage increases are estimated on
initially low rates. The combined incidence
rate of the venereal diseases in the army
in 1942 (under 40 per 1,000 per year) was
less than half the lowest annual rate for
our army in World War I.
Furthermore, we have, in this case also,
new and effective weapons in the war
against disease. Dr. George Baehr of New
York has said: "The recent introduction
of rapid treatment methods for early
syphilis has made it possible for the first
time to eliminate the disease. The five-day
drip technique for massive arsenotherapy,
and subsequent modifications, with and
without the artificial induction of fever,
can cure 80 to 90 percent of patients with
early syphilis. . . . The results of penicillin
treatment are at least as good as massive
arsenotherapy, and there are no toxic effects
whatever. Eighty to 90 percent of all pa-
tients with early syphilis can be rendered
non-infectious and perhaps cured within a
week."
These are new procedures and there will
certainly be limitations to their usefulness;
but they promise to reduce the treatment
period for syphilis to days or weeks instead
of months or years. As to gonorrhea, heat
treatment and the use of sulfa drugs and
penicillin have now given us prompt and
effective methods of treatment for a disease
which presented an almost hopeless prob-
lem in the past.
New drugs, however powerful, will not,
unfortunately, apply themselves. If we are
to avoid epidemics of syphilis and gon-
orrhea after the war, we must more full)
activate our local community machinery
for the control of commercialized vice on
the one hand and our public health ma-
120
SURVEY GRAPHIC
chinery for the eradication of syphilis and
gonorrhea on the other. The crowding of
lonely male and female workers into mush-
room munition towns and the return of
soldiers and sailors starved for sex satis-
faction cannot fail to create grave problems.
We shall need far more extensive and
adequate free treatment facilities than we
now possess; and we shall need vigorous
and continued epidemiological work for
the discovery of sources of infection and
the prompt treatment of carriers. Even
with the older methods of control, syphilis
in 1940 was as rare a disease in Stockholm
as typhoid fever was in New York.
What Sweden did, we — with our new
weapons — can accomplish.
Tuberculosis — Unfinished Business
A century ago, our large cities had tuber-
culosis deathrates of 400 per 100,000 popu-
lation. Today, many of them have rates of
40. In smaller communities, rates below 20
are reported. Yet tuberculosis still ranks
as our seventh or eighth cause of death.
The major problem which confronts us,
in this case, is early diagnosis; but this term
no longer means the diagnosis of clinical
disease by fever and a cough and loss of
weight. It means diagnosis before clinical
disease occurs at all — diagnosis through the
magic of the X-ray. In many individuals,
tuberculosis can be arrested even after clin-
ical symptoms have appeared. In other
instances, it is by that time too late. The
keystone of our program must be the dis-
covery of early lesions in the lung at a
time when the keenest diagnostician with
his stethoscope can observe no clinical ab-
normality.
Again, the army and navy have given
us a lead in this respect. For the first time
in history, we have a record of X-ray find-
ings for every young man of military age
as a result of the selective service pro-
cedures. In some — but by no means all —
communities, civilian health authorities
have seen to it that infected persons in
this group were brought under care in a
stage ideally suited for treatment. In cer-
tain states, comprehensive programs for
the X-raying of employes in industrial
Lunch in a plant cafeteria. Nutrition
establishments have been organized. A few
smaller communities have undertaken a
similar survey of their entire populations.
Grants which have been made available
from a $10,000,000 federal fund through
the U. S. Public Health Service should
greatly facilitate expansion along such lines.
Pneumonia and the Common Cold
Aside from syphilis and tuberculosis, the
only germ diseases left which are of really
major importance are the acute infections
of the upper respiratory tract. Pneumonia
and influenza still stand among the leading
causes of death in normal years; and the
common cold and related infections of
nose and throat far exceed all other mala-
dies as causes of disability. There is always
the possibility that influenza may again
assume pandemic proportions as it did in
1918.
There are three lines of approach in the
contrpl of these upper respiratory infections
— treatment, immunization, and preven-
tion.
•^••i^H^BBHHHBHBBiHBB^^^HBHB^H
Lawrence D. Thornton
is a major factor in optimum health
U. S. Public Health Service posters
In the field of treatment, the sulfa drugs
and penicillin and similar substances are
of incalculable value in many forms of
pneumonia. Whether they would operate
in the face of a catastrophic world epi-
demic, like that of 1918, no one can say;
but marked reduction of fatalities might
be expected.
From the standpoint of specific immun-
ity, science has so far given us less clear
assurance; but the fact that the army pur-
chased last summer millions of hen's eggs
for the preparation of vaccines for. experi-
mental use against influenza indicates the
promise which this procedure presents.
For the basic prevention of infection,
recent discoveries have opened up new
vistas of progress. Evidence accumulated
during the past ten years has made it clear
that diseases of the upper respiratory tract
(particularly those caused by the class of
minute parasites known as viruses) are
spread, not merely by direct contact with
an infected person or with objects handled
by such a person, but largely — perhaps
chiefly — by fine droplets of mouth spray
transmitted through the atmosphere. Some
authorities believe that our preoccupation
with contact transmission and neglect of
air transmission is precisely the reason why
we have succeeded in the control of in-
testinal diseases and failed in the control
of respiratory diseases.
Studies in army and navy barracks have
shown that the treatment of floors and
bedding with oils which catch and hold
suspended atmospheric particles may re-
duce respiratory infections. A more far-
reaching attack on the spread of germs
through the atmosphere may be made by
spraying a very fine mist of certain dis-
infectants (serosols) into the air; or by
disinfecting the air in the upper part of a
room by the application of ultra-violet light.
These last two methods have been tested
with promising results in army and navy
barracks, as well as in schools.
The new technique of disinfection of
APRIL 1945
121
air has already established itself in the
operating room and in the contagious dis-
ease ward of the hospital. Whether it will
become standard practice for the classroom
and the auditorium, it is too early to say.
In New York and other states, careful
comparative studies are being carried out
in schools, with adequate untreated con-
trols— which should help us to decide just
how much may be gained by such proced-
ures.
Optimum Health vs. Staying Alive
The mortality of the people of the
United States was decreased between 1900
and 1940 from nearly 18 per thousand to
less than 11 per thousand. The reduction
of almost 40 percent in the total burden of
sickness and death is a social phenomenon
of unprecedented magnitude. It has altered
the enure fabric of society by increasing
the average age of the population and has
brought the problems of old age into the
forefront of our planning. It compels the
health officer to recognize that the prime
causes of mortality today are diseases of the
heart and arteries, and cancer — not infant
diarrhea nor diphtheria nor tuberculosis.
The problem of cancer is a major chal-
lenge in this field; and it is gratifying to
note that serious efforts are now being
made to raise funds for an intensified cam-
paign against this disease. Recent studies
of the chemical factors related to abnormal
cell growth may at any moment open the
door to effective control.
In dealing with the diseases of later life,
we cannot expect to reduce the total death-
rate per 1,000 of the whole population far
below its present level. What we can do
is to decrease mortality rates at given age
periods even though the parallel shift of
the population to later and later age periods
balances our gain in the deathrate at all
ages. Our objective will — more and more —
be to prolong life and to promote efficiency.
These things go together; for we cannot
prolong the mean length of life by ten
years without in essence making the man
of seventy as healthy and vigorous as was
the man of sixty in an earlier period. Our
aim will increasingly be health — health in
that positive sense which William James
had in mind when he said, "Simply to
live, move and breathe should be a de-
light."
Food and Health
If we visualize the ideals of the future
public health movement in such terms as
these, our program broadens immeasurably.
The problem of nutrition, for example,
comes into the foreground; for no factor
in human life has a more significant influ-
ence than food on optimum health — as
distinct from just staying alive. It is not
starvation, or even marked clinical types of
deficiency diseases, which are our problems
in the United States, but diets slightly or
moderately deficient in vitamins or salts or
other essential building-stones of the body.
Evidence of the harmful influence of such
deficiencies on the attainment of a high
level of health and efficiency is piling up
every year and every month.
The influence of dietary inadequacy
upon health begins in the womb. Experi-
ments with animals have shown that many
anatomical defects — commonly attributed
to heredity — may be produced by lack of
certain essential food factors. Observations
on human beings have indicated that simi-
lar deficiencies are directly related to the
course of pregnancy, the process of child-
birth, and the health of the infant during
the first fortnight of its life. Growth and
development and learning ability in child-
hood and youth depend in measurable de-
gree on dietary adequacy. In adult life,
capacity for heavy work, precision and dex-
terity in various tasks, and resistance to cer-
tain industrial poisons are all related to
similar factors.
Finally, the onset of the aging process
is markedly accelerated by poor diet. The
influence of dietary deficiency upon the
skin and hair of experimental animals is
well known; and recent observations in
Newfoundland, where such deficiency is
serious and widespread, have revealed
women in their twenties with the harsh
and wrinkled skins of ancient crones. It
would be surprising if such aging processes
in the skin were not duplicated in more
vital organs.
In the postwar period, we must attack
this problem of subtle chronic malnutrition
along three different lines. We shall need
to continue and supplement wartime regu-
lations for the maintenance or enrichment
of the essential food elements in our staple
foods. We must continue and expand our
program of popular health instruction in
regard to nutrition; and we must work for
the development of facilities by which the
people can actually apply the knowledge
they acquire, particularly through the de-
velopment of adequately supervised in-
dustrial cafeterias.
Housing and Health
Next to nutrition, the problem of hous-
ing emerges as a second major objective of
future campaigns for a positive and con-
structive health ideal. It is obvious that
numerous factors in the home environ-
ment influence physical and emotional and
social well-being in far-reaching and fun-
damental ways. The Committee on the
Hygiene of Housing of the American Pub-
lic Health Association has enumerated
thirty specific conditions of healthful hous-
ing which are beyond question related to
Ae realization of fundamental physiological
needs (an atmosphere that is not too cold
or too hot, adequate daylight and artificial
illumination, protection against noise, and
so on); to the realization of fundamental
psychological needs (among them, privacy,
and its obverse, opportunity for social inter-
course, facilities for the performance of the
60 hours a week of housework required
in an average home without undue fatigue,
a modicum of both esthetic satisfaction and
self-respect); to the avoidance of the
menaces of insanitation (including defec-
tive water supply or waste disposal, over-
crowding, presence of vermin); and to the
avoidance of accident hazards (which kill
30,000 persons a year in American homes).
To meet these fundamental needs, find-
ings of the U. S. Census of 1940 showed
that before the war, between 30 and 40
percent of our housing accommodations
were clearly below standard. To replace
present grossly substandard dwellings, to
relieve doubled-up and overcrowded fam-
ilies, to provide for new families and re-
place dwellings becoming obsolescent, it is
agreed that we shall need to build between
1,000,000 and 1,500,000 new homes an-
nually for a period of fifteen years.
As in the problems which have been pre-
viously discussed, science and technology
will aid us in this task. New plastic and
other materials, increased application of
prefabrication, over-all planning and in-
telligent financing techniques will make the
job easier. But the major discovery we
shall need to apply is the ancient — but in-
completely realized — discovery that man is
his brother's keeper.
The fundamental reason why people live
in slum tenements and in shacks on the
Appalachian mountain sides is that a sub-
stantial proportion of our people does not —
and in any foreseeable future — will not,
earn enough to pay for adequate housing.
There is only one practical remedy; and
that remedy is government-subsidized hous-
ing, based on the assumption that adequate
housing is an essential of decent American
citizenship.
This was the purpose of the federal hous-
ing act passed in 1937. Until the war stop-
ped the program, 131,349 dwelling units
were provided for low income families by
the Public Works Administration, the Fed-
eral Public Housing Administration and
the Farm Security Administration. The
local housing authorities, with aid from the
federal government, have in the main done
an honest job and a good job. For the first
time in our history, the best available
knowledge in planning, in architecture, in
sanitation, and in social science, has been
applied to the housing problem of the low
income group. However, this is only a
beginning.
Of the minimum of fifteen million
homes which we shall need, between four
and five million should be built for low
rent housing by public authorities. There
is no real conflict between public and pri-
vate housing in spite of the ill-advised op-
position to public housing on the part of
the National Association of Real Estate
Boards and the National Association of
Home Builders. All are agreed that private
enterprise should house every family which
it can house at a profit; and that its opera-
tions should be pushed as far as possible
down the economic scale by properly safe-
guarded aid in the form of low interest
public loans and assistance in land assem-
bly. Below the floor of private enterprise
is the ceiling of public housing. The floor
of private housing must be lowered and the
ceiling of public housing must be raised
until they meet.
Medical Care for the USA
A third major health problem of the
future is medical care. Competent studies
have shown, beyond peradventure, that, in
spite of the unrivalled facilities of the
United States in medical and dental and
(Continued on page 140)
122
SURVEY GRAPHIC
From Yalta
to the
Golden Gate
Like the Atlantic Charter
itself — the Yalta Charter
leads on to the Great Deci-
sions faced at San Francisco
JAMES T. SHOTWELL
THE CONFERENCE OF THE
GOLDEN GATE! Let us hope that will
be its name and that the name will be
lived up to. For without doubt San Fran-
cisco becomes the setting for the most im-
portant conference not only in the history
of the United States but in the history of
the world.
The only parallel to it in our own ex-
perience is the convention which assembled
in Philadelphia in 1787 to frame the
American Constitution. The future of all
mankind hangs on whether something of
the high quality of statesmanship of the
Founding Fathers will be repeated at this
convention for framing a constitution for
the United Nations.
The problems with which it will have to
deal are the gravest, most difficult, in all
the history of politics. They are not mere
temporizing adjustments of diplomacy to
win advantage for this or that country; or
to secure a breathing space between wars.
The high purpose of the Golden Gate
Conference is to eliminate war as an -in-
strument of national policy, and that means
the greatest revolution ever attempted in
human affairs, for war has been the in-
strument of policy from the beginning of
time. Now, however, modern science, by
making war a uniyersal catastrophe, has
brought us to the choice either of getting
rid of war or of facing the destruction of
civilization itself.
This central fact of the Conference of
the United Nations should never be lost
sight of, never obscured by any partial de-
tails of the peace settlement, however im-
portant they may be in themselves. The
terms of that settlement as they apply to
the different countries of Europe offer a
whole set of immediate issues which are
of more pressing importance to the nations
directly concerned than the long-term prob-
lem of world organization. Yet it would be
a tragic blunder if these questions of pres-
ent-day politics were to be brought so much
to the fore in the world conference as to
reduce it to the lower plane of intrigue in
^fc «• • •" •**
^Pt^Vsa»au*^
Bishop in the 5"'. Louis Star-Times
Another Golden Gate at San Francisco
diplomacy and political pressures upon the
delegates.
The Two Great Areas of Settlement
On the one hand there is the liquidation
of the war itself; on the other hand the
planning for a world organization to pre-
vent its recurrence. Both these areas are
too vast and present too many difficulties
for any one conference to deal fully with
them. Here I can do little more than offer
a guide to the entrance of the labyrinth.
First with reference to the liquidation of
the war. Never since the fall of Rome has
there been such widespread devastation. In
five years' time Europe has moved much
more swiftly toward the Dark Ages than
the Roman world did in the fifth century.
Even where the bombs have not fallen, the
whole economic life is either denatured or
crushed out of existence by the demands of
war. Millions of people have been driven
from their homes and millions more are
starving and dying of diseases. A whole
generation is growing up under a regime
of force and violence and terror.
These problems of the postwar settlement
are therefore so real and so pressing that, as
I said in an earlier article, it is but natural
and indeed proper that they should be dealt
with immediately, that their settlement be
not delayed by concentration upon world-
wide planning for the future.
But, on the other hand, the plans for in-
ternational organization must not be falsi-
fied by the passionate interest of nations in
their purely local interests. The local settle-
ment of Europe will not be a settlement if
it preserves the old state system with reli-
ance upon war as the corrective for interna-
BRIDGES TO THE FUTURE
—Third in a series of articles by the
historian of World War I, chairman of
the Commission to Study the Organiza-
tion of Peace.
tional maladjustments. That half of the
problem is what is most likely to be for-
gotten. Indeed it seems to have been al-
ready forgotten by some of those who with-
hold their support from the United Nations
organization until they can have a settle-
ment of the affairs of this or that European
country which, in their opinion — often ill-
informed — is right.
The Yalta Charter
It is in this regard that the Yalta Confer-
ence makes so great a contribution. It
frankly leaves the details of the settlement
of the specific European problems outside
the scope of the United Nations Confer-
ence. But the "Declaration on Liberated
Europe," drawn up at Yalta, offers a firm
foundation upon which the international
organization can be built. That foundation
is the democratic principle of the Atlantic
Charter, "the right of all peoples to choose
the form of government under which they
will live."
Reaffirmations of the Atlantic Charter
and of the pledge in the Declaration of the
United Nations to cooperate for a world of
freedom as well as for one of peace, were
textually connected in the Yalta Conference
with the reestablishment of law and order
in the liberated nations and not with the
plans for the United Nations Conference.
This does not mean that the principles for
liberated Europe are not also those of the
United Nations organization; but it does
mean that they are given more vitality and
strength by connecting them with the in-
escapable problems of European reconstruc-
tion.
So important is this statement of the
principles governing the three great allies
in the reestablishment of peace that it
should be regarded as a new charter, more
definite and further reaching that that of
the Atlantic. If the Yalta Charter is ad-
hered to, it will ensure not only the peace
of Europe better than any other single de-
vice could secure it, but will help vastly in
the construction of the world organization
APRIL 1945
129
for peace and security. The paragraph in
question is too important to summarize. It
runs as follows:
"To foster the conditions in which the
liberated peoples may exercise these rights,
the three Governments will jointly assist
the people in any European liberated state
or former Axis satellite state in Europe
where in their judgment conditions require
"(A) to establish conditions of internal
peace;
"(B) to carry out emergency measures
for the relief of distressed people;
"(C) to form interim governmental au-
thorities broadly representative of all demo-
cratic elements in the population and
pfcdged to the earliest possible establish-
ment through free elections of governments
responsive to the will of the people; and
"(D) to facilitate where necessary the
holding of such elections."
The rebuilding of Europe on these prin-
ciples is all that anyone could desire. Yet
there are those, like Sir William Beveridge
in London, who apparently regard these
promises as but mere forms of words dis-
guising the creation of a Holy Alliance.
Here in the United States there is a move-
ment skillfully conducted to concentrate at-
tention upon Poland, not only as the test
for the Yalta program but as the test for
the structure of peace itself.
The Test Case of Poland
The Polish question is and long has been
the most difficult problem presented by any
of the nations of Europe. It should be said
at once, and kept constantly in mind, that
there is no one settlement which will be
satisfactory to both the Poles and their
neighbors or even to all sections of the
Polish nation. At the same time, the suf-
ferings of Poland and its heroic struggle
for freedom are constantly in the mind of
Americans. We want to see justice done to
a people which has suffered from injustice
as few others have done, a proud, brave
people who are the victims of both circum-
stance and history.
The chief issue at present is the frontier
between Poland and Russia. Polish na-
tionalists both in the United States and
in London claim all the territory which
was granted to Poland by the Bolshevik
government in 1921, as a result of a Polish
victory over the Bolshevik armies. This
line is far east of the ethnic frontier which
was drawn by the geographers at the Paris
Peace Conference and had been known as
the Curzon Line because of the part taken
by the British Foreign Secretary in the at-
tempted negotiations with Poland. Ethno-
graphically, the Curzon Line was one of
the best frontiers in eastern Europe. There-
fore, in going back to it, Soviet Russia has
a case which must not be overlooked or
underestimated. It should be remarked,
however, in this connection, that the pres-
ent Russian claims go farther than the
Curzon Line in the inclusion of the city of
Lwow at the south and of the industrial
area at the north.
This frontier, however, is only one factor
in the Polish question. Senator Vandenberg
has put his finger more accurately upon the
real problem of the settlement of Poland
in this insistence that the tripartite commis-
sion, American, British and Russian, which
is to preside over the setting up of the new
republic, shall really see to it that the
principles of the Yalta Conference quoted
above shall be applied with justice for all.
including those who have opposed Russia
in the present controversy. This is a sound
basis of policy. But it could easily be falsi-
fied if we were to listen to only one faction
of Polish opinion and accept only a full
satisfaction of nationalist claims in the set-
ting up of the Polish government.
Deeper study of the situation reveals the
fact that we are dealing not merely with
the rival claims of Russians and Poles, but
with the internal problem of agrarian re-
form in Poland itself. That would be a
strange and perverse turn of events if any
member of the American delegation were
to oppose a settlement of the Polish ques-
tion— and therefore weaken the structure
of the whole peace settlement — because of
his support of the outworn system of laru
tenure in eastern Poland.
Germany and Japan
Important as is this test case of Polanc
the settlement of Germany itself present
even more difficult issues, both because of
the magnitude of the task of readjustment
and the danger to the peace of the world it
there is failure there. Fortunately, once
more, the Yalta Conference gave a guar
antee for ultimate success in its assurance
to the people of Germany that the purpos<
of the Allies is not to destroy the Germar
nation, but only to rid it of militarisn
Such an aim is constructive and curative-
and for the ultimate benefit of the Ger-
mans themselves. The evil which has in-
fected their political life throughout his
tory has been reliance upon war and glori-
fication of it as the instrument of nationa
policy.
Germany and Japan are our enemies, not
because of any rivalry in trade or in the
peaceful dealings of nation with nation, but
because they have not only resorted to war
to impose their will upon their neighbors,
but have made it the symbol and embodi-
ment of their history.
Once we recognize this fact, we see that
the Golden Gate Conference of the United
Nations is not to be directed against Ger-
many as such or even against its best inter-
ests. The final enemy with which the
United Nations are now reckoning is not
the Axis Powers, but war itself. This is no
mere form of words. It is the ultimate
reality of the Conference of the Golden
Gate.
INTERNATIONAL COURT
OF JUSTICE
ECONOMIC
& SOCIAL
COUNCIL
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION PROPOSED AT DUMBARTON OAKS
The United Nations: for Peace and World Progress. Chart, Department of State, USA
124
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Farmers Must Go Fishing
MICHAEL M. DAVIS
THE FIFTY-SEVEN MILLION PEOPLE WHO LIVE
on farms and in villages in the United
States are the medically forgotten men of
this nation. They raise most of the na-
tion's food. They will raise a large part
of the nation's future population, since the
cities do not reproduce themselves. But
they have had far less than their fair share
of doctors, dentists, nurses, hospitals, and
health departments, and the health-giving
life of the countryside is more than coun-
terbalanced by the health-deteriorating
shortage of preventive and curative medi-
cine in those countrysides.
The war has made matters much worse.
Now, the last war years challenge the post-
war future. What shall the rural people
themselves and the whole nation do for
rural health?
Scarce As Hens' Teeth
I was raised in Manhattan. Our family
doctor lived on the next block. I learned in
childhood that there were people who went
without doctoring because they had no
money, but I never imagined that lots of
people lived where getting a doctor was as
hard as the task of the blind man in a dark
cellar, hunting for a black cat that isn't
there. I was approaching college age before
I found that many of our neighbors were
wrong in feeling that the United States
was bounded on the north by Grant's
Tomb, on the south by Coney Island, on
the East by Westminster Abbey, and on the
west by the Hudson River.
Many of our health planners and most of
the policy-makers of professional associa-
tions have been city people to whom this
kind of geography is intuitive, with varia-
tions to fit Chicago, Boston, and other well-
lighted spots.
The facts of rural medical care did not
come by intuition to the Illinois family
whose father told me: "When my wife had
pneumonia we had the doctor out twice.
He charged us only three dollars a visit,
but we had .to pay him mileage and a dol-
lar a mile, twelve miles out, made it fifteen
dollars a time. All the cash I take in isn't
over $600 in a year."
"With the war on," said an Indiana
woman at the Farm Foundation Confer-
ence last spring, "many doctors just can't
make home calls. One of our family sent
home after a major operation in a hospital,
had to be bundled up and taken miles to
the doctor's office for after-care. She had
an appointment and he saw her, but she
had to wait for ten other patients first."
"With rural dentists always short and
the war making them shorter," added an
Indiana man, "you can get a date with a
dentist in something like three months, ;/
you \now the dentist''
"What shall we do in a county with
over 15,000 people and only two doctors?"
HEALTH— TODAY & TOMORROW
— Third in the series by the chairman
of the committee on Research in Medical
Economics, and associate editor of Sur-
vey Graphic.
writes a health officer from Kentucky.
"What will happen to our health," asks an
Alabama doctor, "where sixty-four out of
the sixty-seven counties have more than 1,-
600 people for each active physician, and
eighteen counties have more than 3,000?"
Bear in mind that one doctor per 1,500 per-
sons is the "generally accepted wartime
minimum for civilian safety." By the end
of 1943, with 50,000 doctors taken into the
armed forces, draining rural areas exces-
sively, there were 795 out of our 3,070
counties with less than one active doctor
for 8,000 people.
In such states as Nebraska and the Da-
kotas the doctor shortage is even worse,
outside of a few cities. And in our na-
tional cake-basket, Iowa, the villages and
farm areas just before the war had only a
third as many doctors in proportion to
population as the city of Des Moines, and
these localities were spending less than a
cent per capita for public health work.
Adequate preventive service needs over one
hundred times that. Over 1,300 counties,
mostly rural, have no health department
with a full time health officer.
The Lures of the City
Part of this picture is economic. In 1940,
half of all the farm families in the United
States had incomes below $760 a year, and
the incomes of a third were under $500.'
In the same year, the median income for
city families was over $1,850.
It is no wonder that of the young army
doctors who answered an American Medi-
cal Association questionnaire last year,
barely 13 percent said they would locate in
rural areas after demobilization. The cause
of this decision is only partly a matter of
money. The modern young doctor wants a
hospital as well as a handbag. Furthermore,
half the annual crop of physicians is raised
in big-city medical schools in Massachu-
setts, New York, Pennsylvania. Illinois, and
California. On the other hand, there are
no medical graduates from nineteen rural
states. Before the war, most medical gradu-
ates preferred to start their careers in the
type of well-to-do state in which they had
been trained. The number of physicians in
proportion to population was increasing in
these states and actually diminishing in
most others. Varying state medical license
laws hinder the location and relocation of
doctors. Thus we have been letting our
rural health clocks run down.
IJon't blame young doctors! You would
not advise a young friend who had spent
his first twenty-seven years obtaining a
inedical education to start his life-work
where he would face the frustrations of
both low income and inability to do the
quality job he was trained for. The ways
of present medical training and the reason-
able pursuit of professional and financial
opportunities put most young doctors into
the net of city specialism.
For a generation, the medical schools
have been concentrating on a quality job —
on training for skills. The foundations and
many state governments have aided them.
Each has spun its own thread. Nobody has
woven a pattern of cloth to fit the nation's
needs.
Concentrating on Quality
Alone among the professional organiza-
tions, the American Public Health Associa-
tion has made a pattern of preventive med-
icine for the United States, a pattern for
distributing preventive facilities and per-
sonnel, quantitatively planned and admin-
istratively tested, and now awaiting only
increased appropriations from national and
state governments to effectuate it. Organ-
ized medicine, dentistry, and nursing have
concentrated for a generation on quality of
practitioner — skills, educational standards,
specialist requirements — a primary job in-
deed, during a period of unprecedented
scientific and technical advance.
So have the hospital bodies. For nearly
twenty years, the Duke Endowment aided
the construction and maintenance of hospi-
tals in North Carolina. Yet in 1940 when
73 percent of the state's population resided
in rural areas, only 31 percent of the state's
physicians lived there to serve them and
the actual number of rural doctors had
dropped by 50 percent in twenty-five years.
The results might have been very different
if the Duke Endowment's aid to hospitals
had been tied up on the one side with a
regionally planned public health program
and on the other side with popular and
professional education. Concentration of
this sort by several specialized agencies,
each on a part of the job, now leaves con-
siderable sections of this country without
any modern tools of health.
Hospitals Step Forward
This year, the American Hospital As-
sociation steps out in front with the Hill-
Burton bill (S. 191) on which important
hearings have taken place before the Sen-
ate Educational and Labor Committee. The
American Medical Association supports the
bill, swallowing the pill of federal, aid to
construction because of a feared dose of
national health insurance. The bill provides
for studies in each state by a state agency,
with the help of the U. S. Public Health
APRIL 1945
125
Service, to chart needs for new, improved,
or enlarged hospitals and for public health
centers. It authorizes a federal appropria-
tion of $100,000,000 to aid in the construc-
tion of projects which fit the pattern of
studied needs in the opinion of the sur-
geon-general of the Public Health Service
and of an advisory council to be composed
chiefly of people "familiar with the opera-
tion of hospitals."
This bill is an imaginative advance to-
ward statewide and district planning of
interrelated large and small hospitals. On
the other hand, its administrative provi-
sions, as drafted, tie the hands of the sur-
geon-general to a council which has more
than advisory powers and which includes
only professional people — no representation
of rural folk. And most of the poorer rural
areas could not qualify for aid under the
bill because they could not give the re-
quired "reasonable assurance" of financial
maintenance of the hospital. These areas
cannot be supplied with either hospitals or
doctors unless the problem of facilities and
the problem of paying power are tackled
together.
The Farmer's Best Bait
Unpredictable sickness costs fall more
unevenly upon rural than upon city fami-
lies. The reason is simply that a larger
proportion of the medical care sought by
farm and village folk is for the more seri-
ous, more expensive cases. For this and for
other reasons, the medical paying power of
rural people would be especially boosted,
as well as stabilized, if medical costs were
paid on a budgeted basis.
The key letters in solving the rural medi-
cal problem are: P & P, standing for both
Prepayment and Paying Power. The key
idea in extending rural P & P is to spread
medical costs over as wide an area and as
many people as possible. One hundred or
two hundred families joining a voluntary
prepayment plan are too few to make
P & P count. A population mostly of mar-
ginal farmers or sharecroppers is too poor
to make P & P practicable. Even 6 percent
of the median cash rural income of $760 is
only $45.60, too little to pay for the services
of physicians and hospitals for a family. A
nationwide P & P will minimize the
amount of tax subsidy required for rural
areas and will maximize the extent of self-
supported medical care.
Should places like Erie County, New
York, be ready to enter a national P &• P
pool with counties in Georgia or Nebraska
that have about one fifth Erie County's per
capita wealth? The answer is: Y« — because
(in addition to other reasons) a good many
of the workers in Erie County's industries
will be drawn from men and women raised
in just such poor counties.
Consider the matter first from the doc-
tors' angle, second from the point of view
of rural people and their agencies. As to
the doctors, they can only be assured an
income in most rural localities through
either prepayment or tax subsidy. And if
modern-trained doctors are to be attracted
and held, they must have hospitals and
educational facilities as well as assurance
of income. Within the next few years doc-
tors will be demobilized from war service.
Then will come the unique opportunity
to attract to rural areas many of the 20,000
young doctors who will begin their civilian
professional careers at that time.
What will be done depends mostly on
what the rural people themselves will do.
Rural people must seek if they are to find.
Farmers must go fishing for doctors. Their
best bait is P & P, although they must use
the other lures also. Local initiative by
farm people is essential, through branches
of Farm Bureaus, the Farmers Union, the
Grange, and other bodies. Local action is
the foundation for nationwide action. But
a multitude of local fishing parties will
catch only a few scattered fish. State and
national farm leaders must recognize the
necessity of district, state, and nationwide
planning of services, and of national pool-
ing of costs, under conditions which retain
substantial local responsibility.
Farmer Brown Must Be Served
During the last ten years, notable prog-
ress has been made towards national action.
Since 1935, federal funds to develop local
health departments and maternity and chil-
dren's services, with and through the states,
have brought excellent results and wide-
spread acceptance. Today, in 1945, federal
assistance to hospital planning and con-
struction is accepted by the American Hos-
pital Association and the American Medi-
cal Association and may be adopted by
Congress. A third principle, federal aid
for the care of needy persons, is now ef-
fectuated for some categories of people, in-
cluding medical care for migrant farm
workers. Its extension is advocated by the
American Hospital Association and is ac-
cepted by the American Medical Associa-
tion with the characteristic proviso that
need should be determined "locally."
Ahead of us lie acceptance of two other
policies of national action for health: first,
national provision to help farmers fish for
doctors at the time of medical demobili-
zation; second, nationwide spreading of the
medical costs that can be met by self-sup-
porting people through contributory insur-
1. To help rural people fish for doctors
there must be a national agency, perhaps the
prospective Office of Rural Health Services
in the Department of Agriculture. Work-
ing through local and state agencies, this
national body must aid rural localities and
farmers' associations to estimate their needs
and organize their opportunities. The same
agency, working on the other side, with
the American Medical Association and
other professional groups (including the
Procurement and Assignment Service, if
that is continued) must inform doctors
about rural opportunities and assist doctors
to take advantage of them.
The doctors must be attracted, not as-
signed. The information must flow to them
from a national source, because most of the
rural states have no potential supply of
young doctors trained within their borders.
The interests and the idealism of the doc-
tors themselves must be tapped. The As-
sociation of Internes and Medical Students
and perhaps other agencies should obtain
the names of young doctors who are ready
to go to country Districts, individually or
in small teams, under financial and pro
fessional conditions which these young men
should be invited to specify.
2. To spread medical costs, rural
pie should establish P &• P as far as the
can, should demand legislation as far
they will, and should remember that while
the short-run test is to satisfy Farmer
Brown and his wife, the long-run footrule
is service to fifty-seven million people.
Sr P for hospitalization only will not take
farmers far. Blue Cross plans have made
little headway in some rural areas anc
some Farm Bureaus have included hospital-
ization with other benefits in their
group insurance plans. But spreading he
pital costs alone will not meet the primary
rural medical requirement. That require
ment is a local doctor available to diagno*
and treat sickness before it is seriou
enough to necessitate a hospital.
The Farm's Prime Crop
The rural problem is varied. Thus the
bait of the fishing parties and the organi-
zation of the medical services in a section
of family-sized farms will be different from
those in cotton or fruit country with
large scale industrialized farming. The
sparse population of grazing and dry-farm-
ing areas, the low income farms on margi-
nal soil, sections with many tenants and
sharecroppers, present other rural types.
Good-sized industries in trading centers
serving rural areas are yet another sort,
wherein medical services to the country
people might be had by extending an in-
dustrial plan like Henry Kaiser's or the
Standard Oil Company's of Louisiana. In
some places, a country or district health
department might be the center of the
medical care program.
These varieties preclude any uniform
pattern of action, but all the patterns are
based on uniform principles, diversely ap-
plied. And all the principles and many of
the patterns have been already demon-
strated in action in this country or in Can-
ada.
Rural people have been shocked to learn
that farm boys show the highest selective
service rejection rates. They are catching
on to such facts as these: that a hernia can
cause a farm's failure no less than a
drought; that rural deathrates are high
from ~the very ills that medicine can now
prevent or control — typhoid fever, pneu-
monia, malaria, diseases of infancy, condi-
tions of childbirth.
Through three war seasons farmers have
fought in sun and storm to raise bumper
crops for us and for our Allies. For over a
decade, farm organizations have sought
and had national help to raise better crops
at bigger prices. Now it is time to combine
local and national action to raise men.
126
SURVEY GRAPHIC
They Can Be Made Over
The story of a public school and its long record in using friendliness and
understanding to turn delinquent boys into sound, useful young citizens.
CERTAINLY THE.KE is NOTHING ABOUT THE
outside of New York's P.S. 37 to suggest
that it is one of the most remarkable public
schools in the country. If you enter it, how-
ever, you begin to see that it is a distinctive
institution.
Boys passing in the halls smile and say
"Good morning," with warm, unexpected
friendliness. The classroom where you are
taken by the principal, Mrs. Lillian L.
Rashkis, is decorated with homemade
murals, and clean enough to satisfy a
Danish sea captain. A boy proudly brings
out the bottle of lemon oil they use to
polish their desks; another suggests that the
desks be opened to show how they are kept.
And as you leave, the pint-size youth who
opens the door invites you to come again,
with the air of a sincere and friendly host.
The guest who arrives on a Thursday
morning is likely to visit the school as-
sembly. Here two hundred and fifty boys
listen to the speaker with absorbed atten-
tion; then fire questions which indicate a
breadth of information quite unexpected in
a school that ranges in grade from 5A to
SB. A number of nationalities are repre-
sented; many of the boys are colored. One
is impressed, however, with two outstand-
ing facts. There is not a bored or sullen
face in the room, and there is not a boy
who fails to make a neat appearance. A
school, the visitor might think, especially
geared for boys with unusually high IQs
and excellent deportment records.
The Boys and Their Records
As a matter of fact, the enrollment of
P.S. 37 is drawn entirely from the most
uncontrollable behavior cases in the schools
of Manhattan and the Bronx. These boys
have led predatory gangs, beaten or even
knifed other children, constantly played
truant, assaulted teachers, committed van-
dalism, and kept classrooms in a perpetual
uproar. At least half have had court ex-
perience and many were sent to P.S. 37
as a last resort before commitment to cor-
rectional institutions.
Mrs. Rashkis and her teachers have de-
veloped out of this raw material a school
where the standards of interest, courtesy,
and good behavior are considerably above
average. According to Judge Juvenal Mar-
chisio of the New York Domestic Relations
Court, the school salvages more than 90
percent of its pupils, saving for good citi-
zenship boys who might otherwise have
gone on to reform school and eventually to
prison.
These results are not due to miracles but
to wisely applied psychology, seasoned with
tact and warm human sympathy. Mrs.
Rashkis says that the rehabilitation of her
boys depends on treating them like people
entitled to respect; making them feel well
ELSIE McCORMICK
— By a free-lance reporter whose back-
ground includes the University of Cali-
fornia, three years in China, a busy
stretch as feature writer and columnist
on the old New York World. Since the
demise of the World she has handled
magazine assignments as far apart in
theme and geography as an interview
with Prime Minister DeValera in Ire-
land, and a study of the Matanuska
Colony in Alaska.
liked and wanted; finding something at
which they can be successful; and discover-
ing some way in which they can serve
others.
A boy is transferred to P.S. 37 by court
order, by the Bureau of Attendance, or by
one of the district superintendents of
schools. Usually he arrives under convoy of
a truant officer, with none too clean shirt
open at the neck and a surly, defiant look.
He expects this to be a tough school,
worthy of his fanciest misconduct.
Newcomer in a New School
But when he enters his assigned class he
is baffled. It is a small class — about sixteen
boys — with the desks arranged in an in-
formal circle. The boys already there actu-
ally seem to be interested in their work.
Feeling a little self-conscious, the newcomer
tries out a Bronx cheer. To his amazement
it is the other boys, rather than the teacher,
who shush him down. "Kid stuff" is what
a class committee calls his antics when its
members accost him at recess.
The new boy soon discovers that his way
of attracting attention by misbehavior no
longer works. Nor can he win any laurels
by boasting about his record, for there are
boys here who can match or exceed almost
any record of youthful transgressions. The
unwholesome props that have been sustain-
ing his ego suddenly collapse. But this is
only the first step.
"The most important thing is to find
something in which he can be successful,"
Mrs. Rashkis said. "Up to now these boys
have known nothing but criticism; they
feel that nobody wants them or likes them."
One sullen, suspicious boy was compli-
mented on the expert way he knotted his
tie, and was asked to help the younger boys
with theirs. This chance to be proud of
something was the first step toward a com-
plete change in the boy's character.
Soon after a pupil is admitted he is tested
by a psychiatrist and a psychologist from
the Child Guidance Bureau. A home visitor
calls on his family. Their findings are pre-
sented at a conference attended by the prin-
cipal and his teachers. The causes of the
boy's difficulty are discussed, his abilities
and character traits are analyzed, and a plan
is worked out for his rehabilitation.
In nine out of ten cases the blame rests
not on the boy himself but obviously on his
parents. Of sixty-five boys recently studied,
only four had homes that were satisfactory.
Again and again the reports show squalor,
indifference, lack of understanding, cruel
treatment, perpetual family rows, divorce,
and parents who seldom manage to be at
home. By no means all the boys come from
backgrounds of poverty. There are neurotic
parents, emotional strain, and the deadly
habit of ignoring one child and favoring
another in homes with scalloped chintz
curtains and Grade A milk.
Three Boys and Their Problems
How the school starts its rehabilitation
can be illustrated by the case of fourteen-
year-old Frank. At first he was a sorry-
looking specimen. His eyes blinked con-
stantly, and his body twitched as if pulled
by invisible wires. The boy's record showed
that he shouted in class, used foul language,
and was hated and feared by his school-
mates. His home, the school's visitor dis-
covered, was nicely kept and the family
was not uneducated. The difficulty was that
his father behaved like an Indian potentate,
demanding instant, cringing obedience from
his son and severely beating him if he so
much as hesitated. The boy's form of pro-
test was his behavior in school.
Frank had ability to draw, but his only
subjects, the psychologist soon learned, were
skeletons, coffins, and graveyards. At P.S.
37 he was assigned to the project of making
a mural for his classroom, showing scenes
from colonial history. Driven by a desire
to get the details of his picture correct, he
advanced two years in reading ability with-
in a few months. The praise he received
for these achievements made a great change
in the boy's disposition. The twitching soon
disappeared. Later he even gained enough
poise to address the school assembly. Al-
though his home situation is still far from
ideal, he has ceased to be a problem.
A not uncommon mistake of parents was
presented by the case of Solly, a Jewish boy
from a comfortable middle-class home. For
months in his old school he had refused
to say a word in class, and his perpetually
sneering attitude raised hob with morale.
After he had been two weeks at P.S. 37,
Mrs. Rashkis, seeming to choose him at
random, made him her office boy. Set to
work running errands and answering tele-
phones, Solly became so interested he for-
got he had not been talking to teachers.
Within a week he told Mrs. Rashkis his
story. He had a brilliant brother, destined
for a professional career, who got all the
new clothes and all his mother's concern
and affection. "I just thought, 'What's the
use of my trying to be anything?'" Solly
APRIL 1945
127
explained. Mrs. Rashkis convinced him that
even if he did not enter a profession, he
could serve society in other ways. Solly has
since grown into a useful, well adjusted
citizen. He is the owner of a small factory,
and the father of a happy family.
With boys who become behavior prob-
lems, the usual tendency of teachers and
parents is not to trust them with any re-
sponsible job. Yet such a job often proves
to be effective moral medicine. Take
George, a boy who had failed to adjust him-
self to his stepfather. His unhappiness at
home was expressed in truancy and temper
tantrums, to such an extent that six schools
had dismissed him in a whirl of sparks.
At P.S. 37 he showed his first sign of
interest when Mrs. Rashkis asked the boys
to suggest a good way of storing and dis-
tributing the mid-morning milk. George's
plan was accepted as the most efficient.
"O.K.," he said. "I'll be here at seven
o'clock every morning." He did the work
faithfully, without missing a day, until he
graduated.
"George is a changed boy," his step-
father wrote, after the youngster had taken
on this responsibility. "He's actually happy.
His temper tantrums have disappeared."
Another boy, well known to the truant
officers, was given a job running magic
lanterns and moving-picture machines. He
went through two terms without being late
or absent once. Asked about his good rec-
ord, he said: "Well, I never was in a school
before where they really needed me."
Meet the Principal
Nerve center of the school is its princi-
pal, Mrs. Rashkis. A mature and warm-
hearted woman, sympathetic but not senti-
mental, she can get down to a boy's level,
see his point of view, and penetrate the
shield he tries to raise between himself
and the adult world. One boy came into
her office to announce that his sister was
getting married next day "to a swell guy
in a band," and that he was going to bring
the teachers some wedding cake. Another
proudly carried in a sewing table that he
had just made for his mother in the wood-
working class. It was difficult to believe
that these friendly, self-respecting pupiK
had once been the warped rowdies de-
scribed in the records.
The evolution of P.S. 37 began eighty-
eight years ago, when New York estab-
lished its first special school for "idle and
truant children." Since that time several
similar schools have opened and later gone
out of existence. Through their long and
complicated history ran a thread of failure,
due to the use of principles now outmoded.
But more enlightened methods were de-
veloped; and in 1912, P.S. 120 was made a
probationary school with emphasis on in-
telligence and achievement tests, training
along the lines of the pupil's aptitudes, and
encouragement of habits of courtesy and in-
dustry. Later, when this school was closed,
most of its pupils were transferred to P.S.
37.
Since Mrs. Rashkis took over in 1930,
there have been further improvements, due
in large part to growing knowledge about
the psychology of childhood and adoles-
cence. There has been, too, a large measure
of success. The methods by which the
school redeems its maladjusted boys cannot
be dismissed as experimental; they have
been tested for too many years.
To be a P.S. 37 boy was once considered
a disgrace. Mrs. Rashkis set out nearly
Lillian L. Rashkis, principal of P.S. 37
fifteen years ago to make attendance there
a matter of pride. She interested the boys
in decorating the walls, polishing their
desks, and keeping the halls in spotless con-
dition. The delight these maladjusted lads
took in attractive surroundings was pa-
thetic.
Soon such improvements began to be re-
flected in the neater appearance of the boys
themselves. Today, many of them wash
and iron their own shirts. Pupils with extra
neckties bring them to school for those who
have none. Improvement in a boy's ap-
pearance has an almost miraculous in-
fluence on his self-confidence and self-
respect.
A New Curriculum
One of the problems at P.S. 37 has been
to make class work interesting. The present
curriculum was the result of careful stud)
by the school staff, by authorities in the
New York City system, and by an advisory
committee of nationally known educators
and psychologists. Evidently they accom-
plished their purpose. The attendance rec-
ords of P.S. 37 compare well with those of
other schools, even though some of the
pupils — drawn from all parts of Manhat-
tan and the Bronx — travel over an hour a
day each way.
You would hardly imagine that studying
"The American Home" would appeal to
sixth-grade boys who had been the most
conspicuous hornets in the New York
school system. Yet no class I visited demon-
strated greater interest. Small-fry crowded
around to show me a model wigwam, dia-
grams of housing developments, and a two-
story miniature house they had made, com-
plete down to the last baking pan. Many of
the boys have carried the instruction into
their own homes by painting and repairing
furniture, making window-boxes, and rais-
ing the family standards of order and
cleanliness.
There is special training in nutrition,
because improper food can have a great
deal to do with anti-social behavior. The
staff early discovered that breakfast for a
number of the boys consisted of two or
three cents' worth of candy, bought on the
way to school. In some unsupervised house-
holds the boys had only sandwiches for
dinner, or perhaps a couple of ice-cream
sodas.
To improve the situation, the teachers
prepared a model breakfast for the pupils:
fruit, milk, and cereal. The mothers were
told about it; then invited to take a nutri-
tion course. Better nourishment has meant
less illness, less nervousness, and greater
emotional stability.
About 15 percent of the boys who enter
the school lisp or stutter, conditions which
frequently go with emotional maladjust-
ment. A teacher trained in speech improve-
ment helps them to overcame their handi-
caps; then public-speaking practice gives
poise and self-confidence, and relief from
emotional pressure.
Assembly periods furnish a means of
blowing off steam. Every Monday, school
problems and standards are discussed with
the give-and-take of a New England town
meeting. The boys learn to respect other
people's opinions and to disagree without
resorting to knuckle-dusters. These as-
semblies are impressive. Drums roll during
the lusty singing of "The Star Spangled
Banner"; a bugle and a color guard add to
the impressiveness of the salute to the flag.
The SB classes enter to the strains of "Pomp
and Circumstance," with all the dignity of
the United States Supreme Court. Some
of these big boys had been bullies in their
former schools, but the prestige they enjoy
here brings about an amazing change of
attitude.
Learning to Look Ahead
Dealing, as it does, with boys who might
so easily have drifted into crime, P.S. 37
places great emphasis on vocational guid-
ance and training. Every pupil's aptitudes
are studied by a psychologist. The wood-
working shop and the printing shop are
not mere expressions of "manual training";
they have prepared many a boy for a good
job or for advanced work at vocational
high school. Pupils also learn to operate
and repair motion picture machines, do
clerical work, and develop other skills thai
can help them earn a living. The older
boys are encouraged to take jobs after
school. Earning money adds to their self-
respect, and working leaves them little time
for hanging out with neighborhood gangs.
The class on Social, Character, and Voca-
tional Guidance, conducted by Mrs. Rash-
kis, is one of the school's most extraordi-
nary features. Here the boys learn to be
courteous. They learn to write convincing
answers to advertisements. They praqfice
applying for jobs in turn, with a member
of the class serving as employer and the
rest of them sitting in as critics.
Above all, they consider ways and means
of making themselves eligible for the work
128
SURVEY GRAPHIC
tAey want. Mrs. Rashkis encourages them
to take a long view, and to resist the easy
wartime money offered by dead-end jobs.
When I visited the class, the pupils were
selecting want ads that they might be
equipped to answer ten years from now,
and working out ways of preparing them-
selves.
"What kind of life do you want to live?"
is a question that frequently brings reveal-
ing answers. One pupil said that he wanted
to take a course in electric wiring; then
get a job on a boat and spend the rest of
his life going from port to port, without
ever stopping anywhere for more than a
few days. This ambition highlighted the
boy's profound unhappiness and sense of
insecurity. A broken home, experience in
an orphanage, and difficulties with his step-
father had shattered his faith in the world
and been responsible for his delinquency.
The principal and the home visitor helped
his mother to see the boy's problem, and
later brought about a better family adjust-
ment.
Pupils in this class read the lives of
Booker T. Washington, George Washing-
ton Carver, Michael Pupin, Helen Keller,
Edward Bok, and others who achieved suc-
cess in the face of extraordinary difficulties.
In a self-evaluation test, the boys list the
outstanding traits that produced the success
and then analyze their own characters in
accordance with these standards. Mrs.
Rashkis leads the discussion by describing
faults of her own and how she endeavors to
overcome them. The boys then show little
hesitation in talking about their own weak-
nesses and shortcomings.
Here again, the revelations are often
significant. One boy admitted that he had
a bad temper. "But I don't want to cure
it," he had said. "I want it to get worse
and worse, until I get to the point where
I'll find my father and kill him."
His father, it developed, had deserted the
family, and his mother had wrecked her
health in a struggle for a livelihood. The
solution lay in having the father located
through the Family Court. Now that he is
obliged to contribute regularly, his son no
longer feels a strong urge toward retribu-
tion, and is in a much better frame of
mind. He is eagerly training himself for a
good job, so that he can help out later on
with the family support.
Character building is also promoted by
daily "adjustment periods." Each teacher
is available forty-five minutes a day for pri-
vate sessions with pupils who want guid-
ance and advice. Boys bring in all sorts of
troubles. The fact that they have a sym-
pathetic person to listen to them eases their
minds and improves their attitudes, even if
the remedy lies beyond the teacher's scope.
Behavior and Health
Because experience at P.S. 37 has shown
that bad behavior is often related to im-
paired health, the boys are given careful
and frequent medical examinations and, if
necessary, treatment at local clinics or hos-
pitals is arranged. The staff makes every
effort to correct or offset physical handi-
caps. They know that the boy with poor
eyesight sometimes becomes a center of
mischief because he is unable to follow the
work of the class, and that the overgrown
pupil suffers from association with smaller
classmates. Embittered by ridicule, the boy
with an obvious disfigurement may become
a prime example of meanness and cruelty.
A boy of ten, who looked sixteen, came
to the school with a "hot" behavior record.
If he had been put in the grade for which
he was qualified, he would have had to
associate with the smallest boys in the
school. But it was just such a situation that
had turned him into an uncontrollable
trouble-maker. Therefore he was placed in
a class with boys his own size, and given
reading instruction away from the others,
so that he could keep within hailing dis-
tance of their work. Since he was no longer
conspicuous, the traits that had made him
(Continued on page 139)
PM Photo
History is fun at P.S. 37. Here pupils are learning how our country grew as they cut out and fit together parts of the map
APRIL 1945
129
-?ij ••• -<v-- -.
;-te<--/-^rv^vPr
Women Political Workers. By Wang Jen-feng
CHINA in WARTIME
The striking woodcut on the cover of this issue and the prints reproduced
here will appear in "China in Black and White," an album of some eighty
wartime woodcuts by contemporary Chinese artists, with commentary by
Pearl S. Buck. The book is to be brought out shortly by the Asia Press, a
new publishing firm affiliated with the John Day Company.
Railway Bridge. By Liang Yung-tai
Putting Up Posters. By Chu Ming-kang
SPECIAL BOOK SECTION
LETTERS AND LIFE
The West and the Far East
HARRY HANSEN
THE EDUCATION OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE
in the complicated political and economic
affairs of the Far East has been accelerated
considerably since Joseph C. Grew pub-
lished his detailed report of the attempts of
the State Department to stem the creeping
imperialism of Japan. Save for the Pacific
Coast, which had long resented the com-
petition of Japanese farmers, the United
States generally Nvas not deeply interested.
Until Pearl Harbor it did not lose sleep
over the Japanese naval and military might.
There is still an impression that the
Japanese are religious fanatics, fighting a
holy war for their emperor, rather than
shrewd, calculating businessmen trying to
dominate a great commercial and industrial
empire. Owen Lattimore, who has studied
both the commercial and the political is-
sues in the Far East, informs us about the
latter phase in his new book, "Solution in
Asia." (Little, Brown. $2.)
Time to Wake Up
Mr. Lattimore's book is an alarm clock,
intended to wake Americans to political
realities in the Far East, and the staccato
manner in which he makes his unequivocal
statements is like the pounding of the ham-
mer on the bell. He has a number of aims:
to show how the United States, by its ad-
herence to the principle of extraterritoriality
in China, connived at certain doubtful
practices of the Japanese; to argue that
whatever our intentions independently of
Britain and The Netherlands, we shall be
judged by the policy of the coalition toward
former colonies and China; and to point
out that "the great historical age of im-
perialism" is ending and that we must
adapt ourselves to the change by evolution-
ary methods, or suffer an eventual revolu-
tion that will bring it about by force. This
involves also the development of a specific
policy toward Japan.
Mr. Lattimore is convinced that while
Japan has come too late to exploit Asia
along imperialistic lines, the United States
will be forced by events to drop imperialis-
tic designs before they have been fully de-
veloped. The main reason is the impact of
Russia on the old order and the tendency
of all colonial peoples to become part of
"the freedom bloc."
He asserts that there will be no cooling-
off period in which the United States can
make up its mind; it must do so now. He
wants cooperative action on all questions
by the big powers, bringing Russia into the
Far Eastern discussion and making "a
(All boo\s
workable reality" out of the Dumbarton
Oaks draft for a world organization and
the Bretton Woods draft for an interna-
tional monetary fund and an international
bank for reconstruction and development.
China naturally occupies a large part of
his discussion. He believes communist
China has proved its ability to serve the
peasants and, in limiting communist mem-
bership in governing bodies and councils
to one third of the total membership, has
taken "the most positive step by any party
away from dictatorship and toward de-
mocracy." He believes democracy better
served in these regions than under the
Kuomintang. However, he believes the
communists are not strong enough to nomi-
nate a candidate for president of China and
that Chiang Kai-shek would be nominated
by a coalition government.
He also denies that China is unable to
play an important part in the coming of-
fensive against Japan. The guerillas will be
of great importance, and "the fact that
political morale can be restored in China
should never be left out of military calcula-
tions."
It is evident that Mr. Lattimore believes
the democracy of the capitalist nations will
be put to the test in Asia. If they continue
to exploit the weaker countries and use
them solely "as an area of overflow for our
surplus energies," these countries will turn
for political help and capital to Russia. Mr.
Lattimore thinks our failure in Asia would
doom the cooperative world order as well
as the peace. He would not tolerate the
taking of islands, even for strategic reasons.
His comment on how to bring illumination
to our partners in the United Nations is
especially astute; he thinks our good ex-
ample must show the way to Great Britain,
France, and The Netherlands, which might
be inclined to restore the prewar situation.
Pacific Policies of the Future
Thomas Arthur Bisson, research associate
of the international secretariat of the In-
stitute of Pacific Relations, backs up Mr.
Lattimore in "America's Far Eastern
Policy" (distributed by Macmillan. $3),
although he is less interested in driving
arguments home to the layman. Mr. Bis-
son rehearses the development of our rela-
tions with Asia and observes also the need
for an agreement on policy for Southeast
Asia by Great Britain, France, The Nether-
lands, and the United States.
He believes prewar conditions have been
changed to some extent by the American
ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will
131
willingness to free the Filipinos and the
Dutch proposal for a commonwealth of
the East Indies, but that India and Burma
still pose great problems. He agrees, too,
that the United States and the Soviet Union
will have great influence on Pacific policies
of the future and that China will take the
place of Japan as the premier Far Eastern
representative in the new organization.
It is worth noting that both Mr. Latti-
more and Mr. Bisson are agreed that root-
ing out the military caste in Japan is not
enough. The monopolies and the emperor,
who is closely associated with industrial
and commercial extension, must be re-
moved. Mr. Bisson writes: "The hard
inner core of the imperial ideology is ab-
solutist, aggressive, and essentially inimical
to democratic concepts."
"Abolition of the institution is a task for
the Japanese people, acting under a "leader-
ship that cannot derive from the old
regime," he states. Mr. Lattimore is em-
phatic in declaring that the emperor must
not be removed by the victors, but by the
Japanese, and seems to have no doubt that
an opposition will arise after defeat. Mr.
Bisson says such forces "will certainly
emerge in Japan during the last stages of
the war or after defeat," and thinks they
will have to be left of center in order to
accomplish the needed reforms.
China's Contribution
China's political and economic problems
are considered realistically by David Nelson
Rowe, research associate of the Yale In-
stitute of International Studies in "China
Among the Powers," (Harcourt, Brace.
$2). The author knows China from first-
hand experience and was there as late as
1942.
Mr. Rowc is interested in determining ex-
actly what help China will be to the
United Nations, not only in finishing the
war but in helping to guarantee peace and
security in the Pacific. It is necessary to
understand the Chinese situation to judge
the extent of American policing of the Far
East in the next generation.
Mr. Rowe's book is the most serious of
the three. He does not have Mr. Latti-
more's precise convictions and assurance.
He sees that many difficult years lie ahead.
The business of keeping 75,000,000 Japan-
ese tied down in their islands to do work
that does not affect the economy of other
nations or lead to war is going to be one of
the biggest tasks in history.
(Continued on page 132)
be postpaid)
The industrial development of China is
a condition of China's ability to arm itself
and help police Asia. Mr. Rovve goes into
the questions of raw materials and person-
nel and concludes that a long range pro-
gram of training youths in mechanical tech-
niques must be begun and that the super-
abundance of cheap labor militates against
the creation of a large body of skilled in-
dustrial workers.
China has many virtues and many dis-
abilities, and while it may be made an
equal partner of the nations that must
guide the destinies of the Far East, it will
not be able to carry its full military or in-
dustrial load for many years. But Mr.
Rovve believes the pragmatism of the Chin-
ese will be most valuable and their in-
dividualism will "exert its influence against
the irrationalities of totalitarian etatism
either communist or fascist."
Mr. Rowe proposes that one source of
possible friction with Russia be removed by
the cession of Outer Mongolia to Russia for
an agreed price. "China has not had any
effective control over this territory and its
Mongol population for at least thirty
years." He also suggests that the cause of
peace will be served by the return of the
Hong Kong territory.
This book, as well as those by Mr. Latti-
more and Mr. Bisson, indicate what grave
problems of policy confront the United
States in the Pacific, the most difficult of
which will be the continued observation
and restriction of Japan and the need of
practicing democracy in the East if Japan
is to become a democratic nation.
CHINA FROM THE BOTTOM UP
CHINA AFTER SEVEN YEARS OF WAR,
edited by Hollington K. Tong. Macmillan.
#2.
REPORT FROM RED CHINA, by Harrison
Forman. Holt. #3.
THE VIGIL OF A NATION, by Lin
Yutang. John Day. #2.75.
THE CHINESE LABOR MOVEMENT, by
Nym Wales. John Day. #2.75.
TELL THE PEOPLE: Talks with James Yen
about the Mass Education Movement, by
Pearl S. Buck. John Day. #1.50.
TREATY PORTS, by Hallett Abend. Double-
day, Doran. #3.
I HAVE SEEN GOD WORK IN CHINA,
by Sherwood Eddy. Association Press. #1.50.
ON THE TWENTY-FIFTH OF THIS MONTH,
China joins the host countries at the first
conference of the United Nations in San
Francisco. The China of the "Big Five" is
neither the ancient Middle Kingdom nor
the modern republic of which the Chinese
merchants in San Francisco dreamed when
they helped Sun Yat-sen overthrow the
decayed Manchu dynasty. It is a China in
the throes of change: a China that has dis-
carded the cue, symbol of bondage; has
unbound the feet of women; has thrown
off the fetters of foreign control — yet still
is chained by too many obsolete institutions
and attitudes to enjoy full freedom of
action.
Whether China is a "great po\ver"in fact
or by courtesy only is of no importance.
But what contribution China can make
after the war to the maintenance of peace
in the Western Pacific is of consequence to
all the nations represented at the San Fran-
cisco Conference. Her internal weakness
too long has made her a focus of interna-
tional rivalry, has encouraged Japan in a
brutal quest of empire. Mr. Hansen is re-
viewing some books that discuss the mili-
tary and political consequences of this
weakness. Here we shall briefly survey
some of the spring publications which look
at it more from the standpoint of the social
engineer whose business it is to correct a
faulty balance of stresses, to provide chan-
nels for the free flow of the nation's vigor.
Neglect of social ills, centuries old, ex-
treme poverty, unjust agrarian and indus-
trial relations no longer can be studied
merely as passing phases in the history of
a single people. They have come to hamper
every genuine step toward world security.
The threats to continuing peace in the com-
ing years will not come from boundary dis-
putes nor from inequality in the geographi-
cal distribution of natural resources. They
will come from the maintenance of arbi-
trary limits to the aspirations of simple
peasants and laborers. When the external
aggressor in Asia has been defeated there
will develop an internal front, in all the
countries of that region, of those who seek
the elementary satisfactions so long denied.
As Seen from Chungking
Because of this wider import, the discus-
sion of China's social problems, like that of
her political role, cannot take place entirely
with the academic calm of objective in-
quiry. In these days no book about China
can be assumed to tell the whole story or
give all sides of a particular controversy.
American readers should abandon a fruit-
less search for books about distant peoples
that are both "reliable" and also charged
with human interest. Public opinion in
this country now is of decisive importance
for the fate of others; to influence it no
longer is an exceptional design of either
foreign or native writers. For our own pro-
tection we must learn to recognize the bias
which is almost always there. We cannot
afford to discard all books suspect of pro-
paganda. Often they alone give us in read-
able form what we want to know. And it
is not really difficult to discern the ear-
marks of propaganda, once we are on the
alert.
The twelve pieces of Chinese and foreign
authors which Hollington K. Tong, China's
Vice-Minister of Information, has chosen to
put before foreign readers are propaganda
of the best sort. They do not pretend to be
anything but the observations of writers
who live in Chungking or elsewhere in
Chungking-governed China and necessarily
reflect the intellectual and social environ-
ment in which they find themselves. All of
the authors are skilled journalists; their
writing is technically flawless. Here and
there the reader will find criticism of the
government, but not hostility.
Some of the significant statements made
in this book about wartime China certainly
can be taken at their face value. For ex-
ample, that the war has brought closer to-
gether people from all walks of life is at-
tested by too many illustrations to be
doubted. The evidence that provincialism,
one of the curses of old-time China, has
been overcome to a remarkable extent is
irrefutable. And, whatever one may hear
about the increased power of rapacious
landlords, there is circumstantial proof that
from the civil servants down to the labor-
ers all working members of society have
hopes for the improvement of their lot—
in tangible forms and often including the
reform of government. There has been a
new and substantial rise in the status of
women; but the legal protection of women
workers remains exceedingly sketchy. Many
of the other social advances, likewise, are
as yet of psychological rather than material
import.
How professors and students have turned
their knowledge and talents to new bread-
winning uses, how the presence of Ameri-
can soldiers has stimulated the study of
English, how noise and bright lights con-
tinue to give an illusion of gaiety, what a
"good" mayor does to please his citizens,
the cumbersome way in which wage scales
are adapted to constantly changing costs,
the peculiar increase in the demand for
books, the heightened social role of the tea
house — these and many other topics are
discussed in ways that indicate larger social
changes. It is safe to conclude, for example,
that the Chinese intellectuals are rather
critical of the middle class and of foreign-
ers. Although there are few glimpses of
what they think of communists or collab-
orationists, they show concern with the
steps taken to implement the constitution.
The Kungchantang Regime
With the exactly opposite intent, namely
that of "showing up" the one-party govern-
ment of nationalist China and securing en-
thusiastic response for the policies and prac-
tices of the so-called communists (it would
be better to adopt the term of Kungchan-
tang for them, as contrasted with that of
Kuomintang for the national party), Har-
rison Forman tells of his journey last sum-
mer to "Red China." This trip, it will be
remembered, was made by a group of
American newspapermen with the consent
and aid of the national government, to se-
cure firsthand information on the character
of Kungchantang rule in those sections of
China which the party controls and on the
strategy of the separate war conducted by
the Eighth Route Army.
The book is lively and will be popular.
No smallest cloud obscures the azure
beauty of the Kungchantang regime, and
no redeeming ray is allowed to fall into the
villainous blackness of the Chungking gov-
ernment. There is an astonishing likeness
to some of the earlier American books
about the "Soviet experiment" in Russia.
Any reader interested in the truth about
China will find it well worthwhile to watch
for the earmarks of propaganda. He will
find many accounts of experience too pat
to carry conviction. The author continually
132
happens upon meetings where speeches and
discussions tell him exactly what he has
> come to find out. They are couched in col-
loquial American, with occidental phrases
;md allusions. Soldiers, students, peasants,
prisoners of war invariably reveal an at-
titude that fits into the rosy picture he
paints. Chinese from half a dozen prov-
inces, Japanese prisoners, Koreans and
Europeans converse without the slightest
indication of difficulty in mutual under-
standing.
Many factual statements are suspiciously
improbable. And yet this account of war-
time China is valuable. Even dramatized
descriptions of guerrilla strategy give a
sense of the sort of war that is being fought
in North China. In spite of mutually con-
tradictory statements by Kuomintang and
Kungchantang leaders, we get a clue to the
probable truth about the way in which the
communists came by large amounts of
Kuomintang weapons and equipment. An
understandable portrait is painted of the
"model" governor, Marshall Yen Hsi-shan.
Two documents — the 1941 election plat-
form of the Border Region (communist)
Political Bureau and the draft program of
the (communist) Japanese People's Eman-
cipation League — are given in detail. We
learn much incidentally about the psy-
chology of farmers and students, soldiers
and officials in a large part of China.
Essayist in Politics
Lin Yutang may be said, in his latest
book, to add to yet another stream of pro-
paganda directed at American public opin-
ion. In some respects as critical of the
national government of China as many
Americans, he nevertheless defends it. He
furiously attacks it detractors both at home
and abroad. China's contemporary master
of the light pen has found his very promi-
nence makes it virtually impossible for tiim
to keep out of politics.
He is unhappy over the lack of candor
with which the right and wrong of Chin-
ese politics have been discussed. He is em-
bittered by the unfairness of some of his
country's critics who do not distinguish be-
tween passing ills and problems inherent in
the historical phase through which China
is passing. He has permitted himself to be-
come the instrument of a reactionary group
in Chungking which is more concerned in
denouncing the allegedly scditionist regime
in North China than in helping to advance
the inescapable reform el government and
administration for all China.
Mr. Lin has brought upon his head an
avalanche of criticism by misjudging the
American public. The "general reader" is
no longer so naive as to swallow an enorm-
ous dose of political invective sugar-coated
with travelogue, anecdote, and amusing
commentary. It is to be hoped that the new
desire of all parties in China to get together
in a workable compromise will soon make
this unfortunate harangue obsolete and per-
mit the genial essayist to return to more
pleasant tasks.
The Awakening Masses
All recent books about China pay tribute
to a new force in that country's internal
Mother of 4 Earns $1,000 on Her Writing
"Without jeopardizing our home life a bit, I have been able
to earn $1,000 since graduating from N.I.A. If I had not the
responsibility of four small children, home duties, haphazard
health and war work, I am sure I could have made much
more. After only two lessons, I sold a garden series to Balti-
more American. The N.I.A. way makes writing child's play,"
— Gladys Carr, Annapolis, Md.
"How do I get my Start as a writer?"
. . . HERE'S THE ANSWER . . .
First, don't stop believing you can write; there is no reason to think you can't write until
you have tried. Don't be discouraged if your first attempts are rejected. That happens to
the best authors, even to those who have "arrived." Remember, too, there is no age limit
in the writing profession. Conspicuous success has come to both young and old writers.
Where to begin, then? There is no surer way than to get busy and write.
Gain experience, the "know how." Understand how to use words. Then you can con-
struct the word-buildings that now are vague, misty shapes in your mind.
O. Henry, Mark Twain, Kipling, Ring Lardner, just to mention a few, all first learned
to use words at a newspaper copy desk. And the Newspaper Institute Copy Desk Method
is today helping men and women of all ages to develop their writing talent . . . helping
them gain their first little checks of $25, $50 and $100.
Learn To Write by WRITING
The Newspaper Institute of America is a training school for writers. Here your talent grows under the
supervision of seasoned writers and critics. Emphasis is placed on teaching you by experience. We don't
tell you to read this author and that author or to study his style. We don't give you rules and theories to
absorb. The N. I, A. aims to teach you to express yourself in your own natural style. You work in your
own home, on your own time.
Each week you receive actual newspaper- type assignments as though you worked on a large metropolitan
daily. Your stories are then returned to us and we put them under a microscope, so to speak. Faults are
pointed out. Suggestions are made. Soon you discover you are getting the "feel" of it, that professional
touch. You acquire a natural, easy approach. You can see where you
are going.
When a magazine returns a story, one seldom knows the real reason
for the rejection; they have no time to waste giving constructive
criticism.
The N. I. A. tells you where you are wrong, and why, and shows you
what to do about it.
A Chance To Test Yourself —
FREE
Our unique Writing Aptitude Test tells whether you possess the funda-
mental qualities necessary to successful writing — acute observation, dra-
matic instinct, imagination, etc. You'll enjoy taking this test. It's free.
Just mail the coupon below and see what our editors think about you-
Newspaper Institute of America, One Park Avenue, New York 16.
N. Y. (Founded 1925.)
NOTICE TO
CANADIANS
Newspaper Institute's
operations in Canada
have been approved by
the Foreign Exchange
Control Board, and to
facilitate all financial
transactions, a special
permit has been as-
signed to their account
with The Canadian
Bank of Commerce,
Montreal.
Newspaper Institute of America
One Park Avenue, New York 16, N. Y.
Send me without cost or obligation, your Writing Aptitude Test and further
information about writing for profit, as promised in Survey Graphic, April.
Miss
Mrs.
Mr.
Address
(Alt rorre4|ion<lenre ronGdential. No saletman will call).
Copyright, 1945, Newspaper Institute of America.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC
133
life: the rise of the people to a more re-
sponsible and purposeful role in the man-
agement of their own affairs. Nym Wales
(Mrs. Edgar Snow) displays this porten-
tous development in its central manifesta-
tion by describing the Chinese labor move-
ment from its beginning to this day. This
talented reporter has reinforced her field
studies with extensive literary researches
and has produced an account far superior
to any previously available. Although some
of the figures quoted from different author-
ities remain mutually contradictory or im-
plausible, she manages to recreate the pic-
ture of a unique episode in China's social
history.
There the labor movement preceded in-
dustrialization. Intolerable oppression dur-
ing the last phase of the Manchu regime
and the earlier phases of foreign enterprise
in China transformed many of the old
guilds into class-conscious trade unions.
Long hours and diminutive cash wages
could endure in small shops staffed with
poor relations and "apprentices." But they
were carried over into the realm of fac-
tories, railway construction, shipping and
port operation. Hence labor agitation at
once became anti-foreign and political and
was not geared to specific demands on
management.
Sun Yat-sen often is given credit for
initiating those larger principles which
merged many social discontents in a sub-
stantial social movement. But in theory as
well as in practice, the Chinese labor move-
ment remained inchoate in his time, was
held together more by mutual aid in strikes
than by a clear-cut common policy. In later
years the movement was first destroyed and
then rebuilt by the Kuomintang, the na-
tional party, as an appendix of its other
agencies of power politics. An independent
trade unionism was suppressed; it survived
only as a subterranean force. Labor legisla-
tion, though quite advanced, did not spring
from the demands of free, organized work-
ers, never was enforced or even enforce-
able.
Miss Wales departs sufficiently from her
main theme to discuss the state of labor
generally in wartorn China, the industrial
cooperative movement (about which she
has written another book), and the present
state of labor legislation and welfare work.
Her appended statistics, case histories of
particular unions, biographies, and chro-
nology of the labor movement are of spe-
cial value to the student.
Education to an End
Pearl S. Buck, who so often goes to the
heart of things, has taken advantage of the
presence of James Yen in this country to
obtain from him, by means of a series of
interviews, an up-to-date account of the
Mass Education Movement. Mr. Yen, as
everybody knows, was propelled into a
great social adventure by his experience
during the First World War when it fell
to him, as an American-educated YMCA
worker, to look after the welfare of a large
Chinese labor force in France. That ad-
venture began as a personal conversion
from the typical attitude of the Chinese
scholar-gentlemen to one of love and re-
spect for the laboring masses. It led
through the years from concern over what
seemed to be their greatest social handicap,
their illiteracy, to a concern with the re-
education of the most numerous people in
the world.
Miss Buck drew from Mr. Yen a coher-
ent account of the movement from its be-
ginning. She recognized, as she tells in the
foreword, that there can be no real peace in
the world while there are glaring inequal-
ities of opportunity. Oppression and desti-
tution will continue until the instruments
of social self-protection are more evenly
distributed. The principal instrument is
that of education; and while the Chinese
peasant always has had education of a sort,
it does not suffice to protect him in these
days of world prices and concentrated poli-
tical control. He must know how to read,
how to adapt the findings of scientific in-
quiry to his own needs and resources, how
to organize with his neighbors, how to pre-
vent the recurrence of the old cycle be-
tween over-population and famine, between
over-confidence and epidemics.
This book tells how inevitable was the
transition from literacy as the early main
concern of mass education to a curriculum
as wide as the life and the problems of the
Chinese peasant — problems of production,
hygiene, good government. Some of the
campaigns which Mr. Yen and his friends
started were later taken up by others. In-
deed, his influence has reached parts of
China where he has never worked. But the
Mass Education Movement has remained
the central stem of that educational ad-
vance which is unbound by any ideology
and therefore has commended itself to citi-
zens and high officials of many political
creeds.
Its importance lies in the concrete tech-
nical application to tasks which in so vast
a country must differ materially from one
place to another. It lies in the stimulated
growth of an active sense of citizenship.
What appealed especially to Generalissimo
Chiang Kai-shek was that this educational
movement did not alienate the educated
villager from his country home but tended
to keep him there as an apostle of the new
knowledge and the New Life.
The war has not stopped the organized
movement of mass education but has ac-
celerated its progress in many ways. More
than ever its founder and leader looks upon
it as part of a great international forward
march of the common people in which the
stronger ones must help the weak.
Raconteur and Crusader
The books by Hallett Abend and Sher-
wood Eddy discuss recent events in China
informally. Both authors are skilled essay-
ists who know how to weave into readable
strands their own experiences and their
personal interpretations of men and move-
ments. Mr. Abend, writing for the "Seaport
Series," deals with the part which Shanghai
and the lesser ports of China have played
in the modern history of that country. He
is not, however, primarily concerned with
trade and shipping, but with the use which
foreign powers have made of the treaty
ports to force on China an economy that
134
has distorted her social growth. He tells of
life in these cities as a cynical American
reporter who yet at heart sympathizes with
the struggles of a great people in the throes
of social change. Often amusing, this book
is a good corrective for the sentimental
nonsense about China which unsophisti-
cated Americans have absorbed in such vast
quantities of late.
Sherwood Eddy, in a modest little vol-
ume, presents "personal impressions from
three decades with the Chinese." The cynic
and the apologist here find their match in
the gentle apostle of good will. Taking the
long view, Dr. Eddy pictures scenes and
personalities in a light that reveals a divint
purpose in all that is human and frail in
China.
Some readers may be inclined to scoff at
the importance which he attaches to the
influence of Christian teaching on the mod-
ern development of China. But, in retro-
spect, the importance attached by other
writers to that country's foreign trade or
to its five-and-ten-year plans may appear
even less realistic. Contemporaries cannot
measure the impact of any one alien culture
trait, whether material or religious. All one
can say with certainty is that the YMCA
and the churches have contributed not a
little to China's greatest hope — the emerg-
ence of morally steadfast personalities.
. BRUNO LASKER
Research Associate, American Council
Institute of Pacific Relations
WHAT TO DO WITH JAPAN, by Wilfrid
Fleisher. Doubleday, Doran. $2.
MR. FLEISCHER'S SPECIFIC RECOMMENDATIONS
are: that Hirohito be deposed but that the
Imperial House should not be discontinued;
that the constitution be revised so as to in-
sure civilian control over the military ele-
ment and the Privy Council; that the in-
stitution of the Genro (or Council of ex-
premiers) be abolished; that the party sys-
tem be returned with an enlarged elec-
torate (including votes for women); that
Japan be stripped of all her conquests even
beyond the recommendations contained in
the Cairo agreement; that the Mandated
Islands be placed under the supervision of
a regional council, with the U.S.A. as the
administrative power; that we should do a
thorough job of occupying Japan and then
get out as quickly as possible; that the
Japanese army and military police be
abolished, the Japanese navy sunk, and
secret societies disbanded; that war crimi-
nals should be punished (with banishment
sufficing for Hirohito); that all of Japan's
heavy industry and all her merchant fleet
be destroyed and that she be deprived of
the privilege of building new ships after
the war; and that the form of Japan's
internal economic structure be left to the
determination of the Japanese people.
The book abounds in sweeping general-
ities and inconsistencies. It is well to call
for the just postwar economic treatment of
Japan, as Mr. Fleisher does, and to issue a
wise and timely plea that the reorganiza-
tion of Japan's internal economic system
must be left to the Japanese themselves.
But why go to extremes with a demand for
In the
Margins
off Chaos
By Francesco Wilson
A terrifyingly real picture of civilian
suffering, displaced populations,
disease and starvation, and of the
work the Quakers have done to
help innocent victims of war. In
her engrossing personal recollec-
tions, Francesca Wilson shows how
foreign relief actually functions
and describes many strange places
and interesting people. $3.00
China
After Seven
Years of War
Edited by Hollington K. Tong
Seven authors who know China at
first hand tell how the Chinese
people look, think, live, and fight
today. They picture concretely the
economic, social, and cultural con-
ditions of the China behind the
headlines at a critical moment in
her long history of resistance.
Photographs. $2.00
America's
Far Eastern
Policy
By T. A. Bisson
"A clear, succinct and unerring ac-
count of the events that led to
Pearl Harbor. No more thorough-
ly objective record of the period
between 1900 and 1941 is- avail-
able to the general public, and its
value in clarifying the issues at
stake in the Pacific war can hardly
be overstated." — New York Herald
Tribune Book Review. $3.00
The Macmillan Company
60 Fifth Avenue New York 11
the complete destruction of all heavy in-
dustry, the destruction of Japan's entire
merchant fleet, and removal of the right to
build new merchant vessels? Can 80,000,-
000 persons, heavily dependent on foreign
trade, survive with no heavy industry and
without merchant vessels? Would not a
restriction of heavy industry to its 1929
peacetime level of 19.3 percent of Japan's
total manufactures suffice? Could not a rea-
sonable limit be placed upon merchant ves-
sel tonnage operating under the Japanese
flag?
Again, can permanent peace be estab-
lished in the Pacific almost wholly upon a
foundation of repressive measures against
Japan? The problem of peace in the Pacific
is the problem of world peace. Building
American outposts in Formosa and Korea
"to protect Korea from another Japanese in-
vasion" and again bringing Port Arthur
under Russian domination will add noth-
ing to a Pacific peace. It will only increase
nationalistic tensions in the Korea-Man-
churia region and set the stage for another
explosion there — an explosion in which
Japan would play a minor role.
Part of the reason for the reviewer's im-
patience with this book is found in the
foreword, where the author states that he
felt the problem was beyond the scope of
any one individual and, therefore, "I have
sought the views of many who will prob-
ably have to dp with making the peace.
. . ." Even this method of collecting ideas
should not have barred Mr. Fleisher from
presenting the material in more orderly
fashion, first screening it through his own
mind. Out of a wealth of experience in
Japan, Mr. Fleisher should have been able
to produce a valuable book. It is to be re-
gretted that he did not do so.
Teacher in Japan 1921-41 JOE J. MICKLE
ASIA ON THE MOVE: Population Pressure,
Migration, and Resettlement in Eastern Asia
under the Influence of Want and War, by
Bruno Lasker. Holt. $3.
MR. LASKER, LONG A STUDENT OF ASIA, HERE
addresses himself to a difficult topic- —
the causes, consequences, and prospects of
migration in Eastern Asia. The task is
hard not only because the data are scarce
and the area huge, but because the subject
has endless ramifications (as suggested by
the subtitle). Yet the book, sponsored by
the Institute of Pacific Relations, makes
an admirable effort to cover the field in
brief and simple fashion. It does not pre-
tend to be a systematic treatise, but a short,
informal discussion based on wide reading
rather than research and meant to be a con-
tribution to the agenda of peace.
Each major part of the volume discusses
the following areas: Southeast Asia, China,
Japan, Korea, and the Soviet Far East, with
some mention of India. After an introduc-
tory section the author deals with internal
migration within each of these. Next he
considers international migration in con-
nection with each, first with reference to
recent trends and second with reference to
postwar prospects. Finally, he deals with
Asiatic migration beyond Asia, and in a
brief section gives his conclusions.
Where the author must necessarily de-
The book that breaks the deadlock
on news from Communist China
by Harrison Forman
Illustrated with the author's
superb photographs
• From the cave city of Yenan, the world's
most remote fighting capital, comes this first-
hand account of the courageous fighters who
are outlawed by Chungking and feared by
the Japanese. It is the first book-length re-
port to reach America after six years of
silence. Stripping aside the secrecy and mys-
tery imposed by the Kuomintang, veteran
correspondent Harrison Forman brings back
an objective, unbiased report of what he
personally saw and learned in Red China.
REPORT FROM RED CHINA is a bombshell of
information. It gives the full and complete
story of one of the most amazing fighting
.forces in the history of this war, and backs up
the report with documents never before
printed in this country, and with facts never
before revealed.
BUY WAR BONDS
(la answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC^
135
For every American
interested in
the future of
his country
DEMOCRACY
UNDER
PRESSURE
SPECIAL INTERESTS vs
THE PUBLIC WELFARE
by STUART CHASE
"In compact but readable form
Stuart Chase has thrown upon
the laps of the American peo-
ple a problem which must be
solved if democracy is going
to survive. It is the problem
of the pressure group in Amer-
ican life." — Chicago Sun
• WHEN :
THE WAR
ENDS
This is the fourth vol-
ume in Stuart Chase's
series, WHEN THE
WAR ENDS. Hare
you read his earlier
titles: THE ROAD
WE ARE TRAVEL-
ING, GOALS FOR
AMERICA and
W H ERE' S THE
MONEY COMING
FROM?
At all bookstores $1.00
THE TWENTIETH CENTURY FUND
330 West 42nd Street, N. Y. 18
scribe events in occupied areas, his fund of
current information and general plausibility
suggest reasonable validity. Future plans
must utilize whatever knowledge is avail-
able and some attempt to show what is
happening is better than none at all. The
Institute of Pacific Relations has done real
service by sponsoring venturesome and
somewhat journalistic descriptions of cur-
rent conditions when scarcity of data and
time make strictly scholarly work almost
impossible.
The author makes it clear that migration
depends, and will increasingly depend, on
world trade and industrial capital, rather
than simply, as often popularly conceived,
upon the existence of open spaces. For this
and other reasons he feels that the demo-
graphic center of gravity in China will
probably not move permanently westward;
that Western influence and Western people
will not be excluded from Asia but will
continue to live there on a more equal and
permanent basis; that the old type of
"coolie" migration is definitely a thing of
the past; and that permanent international
migrations in huge volume are less likely
than, for purposes of labor, short-term sea-
sonal migration, adequately protected and
paid and using modern fast means of
transport.
He does not expect that Asiatics will
seek entry to occidental countries to relieve
population pressure, but thinks they will
continue to resent exclusion policies based
purely on race. He considers that the'
tunity tor movement away from congested
areas, provided the planning is carefully
done.
A certain lack of focus and clarity oc-
casionally arises, especially with reference
to general principles. For instance, in one
of the most crucial matters — the question
of how the rapid and unpropitious growth
of Asiatic populations can be halted with-
out increased mortality — the author's posi-
tion is not easy to determine. This criti-
cism, however, applies to most migration
literature, and should not obscure the fact
that the present work contains a wealth of
relevant material and intelligent interpre-
tation. It is a workmanlike contribution
to contemporary debate on an important
topic. KlNGSLEY DAVIS
Office of Population Research
Princeton University
AMERICAN CHRONICLE, by Ray Stan-
nard Baker. Scribner. #3.50.
BIOGRAPHIES COMMONLY REVEAL TO A READER
more of the author himself than of the
ostensible subject upon which attention is
intended to be focused. This second volume
of the Ray Stannard Baker ("David Gray-
son") autobiography might more appropri-
ately be classified as "Memoirs." Character-
izations of significant individuals — Clemen-
ceau, Lloyd George, Eugene V. Debs, Ida
Tarbell, and thumb-nail sketches of im-
portant events — the Pullman strike, Coxey's
Army — direct attention away from, rather
than to, the author.
President Harding is thus summarized:
"Like so many Americans, he simply cov-
ered his eyes to disagreeable facts and bol-
stered his optimism with gushing enthusi-
asm about the greatness of America."
Charles Evans Hughes, as Secretary of
State, was to Baker "a sturdy, erect person-
ality, with a gift for vigorous and often
pungent English" who "presented cogently
every possible reason for doing nothing."
Baker saw Hughes as "the impressive advo-
cate of Harding's weakness and fear." He
quoted President Wilson as saying of
Hughes, "He has certain qualities of in-
dustry in a prepared course, but goes to the
core of nothing."
There is infinitely more autobiography in
the bucolic "David Grayson" series of
Baker's alter ego, beginning with the heart-
warming "Adventures in Contentment"
than there is in "American Chronicle." Yet
his sympathetic reaction to the wide range
of personalities who rubbed his elbows or
clasped his hand over three quarters of a
century, carry conviction that more con-
scious expositions of indiscretions or preju-
dices would lack. There is little clash be-
tween the reporter-historian Baker and the
rustic philosopher "Grayson." They have
the same profile. The unwritten great
American novel might well supply a full
face.
This is the story of a sensitive and hum-
ble man who, unlike Henry Adams, found
in Woodrow Wilson a leader he could sup-
port and to whom he could give devotion,
understanding, and loyalty. As Wilson's
press representative at Versailles, and later
as his official biographer, Mr. Baker can
and does write with high authority. Tolstoy
Asiatic area itself affords plenty of oppor-
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHICJ
136
has observed that no two men see the truth
alike. Here and there one suspects Baker
of superimposing a part of his own fine
qualities on those of his hero. As he left
the simple service at Woodrow Wilson's
funeral, he found himself repeating from
"The Brothers Karamazov": "'The just
man passeth away, but his light remaineth:
and it is after the Savior's death that men
most are saved. Mankind will reject and
kill their prophets, but will love their
martyrs and honor those whom they have
done to death.' "
For twelve years Baker had consciously
devoted his abilities and energies to an en-
deavor to make Wilson's influence more
potent. After 1922, he was to devote
another fourteen years to inscribing a per-
manent tablet to project that influence
among succeeding generations. Not the
least of his tributes to Woodrow Wilson
is that that statesman could attract and
hold, in memory, as well as in life, the un-
measured devotion of such a man as Ray
Stannard Baker.
RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR.
Cornwall, N. Y.
THE RECONSTRUCTION OF WORLD
AGRICULTURE, by Karl Brandt. Norton.
*4.
PRE-NAZI GERMANY, ORGANIZED AROUND THE
democratic structure of the Weimar Repub-
lic, produced some brilliant scholars and
champions of the cause of world peace and
international collaboration. Among these
was Karl Brandt, a young economist of
great promise, who because of his demo-
cratic views was forced to leave Germany
when Hitler came into power.
Coming to the United States, Mr. Brandt
distinguished himself in academic circles
and, as professor of agricultural economics
on the staff of the Food Research Institute,
Stanford University, he is regarded today
as a leading authority in matters dealing
with world food requirements. With Sir
John Orr of Scotland and F. L. McDougall
of Australia, Mr. Brandt believes in the
idea of building a peace on the foundation
of a sound international program that will
solve the problems of agricultural surpluses
on the one hand, ^nd underconsumption
on the other.
In this new book, Mr. Brandt brings to-
gether the important facts which must be
faced in the postwar economic reconstruc-
tion of the world. He envisions a coopera-
tive world in which there would be no in-
surmountable tariff barriers and impedi-
ments to foreign trade. The point of view
throughout is that of the school of thought
which hopes for postwar freedom of en-
terprise between nations.
The author points to the desirability of
low tariffs and the widest possible interna-
tional exchange of goods. He reasons that
there should be no food surpluses, consider-
ing the world's food needs. He makes an
effective plea for a broader plane of inter-
national collaboration in the fields of trade,
expanded capital exports, and stabilized
currencies. He stresses the fallacy of bi-
lateral trading between nations and sug-
gests that such an arrangement is the in-
evitable precursor of war. The solution he
offers to the problems presented depends
clearly, of course, on whether the postwar
world will be the kind he hopefully pic-
tures. He presents no alternative which
might have to be adopted should we fail at
establishing a relatively free international
economy.
The book is probably the best to date on
the all-important subject of food and agri-
culture in the postwar world. It is writ-
ten in a style that will please not only the
professional economist but likewise interest
the general reader, bent on being intelli-
gently informed about the vital issues at
stake — issues which must be faced if we
and the coming generation are to enjoy
an era of peace. M. L. WILSON
Director of Cooperative Extension Wor\
War Food Administration
U. S. Department of Agriculture
MISSION OF THE UNIVERSITY, by Jose
Ortega y Gasset, translated with an intro-
duction by Howard Lee Nostrand. Prince-
ton University Press. $2.
MOST OF THE NUMEROUS DISCUSSIONS OF
higher education that we hear and read
today are carried on with almost exclusive
reference to the institutions of our own
country. It is, therefore, refreshing and
stimulating to have a distinguished Euro-
pean thinker deal with these problems
without the assumptions that underlie most
of our American criticisms and proposals.
Indeed, so far is the author from being
swayed by American practice that he seems
to be totally unaware of it. "Is it per-
chance," he asks, "a mere accident that
only Europe has possessed universities,
among so many peoples?" Nevertheless,
there is much in this little volume with a
direct bearing upon our problems.
In Ortega's view, the moderri university
concerns itself with two things: (1) train-
ing for the learned professions; (2) scien-
tific research and the training of investi-
gators. "Compared with the medieval uni-
versity, the contemporary university has
developed the mere seed of professional in-
struction into an enormous activity; it has
added the function of research; and it has
abandoned almost entirely the teaching or
transmission of culture." He wishes to re-
store culture to a primary place in the uni-
versity, and to detach research from it. He
demies culture as "the vital system of ideas
of a period," and the lack of it he asserts
to be the cause of our present woes. "The
convulsive situation in Europe at the pres-
ent moment [he is writing in 1930, before
the fall of the Spanish dictatorship] is due
to the fact that the average Englishman,
the average Frenchman, the average Ger-
man are uncultured. They are ignorant of
the essential system of ideas concerning the
world and man, which belong to our time."
About the content of culture, so under-
stood, Ortega is quite specific. The great
cultural disciplines are the physical scheme
of the world; the fundamental themes of
organic life; the historical process of the
human species; the structure and function-
ing of social life; the plan of the universe.
One may note that there is no recogni-
tion here of the division that pervades edu-
cational discussion among us, between
science and the humanities; and, being
ignorant of the American conception of the
undergraduate college, he does not consider
its claim to serve the cultural purpose he
urges.
The intrusion of research into the teach-
ing university he finds disastrous, since in
addition to having led to the elimination of
culture, "it has deflected attention from the
problem of how best to train professionals
for their professions." With some passion
he observes that "any nincompoop that has
been six months in a school or laboratory
in Germany or North America, any parrot
that has made a third rate scientific dis-
covery, comes back a nouveau riche of
science. Without having reflected a quarter
of an hour on the mission of the university,
he propounds the most pedantic and ridic-
ulous reforms. Moreover he is incapable of
teaching his own courses, for he has no
grasp of the discipline as a whole."
Having thus separated research from the
university, Ortega is rhapsodic about the
achievements of science, but somewhat ob-
scure as to the kind of organization by
which the university is to draw from
science its dignity and the breath of its life,
while excluding investigators from its walls.
There are many provocative and pene-
trating passages in these lectures, notably
that on the "principle of economy in edu-
cation," in which he attacks the modern
university for its pretense of doing far
more than is possible, and ignoring the
limitations of the learning capacity of the
ordinary student. "The university of today
... is a tropical underbrush of subject mat-
ters. . . . The principle of economy not
only implies that it is necessary to econo-
mize in the subject matter to be offered.
It has a further implication: that the or-
ganization of higher education . . . must be
based upon the student, and not upon the
professor or upon knowledge."
A rousing and courageous book, with
much to contribute to the solution of our
educational problems.
WILLIAM A. NEILSON
Former President, Smith College
THE REBIRTH OF LIBERAL EDUCA-
TION, by Fred B. Millett. Harcourt, Brace.
*2.
I FEAR THAT THE AUTHOR WOULD NOT CON-
sider me competent to review his book for
he believes that, with a few exceptions,
college presidents are incapable of "more
than the obvious banalities about the signi-
ficance" of the educational process. How-
ever, he is equally truculent towards his
faculty brethren and despite his studied
provocative style, or perhaps because of it,
the book should be read by both presidents
and faculties.
The author rehearses all the familiar
criticisms of the conventional college and
conventional scholarship. Some are real
and serious, but it is only fair to add that
forces apparently unrecognized by the
author are at work to correct them. We
can agree that Mr. Millett has directed his
fire at vulnerable points. But many of us
will not agree that he has found the cure
for the evils he describes.
His cure is to "restore" the humanities
For every serious student
of political economy
England in the
Eighteen-
Eighties
TOWARD A SOCIAL BASIS
FOR FREEDOM
By Helen Merrell Lynd
Emery Neff of Columbia Uni-
versity says: "This historical study
of the first transition from in-
dividualism to collectivism in a
modern industrial society is of the
highest importance for our under-
standing of the present spread of
a similar tendency to a world
scale." $4.50
OXFORD UNIVERSITY
114 Fifth Avenue, N. Y. 1 1
a new edition of . . .
PEACE AND BREAD
IN TIME OF WAR
JANE ADDAMS
With an introductory essay
by JOHN DEWEY
A re-issue of Miss Addams' favor-
ite book. She well knew that to-
day's hungry children are the
soldiers of tomorrow's Caesar.
And she knew, too, that the
United States must lead the na-
tions into "a wider life of co-
ordinated political activity."
Lead; not drive them like sheep.
But, in 1922, Peace and Bread
was ahead of its time. That time
is now.
$2.00
(292 pages; paper bound)
KING'S CROWN PRESS
(292 pages; paper bound)
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
137
THE SHAPING OF
PSYCHIATRY
BY WAR
By Brigadier John
Rawlings Rees, M.D.
The Consulting Psychiatrist to
the British Army presents a clear
and comprehensive survey of psy-
chiatry in war and the role it can
play in building a sound postwar
society. The war has opened new
responsibilities for the psychiatrist,
making urgent such problems as
training methods, morale and dis-
cipline, and the resocialization of
the sick and wounded — problems
that have their important applica-
tions in civilian life as well. Keenly
aware of the social aspects of
psychiatry, Brigadier Rees stresses
the importance of military and
civilian morale and looks forward
to the part psychiatry can play in
solving problems of mental health
in communities and nations. $2.50
CONTRIBUTION
TO
PSYCHIATRY
By A. A. Brill,
Ph. B. M.D.
"Part autobiography, part ex-
position, part case book;
Deludes extensive quotat-s
from Freud's correspond*
^d it is fascinating reading
from first to last."
-Philadelphia Inquirer.
At all bookstores
"BOOKS THAT LIVE"
W. W. NORTON & CO., 70 Fifth Ave., N. Y. 11
to chief place in the hierarchy of the col-
lege curriculum. The "primary objective
of liberal education," he asserts, "is the
analysis and discrimination of values"
found in "literature, the arts, philosophy,
religion and history." True, no one will
claim that any college which does not edu-
cate its students in these subjects can prop-
erly be said to be liberal. But this does not
imply that a liberal education should pay
only lip service to the natural sciences and
the social studies.
Education that aims at polishing the
individual or making him adept only in
abstract thinking about humanistic values
tends to make him but a spectator of life,
a self-centered, introspective, sterile person,
not a participant. Science and the social
studies are an integral part of our culture.
They contribute their values to life and
nothing is gained by exalting "humane"
values and belittling the others.
Mr. Millett writes that "on the scale of
human values the humanities rank highest
because these disciplines are primarily con-
cerned . . . with individual and humane
values." I have read this sentence several
times and confess that for me it is but
reasoning in a circle. The humanists are
in confusion regarding values. I suspect
that the term is a euphemism for "ab-
solutes." If so, why not face the fact that
there are absolutes in life? I for one should
go along with them if they would.
I suspect that what I have written will
brand me in some quarters as no friend of
the humanities. On the contrary I am their
warm friend as I think my record proves.
But I am no more a friend to their im-
perialistic ambitions than I am to the im-
perialistic pretensions of science. The con-
tending claims of the humanities and
science for universality for their subjects
leads nowhere. By asserting universality
the humanists only make it harder for
their friends to defend the humanities.
HAROLD W. DODDS
President, Princeton University
SITUATION NORMAL: The Story of a
Journey in Search of a Theme for a War
and a War Film, by Arthur Miller. Reynal
&. Hitchcock. #2.
WHEN LESTER COWAN OF THE MOVIES DE-
cided "to make a soldier picture which
soldiers would sit through without once
laughing in derision," he bought Ernie
Pyle's book and hired Arthur Miller to go
out among men of the Army Ground
Forces to get supplementary material. This
book is the record of Mr. Miller's travels
trying to find out "what this war and what
this army meant to a lot of guys who were
being soldiers." And quite apart from the
fate of the resultant movie, "G.I. Joe," this
simple record of what Mr. Miller saw and
felt and conversations he had with men in
many stages of training, from a Reception
Center to an Officers Candidate School, con-
tains much interesting information on the
molding of American boys into soldiers and
what they think about while this is going
versal reason which makes it possible for
so many different sorts of men to be willing
to risk so much in battle for their America.
He thinks that he found it, expressed in
almost as many different ways as the men
he talked with. They are not fighting to
keep things the same or for free enterprise
or even for jobs, as has been so much ad-
vertised. But, simply, "that we believe all
men are equal. We really believe it, most
of us, and because a powerful force has
arisen in the world dedicated to making the
people of the world — us included — unequal,
we have therefore decided to fight." He
presents much telling evidence to sustain
this conclusion.
In battle, faith in their leaders and enemy
pressure, together with belief in our cause,
will make our soldiers fight well up to the
end. But what of the postwar future?
There is such a gap between the unity of
men in battle and the apparent dissidence
on the home front that the impact of the
return of our fighting men is bound to be
tremendous, both individually and collec-
tively. Will the old incentives of our civil-
ization suffice to take the place of the war-
time dedication of our fighting men? That
is one big challenge of this war and how it
is met may well determine whether we will
win the peace, too.
IST. LT. RICHARD PATRICK KELLOGG
Fort Dix, N. f.
PEACE AND BREAD
(Continued from page 118)
Mr. Miller set out to find, in addition to
local color and characters, evidence of what
he calls Belief among soldiers, of a uni-
anstvering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
138
endeavors at international organization will
decide the success or failure of efforts to
achieve lasting peace. This is no mere pre-
diction, but is based on the solid experi-
ence of the past.
The significance attached by Miss
Addams to the need for food points to a
trait which animates almost every page of
"Peace and Bread" — for the association of
the two words in the title is fundamental.
The need for bread is a symbol of the
importance accorded by Miss Addams to
natural impulse and primitive affection.
Her faith in them was the source of her
interest in "social settlements"; it was
nourished by the experiences that centered
in Hull House.
All who knew Miss Addams also know
of her insistence that sharing in the activi-
ties which issued from Hull House was not
a matter of doing good to others as bene-
ficiaries; those who took part had more to
receive than to give. She had a deep feel-
ing that the simple, the "humble" peoples
of the earth are those in whom primitive
impulses of friendly affection are the least
spoiled, the most spontaneous. Her faith
in democracy was indissolubly associated
with this belief. It permeates what she
wrote because it was a part of the life she
lived from day to day. Her own life was
an active anticipation of what a recent
writer has put into words: "Society will
develop by living it, not by policing it."
Miss Addams did not put her trust in the
"Carlyle contention that the peoples must
be led into the ways of righteousness by
SEA LANGUAGE
COMES ASHORE
By Joanna Carver Colcord
Contributing Editor to SURVEY GRAPHIC
A distinguished social worker and author, Joanna
Carver Colcord, makes a noteworthy addition to
the literary heritage of America. Descendant of
five generations of seafarers, Miss Colcord has
compiled over a thousand nautical expressions
which have been "washed ashore," and has ar-
ranged them, with meanings and origins, for
easy reference. A truly authoritative collection,
hailed by the critics.
CARL SANDBURG: "I add this book to
others of hers that I know have permanent
value."
CARL VAN DOREN: "Fascinating, remark-
able."
C. B. PALMER in the New York Times Book
Review calls it "this fabulously interesting work
on speech which traces the lusty effect of salt-
water transfusions on the landsman's language.
... It covers in an affectionate way what one
might nowadays call the amphibious phase of
speech."
J«st pnbHshod $2.25
WARSHIPS
OF THE WORLD
Edited by Roger Kafka and
Roy L. Pepperburg
Follow this most complex naval war in history
intelligently — step by step, day by day. The
greatest naval encyclopedia ever published 1 Com-
plete, authoritative, up to the minute. Complete
data on 7,000 fighting ships of 52 world nariet.
. . . 900 accounts of naval actions in World
War II from official sources.
"More up to date, more comprehensive, than
any similar type of book. . . ." — CRITCHELL
RIMINGTON (author of Fighting Fleets)
"Readable and complete. ... A book for long-
time reference. . . . An eye-opener for the land-
bound, and for all those seeking a knowledge of
all phases of this most complicated war." — Field
Artillery Journal
1,051 Pages 900 Illustrations $15.00
ENCYCLOPEDIA OF KNOTS
AND FANCY ROPE WORK
By Raoul Graumont and Hensel
A "must" for the working library of every occu-
pational or recreational therapist, handicraft in-
structor, or settlement house worker. Ideal for
individual or group reference. 3,524 different
examples of practical and ornamental knots. Each
type, from the simplest tie to the most elaborate
design in splicing, braiding, tatting, or fringe
work is clearly pictured, thoroughly described,
and fully explained. A Club-Craft "Must" of the
Boys' Club of America.
"Nothing less than the Britannica of the sub-
ject."—RALPH THOMPSON, N. Y. Times.
663 Page* 332 Full-Page Photographs $5.00
At Your Bookseller or Direct
CORNELL MARITIME PRESS
241 West 23rd Street Dept. SC
New York 11. N. Y.
the experience, acumen, and virtues of the
great man." Her faith was at the opposite
pole. Leaders, whether political or intel-
lectual, were to her trustees for the interests
of the common people. Theirs was the
duty and the task of giving articulate and
effective form to the common impulses she
summed up in the word "Fellowship."
Were Jane Addams with us today her
voice and pen would tell us how the events
of the years which have intervened between
two world wars have intensified the evils
which will surely follow if leaders betray
the trust committed to them — events which
have deepened the need for those humane
processes and organs which alone can bring
hope of enduring peace to a tragically
torn and bleeding world.
THEY CAN BE MADE OVER
(Continued from page 129)
the terror of his previous school soon dis-
appeared. His classmates never learned that
he was only ten years old.
Some time ago the school enrolled a pu-
pil with a misshapen palate and upper lip.
Facially and vocally deformed, the boy had
been ridiculed so much and punished so
much for assaulting his tormentors that he
wore the look of a hunted animal. Before
he entered his new class, the teacher told
the pupils that they were to prove their
good characters by not taking any notice
of his affliction. For the first time in his
life, other children received him as an
equal. He advanced two years in reading
ability in a single term, distinguished him-
self in the woodworking shop, and, accord-
ing to the psychiatrists at a New York
clinic who had long dealt with his dis-
couraging case, "simply exuded happiness
and contentment." Even his speech im-
proved. When he graduated a few years
ago, he gave an intelligible talk before the
entire school.
The teachers maintain a fund to pur-
chase eye-glasses for pupils who cannot af-
ford them, and assist in other ways. One
of their oddest contributions ' was made on
behalf of a boy who was totally bald. He
arrived at the school under the wing of
the usual truant officer, his shiny head
hidden under a leather skull cap, and his
face marked by the sullen bitterness of a
long martyrdom. First, Mrs. Rashkis senl
him to a clinic to see if there was any
chance of restoring his hair. This proved
impossible, so the teachers clubbed together
and bought him a toupee. "After he be-
gan looking human, he turned out to be
quite a nice boy," the principal said.
Alumni of P.S. 37
Of course, P. S. 37 does not succeed in
salvaging every pupil. Sometimes the de-
structive patterns are too deeply set, or
the home situation is so bad that commit-
ment to an institution furnishes the only
answer. But, in the vast majority of cases,
the graduates get jobs or enter high school,
and move along the road to useful citizen-
ship.
(Continued on page 140)
William H. Kilpatrick
Member, Editorial Advisory Board
Ilie ENCYCLOPAEDIA of
HODERN EDUCATION
Authoritative, basic reference work — for
parents, teachers, administrators and all
others interested in modern education.
World-wide in scope, up-to-date.
"Its many excellent and scholarly articles
. . . along with its wide sweep in the
fields of modern education, are sufficient
basis for recommending it to the pro-
fessional and lay public of America,"
HARVARD EDUCATIONAL REVIEW
Editorial Advisory Board
EDWARD L. THORNDIKE HAROLD BENJAMIN
I. L. KANDEL WM. F. CUNNINGHAM
FRANCIS M. CROWLEY PAUL KLAPPER
FRANK N. FREEMAN WM. H. KILPATRICK
H. N. RIVLIN and H. SCHUELER, Editors
Over 200 eminent Contributors
From the many Entries :'
Vocational Guidance • Child Guidance
• Military Education • Foreign Language Study
• Occupational Analysis • Foreign Systems
• Family Life • Religion in Education
• Community & School •Delinquency
• Character and Personality Tests
902 PACES
CLOTH BOUND
$10.00
Philosophical Library, Inc., Publishers,
15 E. 40th St., Dept. W, New York 16, N. Y.
Please send me copies of The Encyclopedia
of Modern Education, at $10.00 each. I enclose
payment of S
NAME
ADDRESS
BLOOD DONORS
NEEDED!
=j" RED CROSS plasma is saving
the lives of hundreds of wounded
soldiers and sailors. But thousands
of additional blood donors are
needed.
GIVE A PINT OF BLOOD TO SAVE A
LIFE.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
139
"THE DOCTOR
ALONE CAN'T
CURE YOU"
By ROLF ALEXANDER, M. D.
Written by a physician trained in
scientific research after more than
twenty years of investigation into the
principles of Spiritual and mental
healing. Acclaimed by critics every-
where as the best book of its kind
yet published.
From a foundation of scientific
knowledge and ageless wisdom, it
creates a 20th Century approach to
the art of living; then, offers a sys-
tem of mental exercises by which
each reader can make this new vision
into a personal reality. . . . This edi-
tion is strictly limited. Get your copy
at your bookstore, or direct, postpaid,
$2.50, from DEPT. G.
THE
OVERTON PRESS
Publishers
Carson Ci'v
Nevada
how to advise
on marriage
and family
problems
manual for ministers, doctors,
lawyers, teachers, parents, social
workers, and others engaged in
counseling service
This book will help you give proper
guidance and help to men and women
who coma to you with their marriage
and family problems. Discusses the five
basic issues entering into a successful
marriage-^the legal, economic, biological.
psychological and ethical. Just published!
MARRIAGE AND
FAMILY COUNSELING
By Sidney E. Goldstein
President, National Conference of Family Rela-
tions: Professor of Social Service, Jewish Institute
of Religion; Associate Rabbi, Free Synagogue,
N«w York
457 pages, 5',2 x 8, $3.50
This book shows you how to conduct the interview
to get the important facts, how to analyze the farts
in Older to draw a correct and unprejudiced conclu-
sion, and finally, having a complete picture of the
ca.se, what recommendations to make. Questions of war
marriage, divorce, intermarriage, length of courtship chil-
dren, occupational and social life, are taken up simply
and frankly.
_ Send for it FREE for 10 days
MCGRAW-HILL BOOK co.. INC.,
330 W. 42nd St., New York 18, N. Y.
Send me Goldstein's Marriage and Family Counseling
for 10 days' examination on approval. In 10 days I
will send $3.50 plus few cents postage or return book
postpaid. (We pay postage on orders accompanied by
remittances).
Name
Address 1 1
City and State
Company
L Position SG 4-45
Books sent on approval in U. S. only.
That the school's influence does not end
when the boys leave is shown by the loy-
alty of its former pupils. Hardly a day
goes by when at least one does not drop
in to tell Mrs. Rashkis about a new job,
introduce his bride, bring pictures of his
children, or show a decoration awarded
overseas. I saw a redheaded marine cor-
poral who had just come back from the
South Pacific with ribbons indicating a
Purple Heart and a Presidential Unit Cita-
tion. When Mrs. Rashkis introduced him
as a former pupil, the boys sang "The
Halls of Montezuma" with a fervor that
shook the auditorium.
"I didn't deserve all that praise," he said
afterward. "The praise should go to the
teachers who made men of us."
According to Judge Marchisio, schools
such as P. S. 37 established through the
nation would mean a long step toward the
cure of juvenile delinquents. P. S. 37, with
its smaller classes and extra personnel, costs
more than the average New York public
school; but as Dr. Frank J. O'Brien, asso-
ciate superintendent of schools, points out,
the added expense is small compared to
the cost of institutional care and possible
imprisonment — to say nothing of broken
lives. "And many of the features are not
dependent on extra cost," Dr. O'Brien says.
"The spirit of friendliness, the concern for
the pupil's self-respect, and the use of re-
sponsibility to build self-confidence can be
applied anywhere that there are wise and
sympathetic teachers." Even if a commu-
nity is too small to afford a separate school,
the same principles can be applied. This
kind of school atmosphere can, in fact,
bring out the best side of all children.
PUBLIC HEALTH IN THE POSTWAR WORLD
(Continued jrom page 122)
nursing personnel, in hospitals and medical
schools, and research laboratories, the ac-
tual delivery of service to low income
families is woefully inadequate.
The reason why shortage of medical care
operates far above the range of families
lacking in respect to food or shelter is that
medical care is so variable a factor that
only at very high economic levels is it
possible to budget for its emergencies.
At reasonably high income levels, a con-
siderable part of the problem can be solved
by systems of voluntary prepayment, com-
bined with group practice to furnish care
with efficiency and economy. So far as the
single factor of the hospital bill is con-
cerned, some 16,000,000 people are now
covered by the various "Blue Cross" pre-
payment plans.
If the lower half of the population is to
be served, however (and if many of those
above this level are to receive completely
adequate care), the only practical procedure
which will solve the problem is compulsory
insurance. Under this plan a contribution
to the insurance fund is required by law
from every worker in certain industries and
trades and from every white-collar worker
below a certain income level. Employers
are required to contribute to the fund
(often on a fifty-fifty basis); and the state
may add a small subsidy out of taxes. The
Health Program Conference which recently
reported on the "Principles of a Nation-
wide Health Program" concludes that such
a system, to be effective, must cover "all or
most of the population"; that "it is essen-
tial that financial participation in the sys-
tem be required by law"; and that the plan
should provide for complete medical and
hospital care and preventive services. [See
"Health for the Nation," by Michael M.
Davis, Survey Graphic, December, 1944.]
Parallel with the evolution of such an
orderly system of prepayment, there must
be developed equally important reforms in
the technique of rendering service, with
organized groups of general physicians and
specialists in due proportions, pooled use of
equipment and assistant personnel, and af-
filiation with a hospital. Through well-
organized group practice under a prepay-
ment plan, about twice as much physicians'
and auxiliary service may be furnished for
the same total expenditures as Americans
are accustomed to spend for comparable
care. Even more important is the fact that
group practice is the only means of main-
taining and promoting a high quality of
medical care; for, in this field, quality is
more important than quantity. The facil-
ities provided for good medical practice in
a well-equipped hospital health center, the
relief from clerical and financial respon-
sibility, and the stimulus of intimate con-
tact with professional colleagues in a com-
mon task have proved most powerful in-
fluences in promoting quality of medical
service.
Group payment and group practice are
the two avenues of approach to this im-
portant problem; and they are avenues
which can be pursued without too much
alarm about the bogie men supposed to
lurk in the bushes beside the road. All
that is proposed is a program by which hos-
pitals and physicians shall be encouraged to
cooperate in the rendering of efficient serv-
ice and by which the public shall cooperate
in a rational method of accumulating funds
to pay for such service.
This is why the American Public Health
Association, at its meeting last fall, adopted
an official policy which states that "a na-
tional program for medical care should
make available to the entire population all
essential preventive, diagnostic, and cura-
tive service." This is why the American
Dental Association has declared that "den-
tal care should be available to all regardless
of income or geographic location." This is
why Mayor La Guardia has approved a
program of complete medical care for all
employes of New York City, jointly sup-
ported by the employes and the city itself.
This is why Governor Earl Warren has
sponsored a compulsory insurance bill for
California. This is why the Wagner-Mur-
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
140
Winner of the
PARENTS' MAGAZINE
MEDAL FOR 1944
for the
outstanding book*
for parents
published during that
year
SOLDIER
TO
CIVILIAN
By GEORGE K. PRATT, M,D.
Foreword by
GEORGE S. STEVENSON, M.D.
Medical Director, National
Committee for Mental Hygiene
"By far the most valuable
study of our duty to the
veteran that has been pub-
lished. Just as it tells what
extraordinary measures
the army authorities have
taken to make good sol-
diers out of civilians, so it
explains our part in help-
ing to make good civilians
out of returning soldiers
. . . Free from professional
terms and extraordinarily
lucid . . . Dr. Pratt's equip-
ment for this special work
is extensive, for both in
the army and as a teacher
of psychiatry he has had
to do with rehabilitation
of men." - HARRY HAN-
SEN, Survey Graphic.
On sale at all
bookstores, $2.50
WIIITTLESEY HOUSE
A Division of the McGraw-Hill
Book Co., New York 18
ray-Dingell bill has been brought belon
Congress. The time is ripe for action.
Mental Health
In considering the problems of the
future, we must not forget that mental and
emotional health is fully as momentous a
problem as so-called "physical" health. In
any given community, the number of in-
stitutional beds occupied by patients suf-
fering from mental and nervous disorders
is nearly equal to the number of beds oc-
cupied by sufferers from all other forms
of disease taken together. Furthermore,
this ratio is likely to increase in the future.
This will result from three causes.
First, our present institutional facilities
are — in most states — inadequate; as new
beds for mental and nervous diseases are
provided, they will be occupied by patients
who should be hospitalized but have not
previously been admitted because of lack of
space. Second, since the average period of
institutional care for such diseases is much
more than a year, even a fixed rate of
annual admissions will cause a progressive
increase in total hospital population. Third,
the steady advance in the mean age of our
population inevitably involves an increased
total incidence in mental disorders of senile
degenerative type. We must, therefore, be
prepared to increase our present institu-
tional facilities in most states and to im-
prove their physical and professional stan-
dards in nearly all states.
Advanced cases of mental disease, of
such a nature as to demand institutional
care, constitute only a part of the problem.
More important in their total influence on
society are the relatively minor emotional
problems — the doubts and fears and uncer-
tainties and maladjustments which, in
greater or less degree, handicap all of us
in the conduct of our daily lives. These are
not identical with the more specific and
serious forms of mental disease with which
the psychiatrist deals in a state hospital.
This is, perhaps, why the institutional
psychiatrist, whose experience is with ad-
vanced stages of specific disease, often fails
to comprehend the possibilities of mental
hygiene.
The two areas undoubtedly overlap. The
mental hygiene clinic will keep some in-
dividuals from developing their emotional
tendencies so 'far as to require institutional
care. In the main, however, the fields are
distinct. There is an analogy here with
pneumonia and the common cold. Colds
may predispose to pneumonia, but in them-
selves are primarily important as causes of
disability. Yet there is one vital difference
between these two fields. We cannot, as
yet, do much to control the common cold;
while, thanks to new methods of therapy,
we can do much to control pneumonia
mortality. On the other hand, our mental
institutions can restore perhaps a third of
their patients to reasonably normal life;
while the mental hygiene clinic can ac-
complish far more significant results.
The war has presented us with a vital
challenge to improve this branch of our
community facilities. Colonel 'L. G. Rown-
tree of Selective Service has told us that
(Continued on page 144)
New York Sun: "Drive is Begun on
Epilepsy."
New York Times: "Some Plain English
on Epilepsy."
EPILEPSY -THE GHOST
IS OUT OF THE CLOSET
Public Affairs Pamphlet No. 98
(10 cents a copy)
Must ignorance of the scientific facts
about epilepsy ruin the lives of increas-
ing numbers of returning veterans, of
thousands of young children, and other
individuals?
Help To spread the truth that epileptics
are people who ask only to be treated
as such.
Send for your copy of this
pamphlet today — then write
us for additional copies to dis-
tribute to your friends, your
families, your associates; to
use in group educational work.
50 copies, $4; 100 copies, $8
200 copies, $15.
(plus mailing charges)
Public Affairs Committee, Inc.
30 Rockefeller Plaza
New York 20, N. Y.
ANNOUNCING:
The publication of a monograph for use
by physicians, psychiatrists, psychothera-
pists, social workers, clergymen, patients
and relatives:
ALCOHOLICS ARE SICK PEOPLE
by Robert V . Seliger, M.D., Instructor in
Psychiatry, .T*hns Hopkins University Medical
School; Assistant Visiting Psychiatrist, Johns
Hopkins Hospital; Medical Director, Haarlem
Lodge, Catonsville, Md. ; Medical Director, The
Farm for Alcoholic Patients, Howard County,
Md. ; Executive Director, The National Commit-
tee on Alcohol Hygiene, Inc.
and Victoria Cranford, Psychotherapist and Ror-
schach Analyst, Haarlem Lodge. Catonsville,
Md.; The Farm for Alcaholic Patients, Howard
County, Md.
edited by:
Harold S. Goodwin, Day City Editor, The Balti-
more Sun, Baltimore, Md.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. The Purpose of this Monograph's Therapy
(Treatment) .
2. Are You an Alcoholic?
3. IF You Are An Alcoholic.
4. What Really Drives You to Drink?
5. Alcoholism Doesn't Make Sense.
6. Taking The Mental Hurdles.
7. Life Without Liquor.
8. Glossary.
End covers: (Front) The Liquor Test.
(Back) Re-educational Guides.
Alcoholism Publications
2030 Park Avenue
Baltimore 17. Maryland
Picas,' send me: ALCOHOLICS ARE SICK PEOPLE.
D COPIES $2.00 Cloth bound
Name
Address
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
141
THE BOOKSHELF
EXCHANGE BOOKS. Mine for yours. Psychol-
ogy, sociology, freethought, etc. by John Bur-
roughs, Potter, Menninger, Huxley, Tead, others
Large Dictionary. Send list. Frank Handshue,
Seville, Ohio.
WHAT BOOKS DO YOU WANT?
We Quote lowest market prices. No charge for
locating Hard-to-Pind and Out-of-Print Books.
AH books, OLD or NEW, mailed POST-FRUK
SEARCHLIGHT BOOK COLLECTIONS
22 East 17th St., New York City
GRAPHIC readers read good books. Do you
keep a record of them ? Adventures in Reading
(Hayes), unique, attractive volume for that pur-
pose. Anthology and information thrown in. "It
is a lovely little book." "What a clever idea,
and so novell" $1.00. Money-back guarantee.
Colonial Process Printing Company, Harvey, Illi-
nois.
FOREIGN BOOKS
SCHOENHOF'S FOREIGN BOOKS, INC.
1280 Massachusetts Avenue
Cambridge 38, Mass.
PROFESSIONAL SERVICES
SPECIAL ARTICLES, THESES, SPEECHES,
PAPERS. Research, revision, bibliographies, etc.
Over twenty years' experience serving busy pro-
fessional persons. Prompt service extended.
AUTHORS RESEARCH BUREAU, 516 Fifth
Avenue, New York, N. Y.
ORIGINAL SERMONS, SPEECHES, LEC-
TURES, Club Papers, professionally prepared.
Criticism, rewriting, plotting, ghostwriting of
book-length manuscripts, short-stories, feature
articlec. Testimonials galore. Printed Lectures.
Sermons and Outlines also furnished. FREE
Circular. Dept. "S," Continental Writers' &
Speakers' Bureau, 210 Fifth Ave., New York,
HELEN GUILES, Literary Agent. Short stories,
current articles, book manuscripts and poetry ex-
pertly criticised and marketed. 131 West 69th
Street, New York City.
MANUSCRIPT TYPING, also Stenotype Report-
ing, Mimeographing. Prompt, efficient service;
reasonable rates. ROLEN REPORTERS, 351
Pennsylvania Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y. Dickens
2-0296. .
RESEARCH: Congressional Library, Government
Bureaus, etc. Questions, literary or scientific in-
vestigations, genealogy, business errands, attended
by experts. Valuable circular, lOc. Crehore, Box
2329-G, Washington 13, D. C.
WE PUBLISH, PRINT and DISTRIBUTE your
manuscripts m pamphlet and book form. Folder.
K. WILLIAM-FREDERICK PRESS: Pamphlet
Distributing Company, 313 West 35th Street,
New York 1.
MULTIGRAPHINC
MIMEOGRAPHING
ADDRESSING
FILLING-IN
FOLDING
METERING
COMPLETE MAILINGS
• • •
Quick Service Letter Company
INCORPORATED
53 PARK PLACE— NEW YORK
TELEPHONE— BARCLAY 7-9633
COFFEE
SERVED FOR OVER 50 YEARS in New York's
finest restaurants. Send $1 for trial 2 Ibs. of
this superb coffee. Specify grind. Richard H.
Toeplitz, Suite 205, 342 Madison Avenue, New
York 17, N. Y.
BOOKPLATES
FREE CATALOG, showing several hundred beau-
tiful designs.
ANTIOCH BOOKPLATES, Box 218, Yellow Springs, Ohio
"POWHATAN" INDIAN PIPE
SEND a dollar hill for genuine "Powhatan" hand-
made Indian clay smoking pipe, replica famous
original Virginia antique, two long stems, his-
toric booklet, directions, enjoyment, and care.
Rustic container, postage prepaid. PAMPLIN
PIPE CO., Richmond, Virginia.
EMPLOYMENT AGENCY
GERTRUDE R. STEIN, INC.
AGENCY, 64 West 48th Street, New
York. Wise. 7-4961. A professional
bureau specializing in fund-raising, group
work, institutional, casework and med-
ical social work positions.
PRINTING
LET US PRINT YOUR PAMPHLETS. Send
for free circular giving terms. Haldeman- Julius
Company, Box P-1003, Girard, Kansas.
LANGUAGES
PHONOGRAPH COURSES. Mail Orders. All
Makes. Booklet G. LANGUAGE SERVICE, 18
East 41st St., New York 17, N. Y.
29 LANGUAGES BY LINGUAPHONE. Russian,
Spanish, Portuguese - - Direct conversational
method for mastering any language quickly,
easily, correctly »t home. Send for FREE book.
LINGUAPHONE INSTITUTE, 50 RCA BIdg.,
New York 20. CI 7-0830.
SITUATIONS WANTED
EXPERIENCED MARRIAGE COUNSELOR
(legal, psychological and psychiatric training)
desires counseling, teaching or research position.
8124 Survey.
RESPONSIBLE MAN over draft age, experienced
farm, maintenance, boys. Wife's interests : secre-
tarial, community, tutorial. Available September,
possibly June. 8126 Survey.
EXPERIENCED SOCIAL WORKER seeks posi-
tion in child placing or juvenile court agency.
Experience covers wide field in social service.
Other types of positions considered. 8127 Survey.
HOUSEMASTER, recreational teacher for chil-
dren's home, private school, boys' club, insti-
tution. Protestant, mature, available September
15th. 8123 Survey.
MAN (36) trained and experienced worker; men-
tally and physically handicapped group and fam-
ily work ; public schools ; desires administrative
position in institution or hospital for handicapped.
Available June 1st. 8133 Survey.
WORKERS WANTED
PROGRAM DIRECTOR for Settlement House in
Mexican neighborhood. Southwest. Excellent op-
portunity for building inter-racial understanding.
8130 Survey.
WE SERVE as a confidential clearing house
through which social workers, executives and
agencies everywhere can get in direct touch with
one another quickly and at surprisingly small
cost. A $3.00 registration fee to both employers
and applicants is our only charge. No com-
missions ! Just tell us what kind of situation you
are qualified for, location you would consider,
etc., or give us complete details about the posi-
tion you have open. After careful crossmatching,
employers descriptions are mailed to all potential
candidates. Those interested • then apply direct
to employers on special forms we furnish. Don't
run the risk of overlooking the very position or
applicant you might be most interested in I Take
advantage of the increased selection our low fees
and streamlined service creates. Central Registry
Service, 109 South Stanwood, Columbus 9, Ohio.
WORKERS WANTED
WANTED Group Work Practitioner. Settlement
House upstate New York. Growing, stimulating
job. Salary range $1800-$2500. Refugee or veteran
acceptable. 8129 Survey.
EXECUTIVE capable full charge National post-war
planning organization. Opportunity man or woman
social worker to enter this field New York City.
Some experience fund raising, public relations,
interest international events desirable. Approxi-
mately $2800 start. Excellent permanent future.
8128 Survey.
WANTED: Child Welfare Consultants and Cat*
Supervisors. Salaries beginning $2880. Senior C»s«
Workers beginning at $2400. Junior Case Work-
ers beginning at $2139. Opportunities for advance-
ment. Appointments under Merit System. Apply
Division of Child Welfare, State Department of
Social Welfare, Topeka, Kansas.
RECREATIONAL DIRECTOR for handicapped
persons including blind. Attractive salary — per-
manent— give experience, references. Goodwill
Industries, Dayton, Ohio.
SPECIALIZED WORKER or medical social worker
desired by tuberculosis association in large western
city. This is an attractive position in agency with
dynamic program. 8122 Survey.
CATHOLIC CHARITIES an integrated Family
and Child Care Case Work Agency in need of
a trainee and experienced case worker. Good
salary. Challenging opportunity. Apply Catholic
Charities, 418 North 25th Street, Omaha 2,
Nebraska.
WANTED: A couple for resident faction — B»y«
Dormitory. Must be able to •apervwe school
work, recreational activities, direct tfce conduct
of the boys. There are housekeeping duties en-
tailed. For full details write to Superintendent,
Friendship House, 2080 Adams Avenue, Scran-
ton », Pa.
COUNSELORS: Men and women for Pennsylvania
camp run by Settlement House. Boyi eamp in
July, girls camp in August. Counselors may
work in summer town program and lire at Set-
tlement during other month. Opportunity for stu-
dents interested in social work. 8113 Survey.
CAMP DIRECTOR: Experienced man or woman
to direct camp in Pennsylvania run by a Settle-
ment House. Important coordination of group
work principles effected through wint«r program.
Prefer trained group worker with •dnuniitratrre
ability. SI 14 Survey.
HOMEFINDER for well-established, private chil-
dren's agency. Good salary and excellent working
conditions. Write Byron T. Hacker, Children s
Center, 1400 Whitney Avenue, New Haven Con-
necticut.
PAROLE OFFICER — Male, New York State resi-
dent*. Vacancies principally in New York City.
Beginning salary $2400 plus 15% war emergency
compensation. Give age, education, experience.
David Dressier, Executive Director, Box 1679.
Albany, New York.
CASE WORKERS — June, July, August, in Child
Care Centers for Intake. Teacher and Parent
consultation. Play Schools Association, 119 West
57th Street, New York 19.
CASE WORKERS wanted by child protective
agency. School of Social Work graduates pre-
ferred, but college graduates with social sci-
ence course accepted for training. Satisfactory
salaries and personnel practices. Apply Mass.
S. P. C. C., 43 Mt. Vernon Street, Boston 8,
Mass.
SOCIAL WORKERS WANTED
Excellent opportunities at good salaries for
graduates of accredited schools of social work,
to work in a progressive community whose social
work future lies before it.
Ideal Climate for Year-Round Outdoor Sporu.
Caseworkers, Croup Workers,
Supervisors and other Health and
Welfare Workers address all com-
munications to:
JOSEPH ANDRIOLA, As»Ut. Dlr.
Community Welfare Council
645 A Street, San Diego 1, California
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
142
^fl1^^ BOOKLETS PAMPHLETS PERIODICALS jftSlJb
§*"^&fjp Of interest and service to readers thinking about the social prob- ^^^blO
<-^TJi\S^;^3 'ems °f today — the public health, education, housing, industrial ^-^
^S^^^S^ and labor relations, government, racial and foreign relations. .f^^^^-S---^""
How to Make a Speech and Enjoy It
a delightful and practical guide for the
non-professional speaker. 75c
Newspaper Publicity— How to Make the
MOSt Of It (For May Publication)
what newspaper publicity can and can't
do; how to work with the papers 75c
PUBLIC WELFARE DIRECTORY
1945
A listing of federal and state public welfare
agencies and officials, local public assistance
agencies and officials serving cities of over
30,000 population, a summary of interstate
correspondence procedures for each state,
and valuable appendices including summaries
of state residence requirements for public
assistance eligibility.
$1.50
AMERICAN PUBLIC WELFARE ASSOCIATION
1313 E. 60th St., Chicago 37, III.
ADMINISTRATION IN THE Y.W.C.A.
Four pamphlets on the philosophy of
democratic administration and how to put
it into practice. A guide for social organ-
izations.
Principles and Procedures 75 cents
Helen D. Beavers
The Electorate 50 cents
Marie Russ
Planning 50 cents
Belle Ingels
Staff Supervision 50 cents
Briseis Teall
Set of 4 pamphlets— $2.00
THE WOMANS PRESS
6OO Lexington Avenue
New York 22, N. Y.
lions on interpretation)
NATIONAL PUBLICITY COUNCIL
130 East 22nd St., New York 10, N. Y.
HANDBOOKS FOR PROFESSIONAL
WORKERS AND EDUCATORS
OUTLINE FOR A COURSE IN
PLANNED PARENTHOOD
By Mary Antoinette Cannon —
50c per copy
CASE WORKER AND FAMILY
PLANNING — lOc per copy
Other material on health and welfare
aspects of Planned Parenthood are de-
scribed in our literature; list available
upon request. Write to Planned Par-
enthood Federation of America, Inc.,
501 Madison Avenue, New York 22,
N. Y.
MISS BAILEY SAYS —
by Gertrude Springer
Stock of these popular pamphlets, each containing
8 articles reprinted from Surrey Mldmonthly, U now
limited to the three most recent booklets. Pamphlets
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
Official Journal of the American Sociological Society.
In addition to papers and proceedings of the So-
ciety, it contains articles on sociological research,
news notes, book reviews, and foreign correspondence.
Subscription S4.M a year - Special library rate S3.M
Address: Managing Editor
American Sociological Review
U. S. Department of Agriculture. Washington. O.C.
Survey Midmonthly
112 E. 19th St. New York 3, N. Y.
WHAT DO
UNITARIANS BELIEVE?
Free Literature Sent on Request
"I'osi Office Mission,"
Church of All Souls.
Lexington Ave. at 8«h Stre«t. New York 21. N. Y
ORGANIZING COMMUNITY
WELFARE SERVICES $1.00
A CROUP LEADERS MANUAL . . 1.00
COUNCIL OF COMMUNITY AGENCIES
Nashville Tennessee
"MONEY RAISING-HOW TO DO If
by Irene Hazard Gerlinger
Best text yet written on financing
social agencies.
$3.00 at all book dealers or
KELLAWAY-IDE Los Angeles
It's MONOPOLY RENT that makes
YOUR WAGES LOW!
If not write to
Henry George Free Tract Society
Box 1O5 Enelwell, N. Y.
For Free Information
(No eateh and nothing to lell)
Group Work Horizons
1944 A.A.S.G.W. YEARBOOK AND
PROCEEDINGS
OFF THE PRESS THIS MONTHI
Authoritative articles and commissions
reporting group-work opportunities in
postwar America — community planning,
leadership training, returning veterans.
Editor, Saul Bernstein.
Single copies 85c Fifty or more, 50c
Members receive yearbook and other literature
free of charge.
AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR
STUDY OF CROUP WORK
670 Lexington Avenue, New York 22
A Sound National Economic Policy
by M. H. Rcymond
THE NEW EDUCATION AND RELIGION
by 1. Paul Williams
Here la expert guidance through the various
proposals for teaching religion in the schools,
pins evidence of successful accomplishment.
March choice of the Religious Book Club. $2. SO
ASSOCIATION PRESS
347 Madison Avenue. New York 17. N. Y.
petition to Congress.
tional Press Syndicate, 129 State St.. Bingham-
ton, N. Y.
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF NURS- *
ING shows the part which professional
nurses take in the betterment of the world.
Put it in your library. $3.00 a year. 1790
Broadway at 58 St., New York, N. Y.
THE COUNTY WORKER'S JOB
by Josephine Strode
Pamphlet of 8 articles reprinted from Survey Mid-
monthly, with an Introduction Social Work at the
Grass Roots by Gertrude Springer. 25c a copy
SURVEY MIDMONTHLY,
112 E. 19 St., New York 3, N. Y.
For British Labor's Postwar Plans, Read "
RECENT TRENDS IN BRITISH TRADE
UNIONS, by Noel Barou; with Summary,
Postwar Program of Trade Union Con-
gress. 1945 15c |
BRITISH LABOR ON RECONSTRUCTION
IN WAR AND PEACE. Interim Report of
British Labor Party. 1944. 15e
See also
CANADIAN PROGRESSIVES ON T H E
MARCH, by M. J. Coldwell, M. P. 1944.
15c
NEW ZEALAND'S GOVERNMENT AT
WORK, by W. B. Surch. 1940. I5c
Order from
LEAGUE FOR
INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY
112 East 19th Street, New York City 3
(ORDER ANY Bl
^BL
JtejB JfeaJ/SE THIS COUPON! (
Ij^R^BM^^MMMpaBIIBM^
^^^^ To: Your loc
or, Donbleday, Doran B
Mail Order Department, 9 Rockefe
Please send me the following books
(PRINT TITLES OF
BOOKS WANTED)
IA|/ described or adver-
JUI\ tised in this issue
Books sent postage free anywhere in U. S. )
il bookseller I4
ook Shops,
Her Plaza, New York 20, N.Y.
or which I enclose $ ;
Name-
Address
Zone No.
City (IF ANY) . Slate
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHICJ
143
WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY
SCHOOL OF APPLIED SOCIAL SCIENCES
SUMMER SCHEDULE
1945
Special Program
Seminar on Inter-racial and Inter-cultural Problems
Related to Administration in Social Agencies.
June 4 through June 8
Institute on Programs for the Teen Age
June 5 through June 14
Workshop for Undergraduate Teachers of Social
Work and Recreation Leadership Courses.
June 25 through June 29
Public Welfare Workshop
July 25 through August 3
Regular Program
Term I — June 11 - July 28
Term II — July 30-September 15
For Full Information Inquire
Admission Office
2117 Adelbert Road
Cleveland 6, Ohio
SMITH COLLEGE
SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL WORK
A Graduate Professional School Offering a Program
of Social Work Education Leading to the Degree of
Master of Social Science.
Academic Year Opens June, 1945
The Accelerated Course provides two years of
academic credits, covering two quarters of theory,
three quarters of field practice in selected social
agencies, and the writing of a thesis.
The demand is urgent for qualified social workers to
meet the complex problems of postwar rehabilitation.
SMITH COLLEGE STUDIES IN SOCIAL WORK
Contents for March, 1945
Today's War and Tomorrow's Children
Marion B. Durfee, M.D.
Paternal Domination: Its Influence on Child Guidance Results
Dorothy Daniels Mueller
When Is it Worth While to Reopen a Case for Child Guid-
ance? Pearl Baunt
Influence of Environmental Factors on the Adjustment of Epi-
leptics Paroled from a Mental Hospital Sara H. Sitkin
For further information write to
THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8
Northampton, Massachusetts
PUBLIC HEALTH
(Continued from page 141)
between 30 and 40 percent of military re-
jections and discharges are due to causes of
the kind now wisely described under the
title "not suited for military service"; and
he estimates that the total number of young
men in this class will exceed 2,000,000.
Most of these cases yield rather promptly
to intelligent treatment. The vast majority
of them can be adequately adjusted to the
demands of ordinary civilian life. It will,
however, require a great expansion of clinic
service to accomplish this end; and it is
highly desirable that this service be pro-
vided in community clinics affiliated with
general hospitals (or, in some states, with
state departments of health or of mental
hygiene) and not as a part of a program
limited to — and labeled as — service for
"psychoneurotic veterans."
In community facilities of this type, we
are gravely lacking. Mental hygiene should
be not a small sector of the community
health problem but more nearly half of it.
The Challenge of Global Health
So far, we have been considering, pri-
marily, the postwar problems of these
United States. The challenges of health
are, however, worldwide. The Germans
and the Japanese have forced political
global responsibility upon us. The airplane
has ended for all time the possibility of
has become one of the United Nations.
In the field of public health, we have an
ideal opportunity for international coopera-
tion. There are here no conflicting interests
to be harmonized — only a universal com-
mon interest in a common task. This is
one reason why the Health Section of the
League of Nations made such a dis-
tinguished record of accomplishment. Some
very similar organization must be evolved
as a part of the deliberations of the San
' Francisco conference.
We are not thinking in terms of a Global
Super Health Department. International
cooperation is our objective, not the crea-
tion of a world state. What we do need is
a central body for the coordination and
standardization of the results of research
and of administrative practice in the field
of public health; for assistance in the train-
ing and distribution of public health per-
sonnel; and for aid to7 individual countries
in need of such service by provision of ex-
pert assistance and also (in the judgment
of the writer) by provision of necessary
grants-in-aid.
Such an organization should be respon-
sible to the general assembly of the United
Nations and should work (as in the case of
the League) under a small committee of
experts named for their individual com-
petence, by that Assembly. It should ap-
point and have jurisdiction over regional
health committees, operating in particular
areas, as the Pan-American Sanitary Bu-
reau now functions for the Americas. The
lack of such regional organization was one
sanitary isolationism. The United States
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
144
of the few defects of the League machinery.
An advisory council of the heads of all
national health services should meet an-
nually to hear reports from the health com-
mittee and outline broad lines of interna-
tional policy.
The health organization should have a
competent and expert permanent secre-
tariat, under a director of the highest pro-
fessional competence. It should include at
least the following five basic divisions:
Epidemiological Intelligence, Field Serv-
ice, Sanitary Conventions, Technical Com-
missions, Training and Personnel.
The vision of the new health organiza-
tion should be as broad and socially con-
structive as was that of the Health Section
of the League. It must deal not only with
malaria and dysentery but with nutrition
and housing and recreational and social
security and the standard of living.
Donald M. Nelson has said: "For a gen-
eration we have been living on the edge of
a new world; we are only beginning to
realize it. For the first time in the history
of the human race there can be enough of
everything to go around. Poverty is not
inevitable any more. The sum total of the
world's greatest output of goods divided
by the sum total of the world's inhabitants
no longer means a little less than enough
for everybody. It means more than
enough."
The possibilities implied in that stat
ment are beyond calculation. What
are fighting for, today, is the opportunit
to turn these possibilities into realities.
THE NEW YORK SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK
Columbia University
July 9-20
Summer Institutes, 1945
Community Responsibility for Service to Veterans E. C. Lindeman
Psychiatric Aspects of Veterans' Problems Melly Simon
Current Problems in Child Welfare Dorothy Hutchinson
Psychiatry in Social Case Work with Children Dr. Viola Bernard
Natalie Linderholm
Louis Bennett, Ethel L. Ginsberg
Helen Harris Perlman
Gordon Hamilton
July 23 August 3
Public Relations in Social Work <
Experiences of a Veterans' Service Center
Supervision in Social Case Work
Current Trends in Case Work
August 6-17
Administrative Problems in International Social Work Clarence King
Practical Problems of Racial and Cultural Conflict Mary E. Hurlbutt
Group Work Services in the Reconversion Period Nathan E. Cohen
Current Developments in Community Organization Arthur Dunham
The institutes will be open to practicing social workers and upon satisfactory completion will carry
credit if students meet the admission requirements of the School. Folders containing details may be
obtained from the school.
122 East 22 Street
New York 10, N.Y.
BOSTON UNIVERSITY
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK
PREPARATION FOR GOVERNMENTAL SOCIAL
WORK AND POST-WAR REHABILITATION
Beginning students may enter in May, September and
January.
WORK-STUDY PROGRAM
For practicing social workers who have not the profes-
sional degree.
The program is especially adapted for public welfare
workers, child welfare workers, and others who have an op-
portunity for part-time study or who are allowed educational
leave.
For information and catalogue, apply to
Richard K. Conant, Dean
84 Exeter Street Boston, Massachusetts
THE UNIVERSITY OF BUFFALO
School of Social Work
Announces
Two Summer Sessions from
July 2nd to September 22nd
Students may continue into the Fall term. Classroom
and field work instruction as well as individualized
study programs are available. Address inquiries to
The Dean
25 Niagara Square, Buffalo 2, New York
CARNEGIE INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY
Schenley Park — Pittsburgh, Pa.
Department of Social Work
Two Year Graduate Professional Curriculum — Specialization
in Case Work, Group Work, Administration, Community
Relations and Research.
Undergraduate Preprofessional Curriculum — Prepares for
graduate study and for War-Time positions of a Junior
Professional Grade.
Registration: Friday, September 28, 1945
Address inquiries to Mrs. Mary Clarke Burnett, Head, Department
of Social Work.
SIMMONS COLLEGE
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK
Professional Education Leading to thi degree of M.S.
Medical Social Work
Psychiatric Social Work
Community Work
Family and Child Welfare
Public Assistance
Social Research
Catalog will be sent on request.
IS Somerset Street Beacon Hill. Botcoa
TEXTBOOKS ARE WEAPONS!
No man and no force can put thought in a concentration camp forever. No man
and no force can take from the world the books that embody man's eternal fight
against tyranny. In this war, we know books are weapons — Franklin D. Roosevelt
C* F N T ^ Parents very naturally judge a school by the textbooks
S* 1 1 I o that their children bring 'home. New, interesting, attractive
books at once indicate a good school.
Textbooks and teaching are really a team, each necessary
to the other. Let us have enough good textbooks for our
children's study in school and at home.
uu | or Schools help to win the war by introducing new text-
ITHE SCHOOL DOLLAR I books which educate young pupils to understand and prepare
I for the war effort. Spirit is the chief essential to success.
WILL PROVIDE NEW / The people whose morale is best always win.
FRESH TEXTBOOKS /
THROUGHOUT S With the present shortage of teachers in many places, a
complete service of textbooks, workbooks, and teachers'
manuals is a boon to pupil and teacher alike.
20% of local tax money goes properly for education. Teachers' salaries properly take a
large fraction of this. The smallest fraction of all is used for textbooks, which are next in im-
portance after the teacher, since the textbook furnishes the subject matter which the pupil is
asked to learn.
Last year a large aircraft firm advertised that children will bring home a new geography
this year. Not only in Geography, but in Social Studies, Science, and Mathematics young
America has the right to study from new books that have the latest developments in the sub-
ject.
Geographies exist which take the children on journeys over the earth by air, which have
units of instruction with titles like "As the Airman Sees the United States," which give the
youngest pupils in the earliest grades 18 colored maps showing all the countries of the globe.
DO YOUR CHILDREN BRING HOME SUCH A GEOGRAPHY?
Geographies which follow this description have been written by DeForesi Stull of
Columbia University and Roy Winthrop Hatch of the State College at Montclair, a national lec-
turer on Geography of the highest reputation.
NEW GEOGRAPHIES by Stull and Hatch
Journeys through Many Lands Europe and Europe Overseas
Journeys through North America Asia, Latin America, United States
Workbooks and Teachers' Manuals for each Geography
Allyn and Bacon
Boston New York Chicago Atlanta Dallas San Francisco
MAY IQ45
SURVEY
60 CENTS A COPY
3RI 5H AND
YOU can help promote
Understanding between
the British and Ourselves
As Ambassador John G. Winant
points out, the number of observers
on the ground in wartime Britain
may be limited BUT "as long as
men can read and understand, the
numbers who can profit from their
experience are limitless."
As Commander Herbert Agar
puts it in his lead article, this may
be "the last great chance open to
their people and ours to help shape
the future of the world."
Writing as Americans, for Amer-
icans, not only journalists, econo-
mists and historians, but business
executives, engineers, scientists and
experts in international relations
bring insight and evidence to bear
in the table of contents of this
special number.
You can pick up where they leave
off. You can share "The British and
Ourselves" with others.
Select at Once—
two, four, six or more of your com-
munity of friends, skeptics or ideal-
ists, as you please, with a sense of the
American adventure — whether they
are professional folk, business men,
civic or labor leaders. Send them
gift copies at these favorable rates:
GRAPHIC
Two or more copies,
50 cents each
(Regularly, 60 cents)
Better, send them gift subscrip-
tions to Survey Graphic at the
special introductory rate of 5
months for only $1. (including
"The British and Ourselves"). Hun-
dreds of our present subscribers,
who first came to know us through
such special numbers, now under-
stand why Raymond Swing writes:
"Wider reading of Survey Graphic
would make for a wiser America."
This is the tenth of our Calling
America Series of special numbers
of Survey Graphic. Their combined
circulation to date has mounted to
well over half a million copies.
Bear in mind 1945 paper restric-
tions limit print orders. To make
sure of your copies, order now on
the convenient form slipped into this
number.
'h in our CALLING
AMERICA SERIES
From the black forebodings in 1939 (after
Munich) to the glowing promise held out
in 1945 at the Golden Gate, these CALLING
AMERICA numbers of Survey Graphic have
brought home the challenge to democracy
reaching us from overseas. Maps, graphs,
photos, paintings, have made them a living
record of these times — grounded in wartime
realities, charged with prophecy for the peace.
*IN STOCK
1 CALLING AMERICA: The Challenge to
Democracy Reaches Over Here (February, 1939)
— Raymond Swing, special editor; 144pp. Two
editions — 80,000 copies; (sold out) Photo
slatted edition in boards, Harper & Brothers
$!•*
2. SCHOOLS: The Challenge of Democracy
to Education (October, 1939), Beulah Amidon,
special editor; 96pp.; 42,000 copies. (Sold
out) Text republished as a book, Farrar &
Rinehart— $1.50*
HOMES: Front Line of Defense for
American Life (February, 1940)— Albert Mayer
and Loula Lasker, special editors; 96pp.; 50,-
000 copies. (40 cents)*
c. THE AMERICAS: South and North
(March, 1941)— Victor Weybright, special
editor; 120pp. Two editions — 91,000 copies.
(50 cents)*
MANNING THE ARSENAL FOR DE-
MOCRACY: Industrial Relations and Defense
(November, 1941)— 128pp.; 40,000 copies
(50 cents)*
6. FITNESS FOR FREEDOM : Health and Fit-
ness in Wartime— and After (March, 1942)-
Victor Weybright, special editor; 80pp.; 40,-
000 copies. (40 cents)*
7. COLOR: Unfinished Business of Democracy
(November, 1942)— Alain Locke, special editor;
128pp. Two editions — 55,000 copies. (Sold
out)
8. FROM WAR TO WORK: How to Get
Full Employment and Keep It Going (May,
1943) — Stuart Chase, special editor; 90pp.;
45,000 copies. (Sold out)
S-AMERICAN RUSSIAN FRONTIERS:
An American Approach to Common 1
standing (February, 1944)— Richard B. J
drett Jr. and Albert Rhys Williams, special
editors; 128pp. Two editions— 67,000 copies.
(50 cents)*
10.THE BRITISH AND OURSELVES:
An Adventure in Common Understanding
(May, 1945)— Special collaborators: Victo
Weybright, Lewis S. Gannett, Ferdinand Kuhn;
128pp. First edition— 55,000 copies,
cents)*
AVAILABLE
"All the things we
ought to know about
Russia," wrote critic
Harry Hansen in the
New York World
Telegram, "by writers
known for honest,
searching work." A
few second editions
still available at 50
cents for one — a
dollar for three.
SURVEY GRAPHIC • 112 EAST 19 STREET • NEW YORK 3, N. Y
ADO IT TO YOUR ORDER— 50 CENTS
Life hangs by
such threads
WANTED: Something to keep flyers from
freezing. So engineers developed elec-
trically heated goggles, shoes, suits . . .
Something dependable to guide pilots
in fog and dark. So engineers devised
electrically driven gyroscopic instruments .
. . . Something automatic to keep engines
from overheating or cooling. And now
comes an electric control the pilot needn't
touch.
Working day and night, G. E.'s research
and engineering staff has solved hundreds
of such problems. The pictures here show
how a few have been met. Through re-
search come better electrical products and
processes— in waror peace. General Electric
Company, Schenectady, N. Y.
Eyelids can freeze shut when you're 7 miles up! Electrically heatec
goggles, developed by G-E engineers, have fine wires embedded ir.
plastic lenses. With G. E.'s electric blanket as a start, G-E engineers
designed electrically heated flying suits, heated gloves and shoes being
made in three G-E plants.
Toughest problem was to
devise heated gloves with
thin wires strong enough to
stand constant flexing.
• • *
Before It's built, they know
how it will fly! 18,000 horse-
power of G-E motors blow
winds faster than a pursuit
plane can fly. Testing model
planes and parts up to full
size and speed in wind tun-
nels like this helps get new
airplanes perfected quicker.
Flyers' lives often depend on their instruments. G-E workers
use only tweezers to handle these precious parts of electrically
driven gyroscopic instruments, dry them with ah- jets, oil them
with hypodermic needles. They've got to be accurate.
Making night landings safer. Engineers adapted the G-E "Sealed Beam"
auto headlamps into war use — G-E airplane landing lamps 20 times
brighter than those on your car. Sealed against dust, dirt and salt
water damage, they cut down the peril of high-speed landings.
Hear the G-E radio programs: The G-E All-girl
Orchestra, Sunday 10 p.m. EWT, NBC— The World
Today news, Monday through Friday 6:45 p. m .
EWT, CBS — The G-E House Party, Monday
through Friday 4:00 p. m. EWT, CBS.
FOR VICTORY— BUY AND HOLD WAR BONDS
GENERAL ($$ ELECTRIC
SURVEY GRAPHIC for May 1945 Vol XXXIV. No 5. Published monthly and copyright 1945 b.v SURVEY ASSOCIATES. INC. Composed and printed
by union labor at the Hushes Printing Company, East Sttoudsburg, Pa., U. S. A. Publication Office, 34 North Crystal Street. East Stroudsburg. Pa. Editorial
and business office. 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y. Price this issue 60 cents; $3 a year; Foreign postage 50 cents extra. Canadian 75 cents. En-
tered as second class matter on June 22 1940 at the post office at East Stroudsburg. Pa. under the Act of March 3. 1870. Acceptance for mailing at a
Special rate of postage provided for In Section 1103, Act of October 3. 1917, authorized Dec. 21. 1921.
BOOKLETS
PAMPHLETS
PERIODICALS
Of interest and service to readers thinking about the social prob-
lems of today — the public health, education, housing, industrial
and labor relations, government, racial and foreign relations.
For British Labor's Postwar Plans, Read
RECENT TRENDS IN BRITjSH TRADE
UNIONS, by Noah Barou; with Summary,
Postwar Program of Trade Union Con-
gress. 1945. 15c
BRITISH LABOR ON RECONSTRUCTION
IN WAR AND PEACE. Interim Report of
British Labor Party. 1944. 15c
See also
CANADIAN PROGRESSIVES ON THE
MARCH, by M. J. Coldwell, M. P. 1944.
15c
NEW ZEALAND'S GOVERNMENT AT
WORK, by W. B. Sutch. 1940. 15c
Order from
LEAGUE FOR
INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY
112 East 19th Street, New York City 3
BASIC PRINCIPLES FOR
THE PEACE TABLE
By Powell Spring
BASIC PRINCIPLES FOR THE PEACE TABLE
deals with the underlying principles which
will challenge the makers of peace when-
ever and wherever they may meet. They
are the principles which have been
violated by every peace treaty which has
been made in the past and represent the
rock bottom premise for any peace that is
to be more than a temporary armistice.
"BASIC PRINCIPLES FOR THE PEACE TABLE
is an excellent and most penetrating
treatise. You may not know how right you
are in pointing out (he dangers which con-
front us. I hope you can get the largest
possible audience and that your words
will burn info their hearts."
— Claude Pepper
$1.50 Paper 60e
ORANGE PRESS Winter Park, Florida
A SOUND NATIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY
By M. H. Reymond
Twelve educational articles in booklet form.
BASIC POLICY t Maximum security and standard
of living for the common man.
ERRONEOUS POLICY CRITICISED. (1) I';i>iiiR
government expenses by inflation of ibe monetary
system and covering up tbe inflationary effect by
dictatorial controls over prices, wages, production,
distribution, manpower. (2) Covernment-spending-
for-prosperity. (3) Subsidies-for-prosperity. (4)
Monopolies- for-prosperily. (5) Compromising Ameri-
can ideals of liberty with freedom-stifling foreign
ideologies.
SOUND POLICY RECOMMENDED: (1) Inflation-
proof and depression-proof money. (2) Free prices.
(3) Free wages. (4) Free production. (5) Free com-
petition..
TYPICAL COMMENT BY AN EMINENT
ECONOMIST: "It is indeed a pleasure to sign
your petition to Congress in favor of a sound na-
onal economic policy. You have accomplished a
em ark a hie feat in presenting recommendations all
f which meet my approval. Tbe public is much
ndebted to you for tbe good work which you are
Bookstores or postpaid 25c. National Press Syn-
dicate, 129 State St., Binghamton, ,V. V.
ADMINISTRATION IN THE Y.W.C.A.
Four pamphlets on the philosophy of
democratic administration and how to put
it into practice. A guide (or social organ-
izations.
Principles and Procedures 75 cents
Helen D. Beavers
The Electorate 50 cents
Marie Russ
Planning 50 cents
Belle Ingels
Staff Supervision 50 cents
Briseis Teall
Set of 4 pamphlets — $2.00
THE WOMANS PRESS
6OO Lexlmgton Arena*
New York 22, N. Y.
PUBLIC WELFARE DIRECTORY
1945
A listing of federal and state public welfare
agencies and officials, local public assistance
agencies and officials serving cities of over
30,000 population, a summary of interstate
correspondence procedures for each state,
and valuable appendices including summaries
of state residence requirements for public
assistance eligibility.
$1.50
AMERICAN PUBLIC WELFARE ASSOCIATION
1313 E. 60th St., Chicago 37, III.
HANDBOOKS FOR PROFESSIONAL
WORKERS AND EDUCATORS
OUTLINE FOR A COURSE IN
PLANNED PARENTHOOD
By Mary Antoinette Cannon —
50c per copy
CASE WORKER AND FAMILY
PLANNING — lOc per copy
Other material on health and welfare
aspects of Planned Parenthood are de-
scribed in our literature ; list available
upon request. Write to Planned Par-
enthood Federation of America, Inc.,
501 Madison Avenue, New York 22,
N. Y.
TOWARD THE
UNDERSTANDING OF EUROPE
by Ethan T. Colron
A book that compels American* to shift menial
Bear* and think European In the Interest of
world peace. SI. (XI
ASSOCIATION PRESS
347 Madison Avenue New York 17, N. Y.
SOUTHERN REGIONAL COUNCIL, INC.
63 Auburn Avenue, N. E., Atlanta 3, Georgia
"A Council to attain, through research
and action, the ideals and practices of
equal opportunity for all peoples in the
South."
Further Information and sample copy of
The Southern Frontier, a monthly publi-
cation, sent on request.
THE COUNTY WORKER'S |OB
by Josephine Strode
Pamphlet of 8 articles reprinted from Surrey Mid-
moothly. with an Introduction Social Work at the
Grass Roots by Gertrude Springer. 25e a copy
SURVEY MIDMONTHLY,
1 12 E. 19 St., New York 3, N. Y.
TO ORDER ANY BOOK
Simply Mail This Coupon Without Delay
Survey Associates, Inc., 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
Please send postage free to the U. S. address below the books which I have
listed. I enclose the publisher's price as payment in full $
WANT OR WELL-BEING?
Summary of the Food and Agricultural Or*
ganlzation of the United Nations. 16 p.
By Dr. W. A. Neilson and Raymond Swing.
Price: lOc a copy, 50c a doz., $2.00 a hundred.
Obtainable from
FOOD FOR FREEDOM, 1707 H St., N.W.,
Washington 6, D. C.
Titles of
Books
Desired
My Name
Address
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
Official Journal of the American Sociolnjrical Society.
In addition to papers and proceedings of the So-
ciety, it contains articles on sociological research,
news notes, book reviews, and foreign correspondence.
Subscription $4.00 a year - Special library rate $3.00
Address: Managing Editor
American Sociological Review
U. S. Department of Agriculture. Washington. D.C.
CM
MISS BAILEY SAYS—
by Gertrude Springer
Stock of these popular pamphlets, each containing
8 articles reprinted from Survey MklmonthJy. is now
limited to the three most recent booklets. I'amphlets
4. 5. and 8 still available at 25c each
Survey Midmonrhly
112 E. 19th St. New York 3, N. Y.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
146
THE SCHOOL DOLLAR
WILL PROVIDE NEW
FRESH TEXTBOOKS
THROUGHOUT
TEXTBOOKS ARE WEAPONS!
No man and no force can put thought in a concentration camp forever. No man
and no force can take from the world the books that embody man's eternal fight
against tyranny. In this war, we know books are weapons— Franklin D. Roosevelt
f\A/O C" E N T S Parents very naturally judge a school by the textbooks
^ that their children bring home. New, interesting, attractive
books at once indicate a good school.
Textbooks and teaching are really a team, each necessary
to the other. Let us have enough good textbooks for our
children's study in school and at home.
Schools help to win the war by introducing new text-
books which educate young pupils to understand and prepare
for the war effort. Spirit is the chief essential to success.
The people whose morale is best always win.
With the present shortage of teachers in many places, a
complete service of textbooks, workbooks, and teachers'
manuals is a boon to pupil and teacher alike.
20% of local tax money goes properly for education. Teachers' salaries properly take a
large fraction of this. The smallest fraction of all is used for textbooks, which are next in im-
portance after the teacher, since the textbook furnishes the subject matter which the pupil is
asked to learn.
Last year a large aircraft firm advertised that children will bring home a new geography
this year. Not only in Geography, but in Social Studies, Science, and Mathematics young
America has the right to study from new books that have the latest developments in the sub-
ject.
Geographies exist which take the children on journeys over the earth by air, which have
units of instruction with titles like "As the Airman Sees the United States," which give the
youngest pupils in the earliest grades 18 colored maps showing all the countries of the globe.
DO YOUR CHILDREN BRING HOME SUCH A GEOGRAPHY?
Geographies which follow this description have been written by DeForest Stull of
Columbia University and Roy Winthrop Hatch of the State College at Montclair, a national lec-
turer on Geography of the highest reputation.
NEW GEOGRAPHIES by Stull and Hatch
Journeys through Many Lands Europe and Europe Overseas
Journeys through North America Asia, Latin America, United States
Workbooks and Teachers' Manuals for each Geography
Dated Events War Map
Newly printed in brilliant colors, large size 20 x 26 inches,
price only 20c. postpaid.
Allyn and Bacon
Boston New York Chicago Atlanta Dallas San Francisco
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC^
147
The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America
represents 325,000 organized workers in the men's
and boys' clothing industry, shirt industry, men's
neckwear, work clothes and related trades.
. AA
BUY UNION
MADE GOODS!
\
/J
Buy Men's and Boys' Clothing, Shirts. Work
Clothes, Neckties and Gloves, bearing the
Amalgamated Union Label and Protect
Labor's American Standard of Living
It Pioneered In
COLLECTIVE BARGAINING
UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE
COOPERATIVE HOUSING
HEALTH AND HOSPITALIZATION
LIFE INSURANCE
COOPERATIVE CREDIT UNIONS
LABOR BANKING
Its two banks, THE AM ALGA-
MA TED TRUST AND SA VINGS
of Chicago and THE AMALGA-
MATED BANK of New York, are
rendering great service not only to
the Amalgamated members but to
labor in general. Their Small Loan
Departments are the only ones of
their kind in the field of banking.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
148
NOT ALL THE BATTLES OF THIS
WAR ARE FOUGHT OVERSEAS
National Organizations
Supporting the Permanent
FEPC Bill
(Senate: S-101 House: H.R.2232)
Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority
American Association of University
Women
American Civil Liberties Union
American Friends Service Committee
American Jewish Committee
American Jewish Congress
American Unitarian Association
American Unitarian Youth
B'nai B'rith
Catholic Interracial Council
Central Conference of American Rabbis
Common Council for American Unity
Congregational Chiistian Churches
(Council for Social Action)
Congress of Industrial Organization*
Consumers League of America
Delta Sigma Theta Sorority
Evangelical and Reformed Church. General
Synod
Federal Council of the Churches of Christ
in America
Fraternal Council of Negro Churches in
America
Improved Benevolent & Protective Order
of Elks of the World
International Ladies Garment Workers
Union of America (AFL)
Iota Phi Lambda Sorority
Jewish Labor Committee
Jewish War Veterans of the United State*
League of United Latin American Citizen*
March on Washington
Methodist Church, General Conference
Methodist Ministers' Union
Millinery Workers, Joint Board (AFL)
National Alliance of Postal Employees
National Association for the Advancement
of Colored People
National Association of Colored Graduate
Nurses
National Bar Association
National CIO Committee to Abolish Racial
Discrimination
National Community Relations AdvUory
Council
National Conference of Christians and Jews
National Council of Catholic Women
National Council of Jewish Women
National Council of Negro Women
National Council of Student Christian
Associations
National Council for a Permanent FEPC
National Farmers Union
National Federation for Constitutional Lib-
erties
National League of Women Shoppers
National Negro Insurance Association
National Urban League
National Women's Trade Union League of
America
Negro Newspaper Publishers Assn.
Postwar World Council
Presbyterian General Assembly
Sigma Gamma Rho Sorority
Southern Conference for Human Welfare
Southern Tenant Farmers Union
Study Conference on Just and Durable
Peace
Union of American Hebrew Congregations
Union for Democratic Action
United Council of Church Women
Upholsterers International Union of North
America (AFL)
Women's Division of Christian Service,
Methodist Church
Women's Division of the American Jewish
Congress
Women's International League for Peace
and Freedom
Workers Defense League
Young Men's Christian Association,
National Board
Young Women's Christian Association,
National Board
"Southern senators already are pre-
paring to filibuster to death the bill
that would make permanent the Fair
Employment Practice Committee. . . ."
— Newsweek, February 26, 1945.
Shortly the nation will witness the spectacle of a handful of Southern
Senators carrying out their declaration of war on the orderly processes of
expanding democracy. Can this democracy — "conceived in liberty and dedi-
cated to the proposition that all men are created equal" — afford to let them
win their war against long overdue legislation to eliminate discrim-
ination in employment, and hope to endure?
THIS IS YOUR BATTLE!
The bill they would kill would make unlawful discrimination in employ-
ment on grounds of race, color, creed, national origin or ancestry, in all
areas subject to federal jurisdiction. It would make permanent the wartime
Fair Employment Practice Commission and give it authority to enforce the
law through the usual democratic court processes.
Your Leaders Have Spoken:
"Discrimination, whether practiced by employees or employers, is definitely immoral
. . . as if they committed theft or murder . . ."
—Rt. Rev. Msgr. JOHN A. RYAN, D.D., Catholic Leader.
"I rest my case for the permanence of the FEPC on one basic truth: Racial, religious
discrimination in the field of employment is a denial of democracy and is of the essence
of fascism."
—Rabbi STEPHEN S. WISE, American Jewish Congress.
"The right of a worker to be employed and paid solely on the basis of his character and
ability is so clear, just and Christian that it should be protected by law."
—Bishop G. BROMLEY OXNAM, Federal Council of Churches.
But You Must Do Your Part, Too!
• Write or wire your Senators and Representatives your support of the
Permanent FEPC Bill, H.R.2232 in the House, S.101 in the Senate.
• This is a costly battle. Send what you can at once to the organization
which is coordinating all efforts in Washington — the National Council for
a Permanent FEPC.
NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR A PERMANENT FEPC
930 F Street, N.W., Washington 4, D. C.
Honorary Chairmen:
Sen. ARTHUR CAPPER
Sen. ROBERT F. WAGNER
Co-Chairmen :
A. PHILIP RANDOLPH
Dr. ALLAN KNIGHT CHALMERS
Enclosed is my contribution of $ for your work toward enact-
ment of the Permanent FEPC Bill.
Name . .
Address
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHICJ
149 .
IHRRHMHHHMI
Photographing a
ROCKET at
800 miles an hour
Succession pictures taken by a "ribbon frame" camera, showing a wing rocket getting
under way and speeding toward the enemy at about 13 miles a minute. This camera
was developed by Bell Telephone Laboratories.
ONE outstanding weapon of
this war is the rocket, now
used by our fighting forces on
land and sea and in the air.
Scientists at Bell Telephone
Laboratories had an important
part in the technical develop-
ment of this American weapon.
One of their contributions was
the "ribbon frame" camera
which takes 1 20 pictures a sec-
ond on a continuously moving
film. It has proved of great
value in studying rockets and
shells in flight.
The ribbon frame camera is
only one of many Bell Labora-
tories developments which are
being turned against the enemy.
Our Laboratories are now
wholly devoted to the war.
When it is won, they will go
back to their regular job —
helping the Bell System give
you the best telephone service
in the world.
BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM
The Gist of It
MAY 1945
THE BRITISH AND OURSELVES VOL. xxxiv No. 5
LAST YEAR, WE THREW IMAGINATIONS FORWARD —
in our Graphic special, "American Russian ™ , . <(^ATTT».T/~ A
Frontier,." Ours was intrinsically a New World Te"th m °Uf "CALLING AMERICA" Senes of Speaal Number, of Surrey Grafh.c
approach to developments in the Old. It was Consultants: VICTOR WEYBRIGHT, LEWIS S. GANNETT, FERDINAND KUHN
not news that the Soviet Union had gathered Coper: Crossed Flags drawn by Winold Reiss
head as a great power in the quarter century Foreword by JOHN G. WINANT, Ambassador to Great Britain 152
between the two world wars. What we brought
out were the common ties between our two PART !• BETWEEN FRIENDS
peoples found in following the trail of their ,_,
Our Last Great Chance HERBERT AGAR 153
modern pioneermg - a century after ours - AMa. E(M h ^ FM ]55
which is spannmg two continents. Encampment Entam: Paintings by T/Sgt. David Lax 158
This year, in sequence, our tenth "Calling close-Up LEWIS S. GANNETT 159
America" number of Survey Graphic (see in- Getting Acquainted: Photographs 162
side front cover) interprets another of the American Invasion HONORA BRUERE MC!VER 165
Big Three from an approach as characteris-
tically American. Here, we have dealt not only PART H: WARTIME TEAMWORK
with the new British system the world over, How Qne partner pHzed AnQther Tribute by WlNSTON CHURCHILL 167
but with things of the spirit which have am- Prestdent Roosevelt: Portrait bust by Jo Davidson 169
mated English-speaking peoples everywhere as Common Tasks and Common Purposes Testimony borne by FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT 170
pioneers for freedom. Four Freedoms and Atlantic Charter JAMES T. SHOTWELL 172
... Two-Way Lend-Lease: Photographs 173
The Great Partnership . . PHILIP D. REED 178
THIS NUMBER REACHES OUR SUBSCRIBERS LATE. ..Economjc H| h Command" . . . WlLLIAM L. BATT and ROBERT R. MULLEN 181
Spring brought tragedy to the Great Partner-
ship (page 167), victory in Europe, new stress pART m. SYMPOSIUM-BRITISH VIEWPOINTS
in liquidating the war. Even more we
have thrown imaginations forward, beyond Britain's Heritage: Wartime Posters
the Golden Gate conference, to the months Twenty Outstanding Contnbutors Introduce by VICTOR WEYBRIGHT
when the hopes of the world may hang on de-
cisions in Congress, Parliament, the legislatures PART IV: AREAS OF TENSION
of the self-governing dominions. — To times Europe and the Mediterranean VERA MICHELES DEAN
ahead which call for new courage and initia- Palestine— As a Refuge from Fascism IRA S. HIRSCHMANN
live; for social and economic moves to rein- The Pacific Basin and India • EDWARD C. CARTER
force plans for international security. And,
through it all, call for new team play between PART V: PORTRAITS OF A NEW ENGLAND
"The British and Ourselves." The V-Spirit of the People: Paintings 203
Such team play made possible this newest The United Kingdom Since Dunkirk Social Etching by MALLORY BROWNE
adventure of ours'in "common understanding." Britain at War; Postwar Planning: Pictographs
It was this conception which enlisted the cast Gin8er in the British Medicine Chest ... X-ray of Chest by MICHAEL M. DAVIS
, , r „*, • What the British Face Economic Forecast by DAVID CUSHMAN COYLE 213
of characters in our table of contents. Their IUE«MIU« .............. <-
, , , . . , , . London s Burning: Poem by Jan Struther 2.\l
forecasts and objectives for the future are by no msed cy//M ^ Ahead. Photographs and P!ans 218
means spun out of thin air; but are grounded when the Coalition Ends Political Scene by JOSEPH BARNES 221
on research, on firsthand observation, and
participation in what is afoot. PART VI. SELF-GOVERNMENT WITHIN THE BRITISH COMMONWEALTH
Northern Neighbor JOHN MACCORMAC
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT SHOULD BE MADE FIRST Partners in the South Pacific ALLAN NEVINS
to Ambassador John G. Winant, whose strokes Land — and the Union of South Africa HUGH H. BENNETT 232
of insight begin and close the number (pages
152 and 245) and to the Office of War PART VII: FACING AHEAD
Information which, at Washington, London, -p/ie Common Stream of Justice: Murals by Boardman Robinson 236
New York, has cooperated up to the hilt. Espe- Things of the Spirit HENRY STEELE COMMAGER
cially to Victor Weybright who, as managing American Choices WALTER MILLIS
editor of Survey Graphic, handled several in President Truman: Drawing by S. J. Woolf
our earlier "Calling America" series and was Lincoln's Statue Stands in London Address by JOHN G. WINANT
Special editor of THE AMERICAS: South and Copyright, 1945, by Survey Associates, Inc. All rights reserved.
North (March, 1941). It was he who initiated — • '
the project on a trip home last fall from his SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.
post as a divisional chief of the OWI in Lon-
Pubhcation Office: 34 North Crystal Street, East Stroudshurg, Pa.
don, and thereafter enlisted overseas contribu- Editorial and Business Office, 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
tors — American and British alike. His pro- Chairman of the Board, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN; president, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR.; vice-presidents,
posal Struck fire at Staff and board meetings J°«" P*LME* GAVIT, AGNES BROWN LEACH; secretary, ANN REED BRENNER.
, , _ . , , , Board of Directors: DOROTHY LEHMAN BERNHARD, JACOB BII.UKOPF, NELLIE LEE BOK, JOSEPH 1J. CHAM-
and at a conference of experts. Our indebtedness BERLAIN, EVA HILLS EASTMAN, EARL G. HARRISON, SIDNEY HII.LMAN, FRED K. HOEHI.ER, BLANCHE TTTLESON,
runs to Ferdinand Kuhn deoutv director of ALVIN JOHNSON, WILLIAM W. LANCASTER, AGNES BROWN LEACH, WILLIAM M. LEISERSON, THOMAS I.
^Unn> ° PARKINSON, JUSTINE WISE POLIER, WILLIAM ROSENWALD, BEARDSLEY RUML, EDWARD L. RYERSON, RICHARD
the OWI, who functioned creatively as liaison B. SCANDRETT, JR., LOWELL SHUMWAY, HAROLD H. SWIFT, ORDWAY TEAD.
throughout; and to Lewis S. Gannett (page Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.
,c-n\ <• . XT ir i rj jj T -L Associate editors: BEULAH AMIDON, ANN REED BRENNER, BRADLEY B'UELL, HELEN CHAMBERLAIN, KATH-
I5y; or the JNew York Herald Inbune, who RYN CLOSE MICHAEL M. DAVIS, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, HARRY HANSEN, FLORENCE LOEB KELLOGG, LOULA D.
broueht telline reinforcement on his return LASKER, VICTOR WEYBRIGHT, LEON WHIPPLE. Contributing editors: HELEN CODY BAKER, JOANNA C. COLCORD,
8 EDWARD T. DEVINE, RUSSELL H. KURTZ, ALAIN LOCKE, MARY Ross, GERTRUDE SPRINGER.
from Europe. Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINGER; Circulation manager, MOLLIE CONDON; Advertising manager,
And if there were service Stripes in an edi- MARY R. ANDERSON; Field representatives, ANNE ROLLER ISSLER, DOROTHY PUTNEY.
torial office, they should go to Helen Chamber- ^^Sg^^S? ft™. ^SSS^Kl^ £&SQ^S&&*S£ lie. il
lain (production editor) Florence Loeb Kel- dexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor Articles, Public Affairs Information Service,
, . .. , j- \ Quarterly Cumulative Index Medicus.
lOgg (.acting managing editor and art editor), Survey Midmonthly published on the ISth of the month. Si-igle copies 30c. By subscription— Domestic:
to Beulah Amidon and Loula Lasker (associate /ear $3; 2 years ,$5. Additional postage per year— Foreign 50c; Canadian 75c.
.. Joint subscription to Survey Graphic and Survey Midmonthly: Year, $5.
editors). PAUL KELLOGG Cooperative Membership in Survey Associates, Inc., including a joint subscription: Year, $10.
British Combine
The British and Ourselves
Foreword by JOHN G. WINANT
United States Ambassador to Great Britain
There are many problems confronting the
British and American peoples today, some of
which they must face separately, some of
which they must face together, but on none
of which an exchange of views and experience
can be other than beneficial to both.
In this special issue of Survey Graphic, the
editors have endeavored to lay before their
readers some part of the experience of Ameri-
can observers — journalists, officials, scholars
— who have enjoyed opportunities of studying
Britain and the British Commonwealth at
close range. Such observers must necessarily
be limited in number but as long as men can
speak and write, can read and understand, the
numbers who can profit from their experience
are limitless.
No individual is reasonably expected to
make a sound judgment unless he knows the
facts and their meaning; no nation can hope
to judge soundly when its people have not the
facts before them.
Here American views appear in company
with British opinions on our relationships in
the world of the future. Voices are to be heard
from all sides of the forum. That is as it should
be, and in its continuance lies the best insur-
ance of an enduring understanding between
the British Commonwealth of Nations and the
United States.
URVEV
GRAPHIC
THE BRITISH
and
OURSELVES
Tenth in
CALLING AMERICA
Series
Our Last Great Chance
Open to Americans and to British alike
— to help shape the future of the world.
HERBERT AGAR
IT IS AN IRONIC FACT THAT ALTHOUGH THE
British and the Americans will never again
go to war with each other they may, by
failing to cooperate, push the whole world
into war with itself. They will never be
positively hostile, but they may be nega-
tively stupid. Providence punishes the sec-
ond crime as cruelly as the first.
Most people on both sides of the Atlantic
agree that Britain and America should
work together for their own good, for the
world's good, for the sake of peace. Yet
few seem to know what is meant by
"working together," except on the field of
battle. Unless we are precise about what
we want and why we want it, we are likely
to find ourselves divided by issues which
might have been circumvented — or by the
plots of the inveterate enemies of good will
at home and abroad.
To resist such divisions or such plots we
must clear our minds of confusion. A
good place to begin is with that much-
used phrase, "power politics." What is
power politics? Ever since the Renaissance
and the rise of nationalism the world has
contained nations which are obviously great
powers and nations which are not. The
two lists change from generation to genera-
tion; but the existence of great and lesser
powers does not change. And it will not
change at the end of World War II.
I. GREAT POWER SYSTEM
Russia, the United States, and the British
Empire will be the great world powers
when the war ends, whether they want to
or not. Power exists where it exists, and
nowhere else. Power cannot be bequeathed.
The United States cannot give ten percent
of its power to San Salvador, eighteen per-
cent to Portugal, twenty-five percent to a
— By the founder of Freedom House
(New York). London correspondent
(1929-34) of the Louisville Courier-
Journal, he became its editor in 1940.
Seaman and chief quartermaster (World
War I), he is a lieutenant commander,
USNR, on leave as special assistant
to the American Ambassador in London
— and director of the British Division of
the (American) Office of War Infor-
mation.
A native of New York State, he has
degrees from Columbia, Princeton,
Southwestern, and Boston Universities.
Among his books are "Bread and Cir-
cuses" (1930); "The People's Choice"
(Pulitzer Prize for American history —
1933); "Land of the Free" (1935);
"What Is America?" (1936); "Pursuit
of Happiness" (1938).
His "A Time for Greatness" (1942),
has gone into many editions, and has
contributed to American thinking in
World War II. An advance chapter was
published in "COLOR: Unfinished Busi-
ness of Democracy," Survey Graphic,
1942.
Commander Agar's familiarity with
both countries in the Thirties has counted
in the Forties as a force for under-
standing. He was one of our early coun-
selors in projecting this special number.
World Court, and so on. But it can use
its power in cooperation with its neighbors
to help secure justice and opportunity for
San Salvador and Portugal and to back the
findings of a World Court.
Also power cannot be stowed away in a
bank and left idle. It may be used wisely
or wickedly or just plain foolishly; but it
must be used. The attempt to leave it un-
used results in using it foolishly, to the
injury of all mankind, as America discov-
ered between the wars. We were warned
some time ago that it is not wise to hide
one's .talent in the earth, or to keep it laid
up in a napkin. When the day comes for
the nations to be judged, those that tried
to dodge the responsibilities of power may
find themselves set on the left among the
rueful goats.
If these things are true there is no use
pretending that the United Nations, or any
new League of Nations, can dispense with
the great power system unless it is pre-
pared to dispense with nationalism. As
Samuel Grafton said in the New Yor/(
Post: "Even after you give die squirrel a
certificate which says he is quite as big as
any elephant, he is still going to be smaller,
and all the squirrels will know it and all
the elephants will know it."
Great Powers and the General Good
A genuine federation of the world, as
successful and as accepted as the federa-
tion of the United States, might cancel the
distinction between elephants and squirrels.
But we shall not have a genuine federation
of the world at the end of this war. What
153
we shall have is an attempt to use the power
that exists — primarily the power of the three
or four full-grown elephants- — for the bene-
fit of mankind, because we have learned
that if not used that way it will be used
for the destruction of mankind, including
that part of mankind which possesses the
power.
What we shall have, in other words, is
an attempt to make power politics serve the
general good — not an attempt to abolish
power politics, which is impossible until
the whole world is united. If the elephants
work together, consulting the needs and
wishes of the squirrels and collaborating
with them to secure justice and to promote
the good life, there is hope of a long peace.
If the elephants fall apart either by a two-
way or a three-way division, there will in-
evitably come into being rival power
groups. The rest of the world will then
begin choosing sides for the next war —
the third World War since the turn of the
century. And the fact that Great Britain
and the United States must once more be
allies in that war will not excuse either of
them for the folly of allowing the war
to take place.
The great powers can stand together if
they choose to work for security and jus-
tice; they must fall apart if any of them
chooses to work for domination. The task
of statesmanship is to direct power to the
service of security and justice, not to pre-
tend that power does not exist, or that it
belongs to someone who does not possess
it.
What we want is good power politics
rather than no power politics.
In his message to Congress on Janu-
uary 6, 1945, President Roosevelt defined
power politics as the misuse of power. This,
in fact, is what most people mean by the
phrase — the misuse of power, as in the
eighteenth century partition of Poland. If
we accept the definition we must still find
a word or phrase to describe the proper use
of power. For as Mr. Roosevelt himself
went on to say:
"We cannot deny that power is a factor
in world politics. But in a democratic
world, as in a democratic nation, power
must be linked with responsibility and
obliged to defend and justify itself within
the framework of the general good."
We have been fighting to destroy the
power ot two nations which refused to
"link it with responsibility," which insisted
that power is its own justification. In the
process, we have set up a United Nations
Organization; but we must remember that
such an organization will possess power
only to the extent that the elephants col-
laborate: it will be powerless to the extent
that the elephants disagree.
What the Small Powers Know
The three elephants cannot merge into
one immense elephant; neither can they
dissolve into a thousand squirrels. Good
will between the elephants is a prime na-
tional interest of every peaceful people.
"It is impossible," wrote Prof. Carl Beck-
er, "to transfer political power from the
states that have it, to a league of fifty or
twenty theoretically equal but in fact very
unequal states by treaties agreed to or cove-
nants adopted, however solemnly. In spite
of promises or good intentions, political
power will remain where it is, chiefly in a
few great states. . . . They alone can use
the power they have, they alone are re-
sponsible for the use they make of it. ...
"If we regard things instead of words, it
is clear that the term 'power polities' is
what the grammarians call a 'redundancy.'
The simple fact is that politics is insepar-
able from power. States and governments
exist to exert power, for the maintenance of
order, the administration of justice, the
defense of the community against aggres-
sion— in theory always and solely for these
good ends. But the power, much or little,
is always there, and will always be used for
some end, good, bad, or indifferent."*
The League of Nations failed, as Profes-
sor Becker further pointed out, not because
it lacked power to enforce its decisions, but
because on all major matters there were no
decisions to enforce: the great peaceful
powers simply did not act as if they had a
common interest in security and economic
progress and in the suppression of wars.
They seemed to think they could each pro-
vide their own security and their own
prosperity and that, in this progressive
world, wars would suppress themselves.
If they think so again no international
machinery can preserve peace; if they have
learned to collaborate, any machinery
should suffice — the simpler the better.
The small powers know these facts even
if some of the great powers don't. The
small powers want a United Nations Or-
ganization so that they may be consulted
about their own needs and so that their
experience and wisdom may be used in
building the economic life of an interde-
pendent world. But they are not so foolish
as to think such an organization can in-
sure peace. There will be peace if the great
powers stand together, and not otherwise.
This is true if there are three great powers,
or four, or five, or any other number. No
one can provoke a large war without the
connivance of at least one of them. No
one, and no organization, can prevent war
if the possessors of great power become
rivals and not collaborators.
Some day we may have a federation of
the world, with all power (and therefore
all politics) in the hands of a government
of mankind; but we merely make ourselves
nuisances if we think we can have this to-
day, or if we refuse to work with our
neighbors on terms less millennial. The
task for today is to attempt what can be
done today — a task set at San Francisco.
One next step we can take immediately
is to show that the English-speaking powers
can collaborate — not to impose their selfish
will but to contribute such wisdom and
strength as they possess to the building of a
more stable world.
Working in separation, eyeing each other
with grudging friendliness overlaid by
suspicion, the English-speaking peoples can
do little to promote peace, little to prevent
the world from returning to its customary
pattern of rival power groups, each sur-
rounded by its own satellites. But working
together, showing that great powers can
have a genuine trust for each other, those
peoples can give mankind hope.
If two great powers can cultivate such
trust, why not three? Why not four?
Perhaps it only needs a beginning. And
where better can the stricken world begin?
II. BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES
All the nations of the earth, and espe-
cially the small and peaceful nations who
have so much to contribute to civilization
and who would be destroyed in a time of
chaos, are looking to Britain and the
United States for a sign. They know that
we shall never fight each other; they pray
that we shall have the wisdom to take the
next step and insist on a closeness of col-
laboration overriding all discords.
There is one fact, apart from a common
culture and a common language, which
may make such closeness thinkable; that
the last truly dangerous struggle between
these two nations, the last conflict of inter-
est that might have led to violence was
settled amicably at the turn of the century.
It was in 1895 that Secretary of State
Richard Olney announced: "Today the
United States is practically sovereign on
this continent, and its fiat is law upon the
subjects to which it confines its interpo-
sition." Those are large words. That was
power politics indeed, grim and undis-
guised, but not therefore wrong. When
Lord Salisbury accepted Olney's dictum
and agreed to arbitration of the Venezu-
elan boundary dispute, the world knew
that the long period when the Monroe
•"How New Will the Better World Be?" (Knopf.
$2.50)
Doctrine rested chiefly on the power of the
British fleet was drawing to an end.
Henceforth, the United States was to
establish by her own power the largest
"sphere of interest" ever attempted — while
reserving the reassuring right of criticizing
all other spheres of interest as immoral!
Henceforth Britain, which had long been
the only great power with major interests
in every continent, was to accept a mark-
edly secondary position in the Western
Hemisphere.
The world had expected, and much of
the world had hoped, that this coming-of-
age of America in her own sphere would
be accompanied by an Anglo-American
war. Instead, the eight years from 1895 to
1903 saw a series of peaceful accommoda-
tions on the part of the British. As Prof.
William T. R. Fox writes}:
"The withdrawal of the British Caribbean
squadron to waters nearer home, the dis-
mantling of fortifications in the Caribbean
and in Canada, the renegotiation of the
Isthmian Canal question to permit the
United States to build and operate the Pan-
ama Canal alone, and finally the sacrifice
of the Canadian claim in the Alaskan
boundary dispute, all were evidences of
(Continued on page 156)
t"Super-Powers." (Harcourt. $2)
154
~
ATTILA
Etching by Ralph Fabri
Courtesy Modern Art Studio, New York
Continued from page 154
British retreat. Henceforth, the way was
open for Anglo-American collaboration,
especially since the United States did not
challenge British interests in Europe or
other parts of the world."
Henceforth, also, it was clear that the
two nations would never fight each other,
however many wars their obtuseness might
force them to fight side by side.
Dynamics of Strength
Paradoxically, one reason Great Britain
had been willing to retreat after 1895 was
because she was strong. She knew her
strength; she had been accustomed for a
long time to being the one great power
with interests all over the world. She felt
no need to prove her position to herself
or to anyone else, so she was free to act
with responsibility . and restraint. She
might well have been beaten if she had
chosen to fight; many strong nations walk
stupidly into contests which are too much
for them. The more they are at home and
comfortable in their greatness, the less
likely they are to overplay their hands or
to assert themselves needlessly.
What might have been a major clash —
a clash for which the Germans were praying
because they thought it would leave
the world helpless to resist their domina-
tion— ended peacefully because the British
backed down from a conflict which could
only do harm. This was not appeasement,
which is a policy of weakness; this was
conciliation and temperateness, which is a
policy of strength.
Now, for a time, the United States will
be the greatest of the world powers with
interests in many continents. She will have
a navy twice the size of any other, the
greatest air force, the greatest industrial
capacity. She will also have, among the
mass of her citizens, a sincere and tradi-
tional desire to do the world well. She
will be the less likely to betray that desire,
and to give way to blustering or harmful
assertiveness, the more she is aware of the
solemn fact of her strength, and thus of
the obligation she has inherited.
Also, the more she knows her strength
the more likely she will be to welcome the
strength of her friends and to admit gladly
that this strength, in the future as in the
past, is of benefit to her. It has long been
true, in Professor Becker's words, that:
"Those of us [Americans] . . . who
think that we are a nation of starry-eyed
idealists, who have been twice tricked by
the British into a European war in order
to 'pull their chestnuts out of the fire,'
have read the history of their country to
little purpose. The truth is rather that the
existence and friendliness of the British
Empire, and the power of the British fleet,
have for more than a century enabled us
to roast our own chestnuts at leisure and
eat them in security."
That is the background. That was the
situation in the days of the long Pax
Britannica. Although those days are over,
although we can never again "roast our
own chestnuts at leisure" without earning
that privilege the hard way, it is true now
and for the future that American security
requires security, also, for the worldwide
and friendly British Commonwealth of Na-
tions. These people, with whom we can
never again imagine fighting, by whose side
we have resisted the German menace twice
in a generation, must remain free and pros-
perous if America is to remain safe. Con-
versely, if they are to be safe, there must
be a friendly, prosperous and world-minded
America.
III. FROM DOUBTS TO UNDERSTANDING
All this seems clear today, with victory
in Europe in the sixth year of war; yet the
world is wondering whether it will still
seem clear to the two groups of English-
speaking peoples when all Axis powers
have been defeated. Russia is wondering,
and was hesitant to commit herself to a
foreign policy based on collective security
until she knew the answer. France and
China — the two powers who seem destined
soon to stand side by side with the giants
of today — are also wondering. And so are
all the lesser powers; they are not only
wondering, they are wretched with anxiety
because they know that, if this easiest of
collaborations fails, war will not fail and
"the last best hope of man" will die.
Why so much doubt and worry, if the
need for Anglo-American unity is clear, if
the possibility of Anglo-American war dis-
appeared forty years ago? Because of the
difficulty, which is by no means restricted
to English-speaking peoples, of putting first
things first and keeping them there. Al-
though there is no doubt of what ought
to be done, of what must be done for sim-
ple self-preservation, there are many prob-
lems and prejudices which may be allowed
to interfere when world peace returns.
In Professor Fox's book, mentioned
above, these problems are listed and an-
alyzed. The following are a few examples:
(a) Problems of trade arising from such
events as the liquidation of British foreign
investments, from the greatly decreased
American need for Malayan rubber and
tin, from the threat of expansion of the
American merchant marine with the con-
sequent contraction of Britain's ability to
acquire dollar exchange through her carry-
ing trade.
(b) Problems of policy on such matters
as Latin American investments and com-
mercial aviation. The British fear a ten-
dency on the part of the United States to
buy good will in South America by sac-
rificing the "rights" of creditors; and they
fear a tendency to seize by cut-throat meth-
ods a dominant position in world air traf-
fic.
(c) Political problems in such areas as
India, Burma, and the Far East.
(d) Irritations based on the long-con-
tinued American feeling that British for-
eign policy is unduly selfish and reaction-
ary— or on the long-continued British feel-
ing that American foreign policy is almost
wholly verbal and unreliable, consisting of
fine phrases, lofty lectures, and no action.
Some of these items, if neglected, might
grow into a major clash of interests. On
the other hand, every one of them can be
adjusted by give and take and mutual help
if the will to adjust is present. The follow-
ing comments, again by Samuel Grafton,
are an example of how the will to adjust
can smooth the way to understanding:
"Many influential Britons, liberal as well
as conservative, feel that America intends
to go backwards economically after the
war. They feel that we intend to take all
we can get of the world's commercial air-
ways, of its ocean shipping, of its com-
munications services. They don't sense
much live and let live on our part. They
feel that we Americans are depending too
much on some sort of rarefied international
organization to keep the peace, a kind of
unobtrusive constabulary, far away and re-
mote from the wrestling that goes on in the
dust of the arena.
"These Britons feel that we Americans
don't really want to live with them as al-
lies; that we don't propose to keep the
peace by being friends, but that, rather, we
propose to slug it out with them while
keeping the peace through a gadget. . . .
They suspect us of hunting for some world
legal arrangement under which we can
compete with them as if we were deadly
enemies, while, somewhere up in the strato-
sphere, a formal organization dealing with
abstractions serves happily to prevent
war."
To spread understanding of what is
worrying our friends is worth more to
peace than a new plan for a world society,
because the first step toward a world so-
ciety is that a few powerful nations begin;
believing in the possibility of friendship.'
There are many similar American worries
about British policy which the British in
turn must teach themselves to understand
and to take into account. As President
Roosevelt put it in his fourth inaugural
address: "We have learned the simple
truth, as Emerson said, that 'the only way
to have a friend is to be one'."
The shepherds on the Galilean hills
heard voices prophesying peace on earth to
men of good will. They did not hear any
nonsense about peace on earth to hard-
faced men whose answer to a neighbor's
troubles is a shrug and a "too bad- — but
business is business."
The Strength of the Earth
Strangely and reassuringly, the more that
we learn about our planet, the more that
science explores its possibilities, then the
more grounds we have for believing that
the hard-faced men are unintelligent as
well as unmoral. It used to be thought
that strife must be the rule since there was
not enough to go round and since it was
unlikely that most men would become
saints. We now believe there is plenty to
go round if we can bring ourselves to help
each other instead of treating each other
as predestined adversaries.
The new science of chemurgy, for ex-
ample, making possible the new plastic in-
dustries, has relieved the drain on the
earth's mineral resources and conferred
156
SURVEY GRAPHIC
opportunities for wealth on the agricultural
countries. This might lead to a worldwide
lessening of tensions and jealousies, if the
plastic industries are promoted with an
eye to man's welfare. Or, if they are pro-
moted by people who still think it is smart
to play beggar-my-neighbor, the result
might be a worldwide collapse. Kirtley F.
Mather, professor of geology in Harvard
University, sums up a detailed study of the
earth's resources with the exuberant words:
"Beyond any possible doubt, Mother
Earth can provide food enough and to
spare so that, in this age of science and
far along our vista of untold millennia to
come, every member of the worldwide hu-
man family may be adequately nourished.
There is no prospect that the press of
population will ever place an impossible
burden upon the available sources of food
or of the organic materials required in
industry. The gloomy prediction of Mal-
thus does not now apply and, if present
trends continue, never will apply to man."
This is what a geologist believes to be
possible if we are prepared to use our wits.
But Professor Mather warns repeatedly that
in order to falsify "the gloomy predictions
of Malthus" we must cooperate. The struc-
ture of the earth, so far from imposing
strife upon mankind, imposes what he calls
"mineral interdependence." Science can
help iis to obliterate the human race if we
insist on living in isolation; but science
cannot help us to be prosperous unless we
are prepared to live as friends.
Cooperation is the price of plenty. It
may even be the price of life.
IV. A TEAM OF FRIENDS
We can now return to the question with
which we began: What do we mean by
"working together" with the British? Gen-
eral Eisenhower's headquarters and the
Combined Boards dealing with transport
and supplies have shown us what the
words mean in the military sphere. Not
only have the high commands of two al-
lied armies been welded together as never
before in the world's history, but supply
problems which are normally subject to
business rivalries and international jealous-
ies have been handled with a good will and
a team-play discouraging to our enemies.
What will "working together" mean in
peace?
No great powers have ever worked to-
gether except temporarily when their sel-
fish interests coincided. But the time has
come when the old definitions of selfish
interests are no longer reasonable. The
struggle for survival — both negatively, in
the avoidance of disaster; and positively, in
the attainment of peace and prosperity —
demands worldwide mutual aid. If we
want, we can call such aid "enlightened
self-interest"; or we can use the old-fash-
ioned words "morality" and "wisdom."
The era of collaboration must begin
somewhere; it cannot begin everywhere.
And it must begin among great powers;
the war-bewildered world will not renew
hope because of cordial relations between
Russia and Bolivia. The obvious great
powers to set the fashion are the British
Commonwealth of Nations and the United
States of America. But that means trust —
trust and good will so great that they
overshadow disputes and compel either a
settlement or a compromise.
It is silly -to say, "All disputes between
us must be settled," because there are many
problems not subject to such peremptory
treatment. But it is not silly to say: "All
disputes between us must be settled or
compromised, since we value friendship
more than self-assertion." Close friends,
husbands and wives, have made this resolve
since the world began. Many millions of
relationships have been saved thereby, have
been made rich and fruitful, even if im-
perfect.
That resolve has never yet been made
by two great powers. It would mean that
the citizens of the powers would talk to
each other, criticize each other, read and
write about each other, compete with each
other, as friendly equals, and not on the
assumption that they were planning to
cheat or undermine each other. It would
therefore mean foregoing, at least in part,
one of the most ancient habits of man: the
habit of assuming that outlanders are un-
trustworthy and hostile. It is this habit
which sometimes led Americans in the
United Kingdom to listen when the enemy
whispered that Britain was cheating on
lend-lease gasoline; it is this habit which
led some British businessmen to listen
when the enemy whispered that America
intends to seize the world's trade, brutally
and ruthlessly, at the war's end.
It may be fun to think evilly of our ally,
but it is a form of fun we can no longer
afford.
Unless we highly resolve to promote
friendship and compromise between these
two powers, as a basis for world peace,
then we do in fact resolve to accept war
as an inevitable doom. If two nations that
have come to learn they will never fight
each other cannot learn to work together,
who can?
Is it reasonable to expect Russia to have
confidence in either of us if we cannot
have confidence in each other? And with-
out such confidence must not Russia be
driven back on the old, vain system of
negative self-protection? Then the smaller
powers must gather despairingly about one
or another of the giants for support. And
so the game begins anew.
What "Working Together" Means
When, last year, General von Rundstedt
broke through in the Ardennes, with ten
panzer divisions and some fourteen in-
fantry divisions, he nearly succeeded in his
plan to reach Antwerp and thus divide
General Eisenhower's armies in two. Any
jealousy, any sand in the machinery during
those days, might have brought a serious
defeat.
But Rundstedt was t'aced, not only with
superb American resistance, but with an
allied command new to history. British and
American generals and colonels had been
living and planning and working and hop-
ing and poring over maps together for
months; some of them for years. They had
forgotten national differences, learned unity
in the service of one commander and one
cause. So they went to work smoothly —
with none of the bickerings and recrimina-
tions, and the petty pleasure at seeing the
other fellow done in, which are usual in
allied armies. Eisenhower and Bradley and
Montgomery had been companions on D-
day; they were companions in this crisis.
Cooperating like a team of friends, they
broke the last hope of the Germans in the
West.
That is what "working together" means
in war, and that is what it did for us. It
means the same thing in peace, where the
stakes are even higher, where we also have
one cause though not one commander. It
means a team of friends, who wish each
other's welfare, who can disagree with each
other without getting suspicious, who can
become impatient with each other without
getting divided. It means something new
in history, and something very difficult;
but it is the price of peace and nothing
less will suffice.
.
IM\.
British Information Services
Two sergeants, two nations — but friends, belonging to the same team
MAY 1945
157
Farewell to England. Off to a rendezvous with D-day
Courtesy (Jrand Central Galleries, New York
The first glimpse of England. Troops moving from ship to train
ENCAMPMENT
BRITAIN
Paintings by T/Sgt. David Lax
Sergeant Lax was an artist in America
before he became in turn an army MP,
a supply sergeant and a member of
the Transportation Corps. In the latter
capacity he painted a series of pic-
tures showing the role of transporta-
tion in getting our troops to the
United Kingdom, and from there on
to the continent.
Here are paintings of arrival and
departure. At the left, troops wait in
a smoky British station for instruc-
tions from the U.S. Rail Transporta-
tion Officer. Above, trucks roar
through the land of left-hand driving,
and English children wave them on
their way.
The Ocean Shrinks
1800
1838
to-day
Each way* represent* en* day of travelling
between the United State* and Great Britain
ISOTYPE
Chart from "Only an Ocean Between," by Leila Secor Florence. Harrap & Company, London
Close-Up
We have become neighbors in foreshortened time and space — hearing, reading,
speaking, seeing, much the same movies, broadcasts, books, news, and slang.
JOHN ADAMS, SECOND PRESIDENT-TO-BE OF
the USA, attended his first Continental
Congress in Philadelphia in 1774. In a let-
ter to his wife, he complained that they
were "all strangers, not acquainted with
each other's language, ideas, views, de-
signs." James Madison, our fourth Presi-
dent, wrote during the Constitutional
Convention of 1787 that "Of the affairs of
Georgia I know as little as of those of
Kamchatka." Pierce Butler of South Caro-
lina felt himself among strangers in that
assembly: "The interests of the southern
and eastern states," he thought, were "as
different as the interests of Russia and Tur-
key"— which were then very much at odds.
England and the United States today are
more closely united, more genuinely one
of another, than were Georgia and Penn-
sylvania, Virginia and Massachusetts, when
the United States of America was founded.
But we don't yet face the fact.
In John Adams' Shoes
When the New England Adams com-
plained of the strange "language" spoken
at Philadelphia the year before the Ameri-
can Revolution he probably referred rather
to the language of ideas than to accents,
though he might have meant either. But
a farmer's son from Puritan Massachusetts
undoubtedly felt as ill at ease with the gay
Church of England Virginians of his time,
as any G.I on his first leave in London felt
LEWIS S. GANNETT
toward the British Tommies he saw walk-
ing down Whitehall in the 1940's.
The first reaction of the American in
England today is likely to be precisely that
of John Adams a hundred and seventy
years ago: surprise that England (like
Philadelphia) isn't exactly like his own
America. He does not realize how much
— By the editor of the daily column,
"Books and Things," in the New York
Herald Tribune, who reverted to type
this past year, serving as war correspon-
dent in Britain and on the Western
Front.
Rochester-born and a Harvard gradu-
ate, he had been a reporter in the city
room of the old New York World before
World War I. Followed work for the
Quakers and the American Red Cross
in France; then as one of the gifted
younger correspondents at the Paris
Peace Conference — where for a time he
represented The Survey.
Later, for a decade, he was a key
member of the staff of The Nation —
spending some time as a roving editor
in the Caribbean and Europe, and in
Asia he was one of the first to introduce
Chiang Kai-shek to American readers.
Here he reviews new pages the war has
written in the field of communications —
and looks ahead.
he expected them to be alike. He is — we all
are — mixed up. "England" is an alien land
to him, but — and this is important — not at
all in the sense in which France and Africa,
Russia and China are alien.
His mixed reactions begin with street
names. He looks down from a London bus
top. The signs read: Charing Cross Road,
the Strand, Fleet Street, Threadneedle
Street, or it's Baker Street, Wimpole Street,
Berkeley Square. The names are utterly
familiar, thrice-told tales, for he has been
brought up on Dickens and Conan Doyle
or on movies about London. But the streets
don't look as familiar as they sound. Some-
times Americans find that irritating; some-
times fail to grow out of that irritation.
Usually the GI has started in by feeling
strange in London, but he climbs down
from his bus and asks in a tongue which
any passer-by can, with little effort, under-
stand, how to get to Piccadilly, to Trafalgar
Square or the Tower of London. He
knows their names. He has read them in
books. He has seen the movies. He has
heard the radio. He may be homesick still,
but for that matter he was homesick when,
coming from his familiar hometown, he
first saw New York's skyscrapers. He may
not at once realize that it is the same sort
of homesickness. But as on Broadway he
was homesick for Main Street, as in London
he was homesick for New York, so, when
he had reached the continent, he was likely
159
"/ sure am going to tell the jolfc bac\ home that the swellest fart of England is Scotland"
to look back on London, as he had not
dreamed he would look back on it, as a
part of his home country, of his own heart's
land.
To many a GI, Westminster Abbey has
always been more familiar than St. Pat-
rick's Cathedral or Trinity Church in New
York. Oxford Street is no stranger than
Fifth Avenue, Buckingham Palace no more
romantically exotic than Radio City.
In any town on the continent of Europe
— and even more so in Africa or Asia — the
GI who finds himself separated from his
American buddies hails any "Limey" as a
sure friend. They speak the same language.
In strange lands they feel the same instinc-
tive strangeness, and they can accept each
other as they find it difficult to do in cither's
home. The sneer too often present in the
word "Limey" changes to a warmer defini-
tion, just as the Virginian's use of the
phrase "Damyankee" changes when he
meets New England Yankees far from
cither's home.
Precisely as John Adams and James
Madison knew that the odd "strangers"
they met in Philadelphia were fellow
Americans, so the American soldier in Bel-
gium, Burma or China, feels, always and
instinctively, that the Englishman, queer as
he is, belongs to an undefined common
country. He feels it without expressing it,
even to himself.
Seven League Boots: 1945 Style
That feeling has a significance which we
seldom fully recognize. It has always been
true to some degree, but is truer today than
ever before, despite all the new frictions to
which our new world gives new opportuni-
ties. The airplane, the movie, the radio,
television and teletype are conspiring to
THE AMERICANS AND OURSELVES
With acknowledgment to that witty English
institution, Punch, we reprint on these facing
pages four amusing cartoons from its issues of
1944, when GI's were everywhere in Britain.
foreshorten the old, wide, oceanic frontiers,
and that means new intimacies — possibly
also new family quarrels.
I flew back from Scotland to Washington
last January in less than twenty-four hours.
Hundreds do that every day. Once the
man who flew the Atlantic was a pioneer;
before World War II is over, hundreds of
thousands will have flown it.
Think of that figure, and remember the
familiar schoolbook stories: That it took
Jefferson eighteen days to ride from his
home at Monticello in Virginia to attend
the Continental Congress at Trenton, New
Jersey. That Benjamin Franklin was two
weeks on his way from Pennsylvania to
Massachusetts in the first year of our Revo-
lution.
London is far nearer New York today
than New York was to the capitals of
Virginia or the Bay State when "strangers"
met to form a federal union in that little
hall in the Quaker City of Brotherly Love.
Mencken was wrong: he wrote his book
"The American Language" too late. Per-
haps there was a time when American and
British tongues were parting company,
tending to become separate entities, as
Mencken still argued in 1919. But that was
true only in a pre-airplane, pre-movie, pre-
radio age. Mr. Churchill's accent, if any-
thing, sounds rather more homey than did
Mr. Roosevelt's to a Californian, and cer-
tainly it is clearer to a Bostonian than that
of Senator George of Georgia.
Anyone who grew up west of the head-
waters of the Mohawk River, in the Amer-
ica that burrs the letter R, regards neglect
of that letter as a bit hifalutin; but such an
impression applies equally to a President
Conant of Harvard and to a Professor
Laski of the London School of Economics.
As soon as any bit of American slang
has graduated from Hollywood it is fa-
"Officer, how do we get to the native quarter?"
160
SURVEY GRAPHIC
"Anyone ELSE in the class a gum-chum of
our American allies?"
miliar coinage in London, as it is in Black-
pool, Glasgow, and Belfast. If the movies
are responsible for some British misunder-
standings about America, they also serve to
make the language one; they maintain a
transatlantic unity of nutty speech. I don't
know how good the Spanish and Chinese
translations of Walt Disney continuities
may be, though they are said to be excel-
lent and the Disney movies have been
hailed as one of the greatest factors for
world unity today. The significant fact
is that the English need no translation.
Conversely, the GI who has been two
weeks ashore in Britain is already talking
of being "browned off" by his officers, of
whom he tends to take a "dim" view. Noth-
ing so binds a Tommy and a Yank as a
common exploration of the resources of
transatlantic slang.
What the radio will do to cement or to
separate England and America is a wide
open question, for the national systems dif-
fer fundamentally, and each is still a bit
chary of the other. Britain is proud that
her wireless is completely free from adver-
tising; the American radio man is proud
that his microphones are free from govern-
ment control. There are advantages in both
techniques. The British programs tend to
seem "dull" to American servicemen over
there, though after the United States en-
tered the war the BBC conscientiously went
about a conservative measure of American-
ization. British orchestras have learned to
play jazz. BBC also added American
voices for their American listeners — and the
British continued listening in, thus adding
in turn to their own familiarity with our
variant usages.
What may be more important is that
some millions of Americans have heard the
straight programs, the intelligent news, the
uninterrupted continuity of BBC programs.
It will be interesting to discover whether,
when the GI's come home, the sour-stom-
ach-headache-and-sneeze commercials of the
American radio do not sound as nastily
depressing to them as they did to me when
I returned after a mere six months divorce
from their incessant, meaching interrup-
tions.
Certain it is that the radio's easier
bridges across the Atlantic will have an
effect on transatlantic understanding as
great as, if not greater than, that effected by
the airplane's speed. It will be interesting
to watch the development of such two-way
programs as Transatlantic Call, Atlantic
Spotlight, Transatlantic Quiz, and Radio
Newsreel, in which the BBC and American
radio chains already collaborate. Will our
commercial requirements interfere with the
evolution of such collaboration ? Or will
the community of the air, begun in war-
time, continue and evolve? At any rate, to
some degree, even after the war, millions
in England will nightly listen to American
voices, and millions in America will listen
to British voices, night after night after
night. And with no sense of studying an
alien language.
From Basic Slang to Books
It is a long time since Sydney Smith
asked Englishmen: "Who reads an Ameri-
can book?" For our part, we have always
been quick to reprint English books (once
even pirating them promptly), but today
the English are as quick when it comes to
reprinting.
Last summer, when I had turned tempo-
rarily from book reviewing to foreign cor-
respondence, the editor of the leading Eng-
lish book-trade magazine said to me:
"Look here! You're probably more familiar
with the books that will be published in
England this autumn than any man in
England; write us a piece about them." He
was oddly close to the truth. There were
more than a hundred books on the forth-
coming English publishers' lists which I
had reviewed for the Herald Tribune be-
fore I left New York. All the important
American books were appearing in Eng-
land. Because of wartime paper and print-
ing difficulties, some important English
books had been published in America
which were still to appear in England.
British newspapers look odd to an Amer-
ican today — but primarily that is because,
as a rule, they are reduced to four pages.
Many of them, curiously, are going
through a typographical evolution com-
parable to that in many of our own news-
papers several decades ago. To a reader of
the Denver Post, for example, the English
front pages must look more natural than
to a reader of The New Yor/^ Times or
Herald Tribune, with their more conserva-
tive make-up. And in the London Mirror
the GI finds a whole page of familiar
American comic strips. They are popular;
they make for circulation; the English un-
derstand them. Their success in the British
press is another — not at all negligible — evi-
dence of the instinctive common soil of
English and American minds.
On the one hand, the British have a
weekly News Review, an obvious imitation
of the American magazines Time and
Newswee)^. On the other hand, when paper
restrictions are removed, Time and News-
wee}( will establish their own British edi-
tions, and they will be only two of a. dozen
American magazines to do so. The London
Daily Mail now publishes, for American
readers, a weekly Transatlantic Edition,
and the London Tjmes has a thin-paper
airplane edition for American distribution.
After the war The New Yor^ Times will
probably have a London edition, compet-
ing at the London breakfast table with the
(Continued on page 246)
"Say — can I give you boys an elevator?"
MAY 1945
161
v*t
I :•
British Information Sen
Many GI's on leave, as well as other Allied soldiers, visited Oxford University with its thirty-one 'colleges. Volunteer guides con-
ducted daily tours. Balliol College allotted eighty rooms for a leave course that lasted a week — with lectures, dance and tea party
Harris and EwinK
Trying something new the moment he stepped off the boat — a lesson in playing the bagpipe
GETTING.
ACQUAINTED
In the course of the last three
years the British have had in
their midst a large cross-section
of Americans "just as they come"
— something very different from
the former summer vacationist,
clutching Muirhead's Blue Guide.
In a thousand villages near which
our flying fields and troop camps
were located, run-of-the-mill citi-
zens of both countries came in
close contact for a long time.
There have been gripes and
there has been good will, accord-
ing to the nature of human kind.
That there have been thoughtful
hosts and appreciative guests,
these photographs indicate.
Hundreds of thousands of
Americans and British have come
to know one another.
British Information Services photos
A geography lesson with a living textbook. An English village school took advantage of the opportunity to learn about the USA.
A young American lieutenant answered hundreds of questions having more to do with movie stars than rainfall and resources
Tea in the rectory garden. The rector's wife wrote letters to her guests' families in America to say their men were well
British Information Services
Convalescent soldiers from an American military hospital in Cambridgeshire and their English friends at a picnic on a nearby river
British Information Service*
A Yank at Christ's Hospital, English public school
Harris and Ewing
Tommy has taught Joe how to hit the bull's eye in the dart game
American Invasion
Out of wartime give-and-take between Americans in Britain and their hosts
have come some frictions, countless gains in understanding, and mutual regard.
THERE HAVE ALWAYS BEEN AMERICANS HERE
in England as tourists, of course, as stu-
dents, as businessmen, some few to visit
friends and families. London, Edinburgh,
the university and cathedral towns espe-
cially, had long been accustomed to a
summertime invasion. Those were the old
days, small scale things. But during the last
three years, Americans have been coming
and going on this island, in every season,
in their hundreds of thousands.
The ultimate effect on Americans and on
America of this large scale invasion of war-
time Britain is hard to predict now, from
this side of the water. But the effect on
England is very discernible. England has
never been so America-conscious. It would
not be going too far to say that England
is really conscious of America for the first
time in her history, and not merely be-
cause she is aware of our present strength,
and our industrial potentialities. Interest in
America is not confined to anxious specula-
tion about postwar competition in world
markets, or to measurement of our inter-
national policy. That fearful, apprehensive
side does exist and because it has to do
with spectacular issues it finds its way into
I the press and public consciousness on both
j sides of the water.
What Americans perhaps do not realize,
I however, is to what extent friendly and
eager interest in the American way of liv-
ing has spread throughout Britain — interest
in our houses, in our schools, in our taste in
food, in the simple things that next-door
neighbors talk over with each other. And
that has come about chiefly not because we
are something called "the most powerful
I nation" but because so many of us have
dwelt among the English, walked their
streets, talked with them in pubs and trains,
drunk their beer, shared their rations and
their blackout, D-day, robots — victory.
Problems in Relationships
There have been problems in relation-
ships, some of them magnified out of all
proportion >to their real significance, by
sensational sections of the press and busy
talkers. British criticism of American man-
ners, based on the behavior of an unruly
Ifew, stories of Americans complaining of
Jthe high prices charged them by British
Jmerchants and landlords, the British retort-
ing that it was the American with his full
Ipocketbook who had sent prices up, and so
Ion. But if you inquire anywhere in Britain
[except in a few areas where there have
'jbeen special problems or incidents, you will
Jhear nothing but praise of American man-
ners, and if you inquire of Americans who
pave circulated at all in this country they
will confirm the Englishman's reputation
ior honesty. As for the amount the Amer-
ican spends in this country, a survey taken
HONORA BRUERE McIVER
— By a writer who is herself a happy
symbol of British-American relations.
Daughter of Henry Bruere, president of
the Bowery Savings Bank in New York
City, educated at Bryii Mawr, the Uni-
versity of London, and the Royal
Academy of Dramatics, she has been
since 1937 the wife of an Englishman
who is now a captain in the Canadian
army.
For the past two years, Mrs. Mclver
has been "right hand man" to Victor
Weybright at his wartime post in the
British Division of OWI in London.
in May 1944 showed that Americans spent
a very small percentage of their pay in
England, something like 26 percent, and
sent the rest home (though one has to
acknowledge that they will pay high prices
for what they want when they want it).
There have been many little sore spots
in troop-civilian relations, but it is my
conviction that many of these could have
been erased before they grew contagious,
through an enlightened, sympathetic, and
determined effort on the part of our own
army and its education officers.
When They Get Together
Where the effort has been made to get
soldiers and civilians together — and there
could have been more such efforts — there
have been markedly good relations, espe-
cially in the areas where American soldiers
were billeted on British families, or where
the American Red Cross — often more con-
cerned with bringing a touch of home to
homesick boys than giving them a touch of
other peoples' homes — has had an energetic
hospitality director. In some areas this effort
has had impressive results.
For example, as against 500 in 1943 some
4,500 American servicemen in the London
area alone spent last Christmas in British
homes. And these were only a proportion
of the number who could have had a
British Christmas. The London head-
quarters of the Red Cross report that in-
vitations from the provinces were innumer-
able— far greater than the number of ac-
ceptances. To anyone who has spent a
Christmas in wartime England, and knows
what a struggle it is getting together any-
thing resembling a festive meal, with
turkeys scarce, and chickens scarce, and
other meat available in no greater amount
than your coupons entitle you to, it was
a moving manifestation of friendship that
so large a number of English people were
eager to share this peculiarly "family" oc-
casion with strangers.
Such strong proof of friendliness will
surprise all those whose traditional view
of British aloofness has met no convincing
counter-evidence. And it is true that British
friendliness is not everywhere equal in de-
gree, sometimes from special causes, some-
times according to the temperament of the
region. For an example: East Anglia, on
the whole, has not the reputation for hos-
pitableness of certain parts of Scotland,
particularly Edinburgh. That is perhaps
partly a difference in regional personality;
the responsive friendly manner of the Scot
leads more readily to a sympathetic under-
standing than the less easy, more reserved,
ways of the British southerner.
But a much more important reason is that
Edinburgh is a leave-town, and all but a
handful of American soldiers are there to
enjoy themselves, unoppressed by restric-
tions and reminders of boredom — while
the Edinburghians themselves are playing
host briefly.
Brides at the Embassy
North and south alike have given many
friends to Americans. One confirmation of
that is that well over a quarter of the letters
from the American armies in Normandy
during the first month after D-day were
addressed to English homes. Nearly 20,000
English girls, too, have become the wives
of American soldiers, 15,000 of whom have
applied for American visas. The American
Embassy in London has its corridors lined
with benches where English girls, occasion-
ally with their husbands, often with babies,
wait to see the passport officials.
But for all this, it has been harder than
otherwise for Americans to make British
friends. There have been many impeding
factors. Perhaps chief among them is the
fact that a large number of American camps
have been out of reach of a town large
enough to furnish recreational and educa-
tional facilities which might draw the men,
however superficially, into English life. It
has been hard for them to meet British
civilians in their homes, partly because of
difficulties that nothing but the most iron-
bound determination could overcome — such
as isolation, short leaves, lack of introduc-
tions, and sometimes the coolness of the
local population. Occasionally too, there
has been lack of enterprise and even (gen-
uinely!) shyness on the part of the com-
manding officers.
Difference in pay has been a barrier as
well, in two ways: This has prevented equal
association between American and British
servicemen because the Englishman has
not been able to order meals and drinks
of the kind or the number which Amer-
icans had the means to offer him. As a re-
sult, one rarely sees British and American
soldiers together on the street or in the
pubs in any British town. Then, the Amer-
ican's extra cash, making him sometimes a
more tempting casual escort than his British
165
counterpart (with the added romantic at-
traction, of course, of being from a distant
and legendary land) has laid him open to
the accusation of taking away all the girls,
and has made for some prejudice alike
among British soldiers and civilians.
As the British See Americans
That is the sort of prejudice which has
been ignited and hardened by circumstances
to do with the war. They are not so diffi-
cult to overcome as the deep-rooted ones,
those of long standing on both sides,
nourished and fortified from birth. It is
commonplace by now to hear that the
British opinion of Americans was based
upon the movies. How could it have been
otherwise? It was not surprising to me to
be told by an American private, as late as
the day before I began to write this article,
that one of his cousins in Glasgow (he was
half-Scotch) had asked him whether he
carried one or two guns in peacetime. His
reaction, unfortunately, was contempt for
the ignorance of his hapless relative.
For me it was renewed proof of the re-
moteness from reality of Hollywood, of its
failure to recognize, as it will have to from
now on, that an American movie in a for-
eign country is not only entertainment, it is
a textbook, too. Average opinion and ideas
about America in England have fed almost
exclusively upon the movies. The substitu-
tion of real Americans, and accurate in-
formation about America can do, and has
done much to alter the distorted picture.
The prejudice among the more educated
English people, unless they had ties in
America, is an intellectual prejudice based
more on ignorance of our intellectual and
cultural achievements — an incomplete rather
than distorted idea of the American and
his civilization. The prejudice of this class
is harder to dislodge, the more so now
when it is retained as a matter of pride,
something clung to tenaciously to balance
the awareness of American technical and
material superiority. There are minor re-
lated prejudices; the idea of the American's
uncouthness, that he sets values only in
terms of money, his boastfulness, his faculty
for criticizing others but not himself.
But the increasing English appetite for
information about the United States, the
obvious desire to supplant prejudice with
truth, testify to a determination to in-
terpret the American accurately, to know
what in his history, his education, and his
way of life may have prompted him to
speak and act as he does. I think the Eng-
lishman, then, with Americans here in his
front yard, and in his back yard, has truly
extended himself to understand the Ameri-
can— partly, of course, because he feels he
must.
As Americans See the British
American prejudices, on the other hand,
are being modified in a less wholesale, a less
conspicuous way. The American soldier's
attitude towards England, when it is
adverse, and usually he thinks it is, is
compounded of a few grievances, a few
authoritative sounding catch-phrases from a
half-remembered history course, and a few
conclusions drawn from what observations
166
he has made here. An accurate set of con
elusions could scarcely be expected of him,
either from the little chance he has had to
observe, the little reflection he has given the
subject before arriving in the country, his
nearly totally erroneous conception of the
nature of a constitutional monarchy, par-
ticularly the British one, and his frequent
lack of understanding of the nature anil
extent of the British war effort.
Circumstances have induced in the British
an anxiety to learn about us. There has
been no corresponding inducement for the
American soldiers in this country.
There are hundreds, perhaps thousands,
of exceptions in the forces to the picture
I am giving, especially those Americans
whose duties bring them close to the British
home or community. But if a multitude of
reports and the evidence of personal ex-
perience have the weight they appear to,
skepticism at best, hostility at worst, are
still prevailing American sentiments to-
wards the British.
One cause is a kind of idealism — devo-
tion to democracy . . . the British govern-
ment'is not a democracy ("how can you
have a democracy with a king?") — ergo the
government is no good. If you press on
to know in just what way it is no good,
you usually hear that no government which
is a good government would permit such
"low living standards" or make it so diffi-
cult for young people to get ahead.
Another annoyance is the old one: "The
British are getting the better of us again."
In this vein it is commonly held that the
British government is reaping huge benefits
from lend-lease. These benefits are naturally
not to be observed among the ordinary
people since the "dukes" were the ones
who got them! It is nearly impossible to
convince the ordinary GI who has not
stayed in England more than a few weeks
that power in this country is not in the
hands of the peerage.
There is one more American soldier
prejudice which is rather in a class by itself,
but it is an important one. He does not
feel that he or his fellows are appreciated
by the British. He complains that the
British papers give very negligent attention
to the exploits of the American soldiers.
There was almost a feeling, for example,
that because American soldiers out-
numbered British by over 2 to 1 in the west
of Europe, news from that front should
have been reported in that proportion.
Newspapers to Lend Lease
A sense of grievance arises from the fact
that the American soldier in England, when
he reads any paper at all besides the Stars
and Stripes, is likely to read a British
paper of a semi-sensational sort which (like
some of our own at home) has a talent for
narrow patriotism, and gives prominence to
the British forces. In consequence the
American serviceman has this sense of af-
front. It may be childish, but it's all the
more formidable for that, because it won't
subside in the face of reasoning, but only
in the face of evidence.
For British papers on the whole give
generous accounting of the deeds of the
American troops. Indeed, it has not infre-
quently been my experience to hear Britons
comment on the space given to American
news in their papers. There are the four
national dailies which regularly carry an
American column, frequently several times
a week, with a special American article be-
sides, for example, Robert Waithman's
feature, "Inside America," in the News
Chronicle. The London Times, that most
influential of papers, although it has not a
daily news column from America, gives
more space to news and comment on the
United States (battlefront and homefront)
than any other paper (it has, of cour
roughly twice the number of pages). For
period, the Evening Standard ran a column
of news exclusively designed for Americans
not on English subjects, but about Amer-
icans and written by an American. Thesi
are facts for the most part unknown to the
American army here.
It has been said that the Amerkan soldie
does not have sufficient respect or admira
tion for his Allies, that he still believes he
is saving other people from the consequent'
of blunders that could have been avoided
if they'd had "democratic" governments
been smart people. Some official steps hav
been taken to correct this. An hour a week's
attendance at an "Orientation" lecture wa
made compulsory. The subject of the le
ture is usually at the discretion of the edu
cation officer, though frequently it is based
on the text of one of the "army talks"
namphlets issued fortnightly by Special
Services. One enterprising education officer
took as text last winter, the President's
Report to Congress on Reverse Lend-Lease
from the British Commonwealth, and in-
geniously tabulated the comparative costs in
England and in the United States of a num-
ber of articles supplied by the British gov-
ernment as Reverse Lend-Lease.
Bicycles had cost us only $20 to $25 here
as against $40 F.O.B., if they had been
purchased at home, minus shipping cost!
A current widely circulated rumor tb
American planes, making emergency lane
ings at RAF bases were obliged to sign fo
gasoline at an exorbitant rate, was rebutte
by explaining that the imperial gallon wa
1/5 larger than the American gallon, that
the cost of gasoline was proportionately
higher in Britain because it had to be
brought from great distances, that it was all
a paper transaction anyway.
However, the real principle of lend-lease
— that it is an account held in suspense, and
not a system of gift-giving without return,
has certainly never been made clear enoug'
to the great majority of our men in ur
form in Britain.
Wartime Bonds
There are many difficulties, real and
tangible, in the way of companionship and
understanding between Americans and
British in this country. But there are many
things drawing them together, too, though
these are less well publicized, if at all.
American government missions in this
country are working continually in the
closest sort of collaboration with every
British ministry. The Mission for Economic
(Continued on page 257)
SURVEY GRAPHIC
II. WARTIME TEAMWORK
British Information Services
Birthplace of Atlantic Charter — (August 14, 1941) — off Argentia, Newfoundland
How One Partner Prized Another
Tribute by Prime Minister WINSTON CHURCHILL, House of Commons, April 1945
MY FRIENDSHIP WITH THE GREAT MAN, TO
whose work and fame we pay our tribute
today, began and ripened during this war.
I had met him but only for a few minutes
before the close of the last war, and as soon
as I went to the Admiralty in September,
1939, he telegraphed, inviting me to cor-
respond on naval or other matters. . . .
Knowing President Roosevelt's keen in-
terest in sea warfare I furnished him with
a stream of information . . . especially, ac-
tion of the Plate River which lighted the
first gloomy winter of the war.
When I became Prime Minister and the
war broke out in all its hideous fury, when
our own life and survival hung in the
balance, I was already in a position to tele-
graph to the President in terms of an as-
sociation which had become most intimate,
and to me most agreeable. This continued
through all the ups and downs of world
struggle until Thursday last when I re-
ceived my last messages from him. These
messages showed no falling off in his ac-
customed clear vision and vigour upon
perplexing and complicated matters.
I may mention that this correspondence,
which of course was greatly increased after
the United States' entry into the war, com-
prised to and fro between us over 1,700
messages. Many of these were lengthy mes-
sages, and the majority dealt with those
more difficult points which come to be
discussed on the level of heads of Govern-
ments only after official solutions had not
been reached at other stages.
To this correspondence there must be
added our nine meetings — at Argentia,
three in Washington, at Casablanca, at
Teheran, two at Quebec and last of all at
Yalta, comprising in all about one hundred
and twenty days of close personal contact
during a great part of which I stayed with
him at the White House, or at his home at
Hyde Park, or in his retreat in the Blue
Mountains which he called Shangri-la.
•»• -f •*•
I conceived a great admiration for him
as a statesman, a man of affairs, and a
war leader. I felt the utmost confidence in
his upright, inspiring character, and out-
look; and a personal regard — affection I
must say — for him beyond my power to
express today. His love of his own country,
his respect for its constitution, his power
of gauging the tides and currents of its
mobile public opinion were always evident.
But added to these were the beatings of
that generous heart which was always
stirred to anger and action by spectacles of
aggression and oppression by the strong
against the weak. It is indeed a loss, a
bitter loss, to humanity that those heart-
beats are stilled forever.
President Roosevelt's physical affliction
lay heavily upon him. It was a marvel that
he bore up against it through all the many
years of tumult and storm. Not one man
in ten millions, stricken and crippled as he
was, would have attempted to plunge into
a life of physical and mental exertion and
of hard ceaseless political controversy. Not
one in a generation would have succeeded
not only in entering this sphere, not only
in acting vehemently in it, but in becoming
the indisputable master of the scene.
In this extraordinary effort of the spirit
over the flesh, the will power over physical
infirmity, he was inspired and sustained
by that noble woman, his devoted wife,
whose high ideals marched with his own
and to whom the deep and respectful
sympathy of the House of Commons flows
out today in all fulness.
MAY 1945
167
There is no doubt that the President
foresaw the great dangers closing in upon
the prewar world with far more prescience
than most well informed people on either
side of the Atlantic, and that he urged
forward with all his power such precau-
tionary military preparations as peacetime
opinion in the United States could be
brought to accept. There never was a mo-
ment's doubt, as the quarrel opened, on
which side his sympathies lay.
The fall of France, and what seemed to
most people outside this island, the im-
pending destruction of Great Britain, were
to him an agony, although he never lost
faith in us. They were agony to him not
only on account of Europe, but because
of the serious perils to which the United
States herself would have* been exposed had
we been overwhelmed, or the survivors
cast down under the German yoke.
The bearing of the British nation at that
time of stress when we were all alone,
filled him and vast numbers of his coun-
trymen with the warmest sentiments to-
wards our people. He and they felt the
blitz of the stern winter of 1940-1941, when
Hitler set himself to rub out the cities of
our country, as much as any of us did and
perhaps more, indeed, for imagination is
often more torturing than reality. There
is no doubt that the bearing of the British,
and above all of the Londoners, kindled
fires in American bosoms far harder to
quench than the conflagrations from which
we were suffering.
There was, also, at that time in spite of
General Wavell's victories — all the more
indeed because of the reinforcements which
were sent to him from this country — the
apprehension — widespread in the United
States — that we should be invaded by Ger-
many before the fullest preparation in the
spring of 1941. It was in February that the
President sent to England the late Wendell
Willkie, who although a political rival and
an opposing candidate, felt as he did on
many important points. Mr. Willkie
brought a letter from Mr. Roosevelt which
the President had written in his own hand,
containing the famous lines of Longfellow:
"Sail on, O Ship of State!
Sail on, O Union, strong and great!
Humanity with all its fears,
With all the hopes of future years,
Is hanging breathless on thy fate!"
At about the same time, he devised the
extraordinary measure of assistance called
Lend-Lease which will stand forth as the
most unselfish and unsordid financial act
of any country in all history. The effect of
this was greatly to increase the British
fighting power and, for all the purposes of
the war effort, to make us, as it were, a
much more numerous community.
In that autumn I met the President for
the first time during the war, at Argentia,
in Newfoundland, and together we drew
up the declaration which has since been
called the Atlantic Charter, and which will,
I trust, long remain a guide for both our
peoples and for other peoples of the world.
All this time, in deep and dark and
deadly secrecy, the Japanese were preparing
their act of treachery and greed. When
next we met in Washington, Japan, Ger-
many, and Italy had declared war upon
The Atlantic Charter
The President of the United States of
America and the Prime Minister, Mr.
Churchill, representing His Majesty's Gov-
ernment in the United Kingdom, being
met together, deem it right to make known
certain common principles in the national
policies of their respective countries on
which they base their hopes for a better fu-
ture for the world.
First, their countries seek no aggrandize-
ment, territorial or other;
Second, they desire to see no territorial
changes that do not accord with the freely
expressed wishes of the peoples concerned;
Third, they respect the right of all peo-
ples to choose the form of government un-
der which they will live, and they wish to
see sovereign rights and self-government
restored to those who have been forcibly
deprived of them;
Fourth, they will endeavor, with due re-
spect for their existing obligations, to fur-
ther the enjoyment of all States, great or
small, victor or vanquished, of access on
equal terms to the trade and to the raw
materials of the world which are needed for
their economic prosperity;
Fifth, they desire to bring about the full-
est collaboration between all nations in the
economic field with the object of securing
for all, improved labor standards, economic
advancement and social security;
Sixth, after the final destruction of the
Nazi tyranny they hope to see established
a peace which will afford to all nations the
means of dwelling in safety within their
own boundaries, and which will afford as-
surance that all the men in all the lands
may live out their lives in freedom from
fear and want;
Seventh, such a peace should enable all
men to traverse the high seas and oceans
without hindrance;
Eighth, they believe that all of the na-
tions of the world, for realistic as well as
spiritual reasons, must come to the aban-
donment of the use of force. Since no fu-
ture peace can be maintained if land, sea,
or air armaments continue to be employed
by nations which threaten, or may threaten,
aggression outside of their frontiers, they
believe, pending the establishment of a
wider and permanent system of general se-
curity, that the disarmament of such na-
tions is essential. They will likewise aid
and encourage all other practical measures
which will lighten for peace-loving peoples
the crushing burden of armaments.
FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT
WINSTON S. CHURCHILL
August 14, 1941
the United States; and both our countries
were in arms, shoulder to shoulder. Since
then we have advanced over the land and
over the sea, through many difficulties and
disappointments, but always with a broad-
ening measure of success. I need not dwell
upon the series of great operations which
have taken place in the Western Hemi-
sphere, to say nothing of that other im-
mense war proceeding at the other side of
the world. Nor need I speak of the plan*,
which we made with our great Ally Russia
at Teheran, for these have now been car-
ried out for all the world to see.
•*• + •*•
But at Yalta I noticed that the President
was ' ailing. His captivating smile, his gay
and charming manner had not deserted
him, but his face had a transparency, an
air of purification; and often there was a
faraway look in his eyes. When I took my .
leave of him in Alexandria Harbor, I must
confess I -had an indefinable sense of fear
that his health and his strength were on
the ebb. But nothing altered his inflexible
sense of duty. To the end he faced his
innumerable tasks unflinching. One of the
tasks of the President is to sign maybe 100
or 200 State papers with his own hand
every day, commissions, etc. All this he
continued to carry out with the utmost
strictness. When death came suddenly upon
him, he had finished his mail. That portion
of his day's work was done.
As the saying goes, he died in harness,
and we may well say in battle harness like
his soldiers, sailors, and airmen who, side
by side with ours, are carrying on their
task to the end, all over the world. What
an enviable death was his. He had brought
his country through the worst of its perils
and the heaviest of its toils. Victory had
cast its sure and steady beam upon him.
He had broadened ... in days of peace the
foundations of American life and union.
In war he had raised the strength, might,
and glory of the great republic to a height
never attained by any nation in history.
With her left hand, she was leading the
advance of the conquering Allied armies
into the heart of Germany, and with her
right, on the other side of the globe, she
was irresistibly and swiftly breaking up
the power of Japan. And all the time ships
of munitions, supplies, and food of every
kind were aiding on a gigantic scale her
Allies great and small. . . .
But all this was no more than worldly
power and grandeur, had it not been that
the causes of human freedom and of social
justice, to which so much of his life had
been given, added luster to all this power
and pomp and warlike might, a luster
which will long be discernible among men.
He has left behind him a band of resolute
and able men handling the numerous inter-
related parts of the vast American war ma-
chine. He has left a successor who comes
forward with firm step and sure conviction
to carry on the task to its appointed end.
For us it remains only to say that in
Franklin Roosevelt there died the greatest
American friend we have ever known and
the greatest champion of freedom who has
ever brought help and comfort from the
New World to the Old.
168
1882— FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT— 1945
Portrait bust by Jo Davidson
"The greatest American friend we have ever known and
the greatest champion of freedom who has ever brought
help and comfort from the New World to the Old."
WINSTON CHURCHILL
Common Tasks and Common Purposes
The Testimony borne by FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT to a Great Partnership
Britain's Goal — and Ours
It is a simple statement of fact, but one
which cannot be too often affirmed, that
the United States and Great Britain have
one great common concern — the preserva-
tion of peace throughout the world. While
national means and methods of contributing
to a peace more secure and more stable may
rightly vary, this common objective stands
ever a common inspiration.
Peace may not be won with asking, but
it can be won with striving, and I was never
mere convinced than now that the plain
people everywhere in the civilized world to-
day wish to live in peace, one with another.
— Coronation Supplement, Christian Science
Monitor. April 10, 1937
Quarantine of Aggressors
The peace, the freedom, and the secur-
ity of ninety percent of the people of the
world are being jeopardized by the remain-
ing ten percent who are threatening a
breakdown of all international order and
law. Surely the ninety percent who want to
live in peace under law and in accordance
with moral standards that have received al-
most universal acceptance through the cen-
turies, can and must find some way to make
their will prevail.
It is true that the moral consciousness of
the world must recognize the importance of
removing injustices and well-founded griev-
ances; but at the 'same time it must be
aroused to the cardinal necessity of honor-
ing the sanctity of treaties, of respecting the
rights and liberties of others, and of putting
an end to acts of international aggression.
It seems to be unfortunately true that the
epidemic of world lawlessness is spreading.
When an epidemic of physical disease
starts to spread, the community approves
and joins in a quarantine of the patients in
order to protect the health of the com-
munity against the spread of the disease. . . .
War is a contagion, whether it be de-
clared or undeclared. It can engulf states
and peoples remote from the original scene
of hostilities. We are determined to keep
out of war, yet we cannot insure ourselves
against the disastrous effects of war and the
dangers of involvement. . . .
America hates war. America hopes for
peace. Therefore, America actively engages
in the search for peace. — Chicago. October
5, 1937
The Arms Embargo
The enactment of the embargo pro-
visions did more than merely reverse our
traditional trade policy. It had the effect of
putting land powers on the same footing as
naval powers, so far as seaborne commerce
was concerned. A land power which
threatened war could thus feel assured in
advance that any prospective sea-power
antagonist would be weakened through de-
nial of its ancient right to buy anything
anywhere.
This, four years ago, began to give a
definite advantage to one belligerent as
against another, not through his own
strength or geographic position but through
an affirmative act on the part of the United
States. Removal of the embargo is merely
reverting to the sounder international prac-
tice, and pursuing in time of war as in
time of peace our ordinary trade practices.
— Message to Congress. September 21, 1939
Destroyers for Bases
The right to bases in 'Newfoundland
and Bermuda are gifts — generously given
and gladly received. The other bases . . .
have been acquired in exchange for fifty of
our over-age destroyers.
This is not inconsistent in any sense with
our status of peace. Still less is it a threat
against any nation. It is an epochal and far-
reaching act of preparation for continental
defense in the face of grave danger. —
Message to Congress. September 3, 1940
The Lend-Lease Garden Hose
... it may still prove true that the best
defense of Great Britain is the best defense
of the United States, and therefore that
these materials would be more useful to the
defense of the United States if they were
used in Great Britain than if they were kept
in storage here. . . .
Suppose my neighbor's house catches fire
and I have a length of garden hose four
or five hundred feet away. If he can take
The Four Freedoms
In the future days, which we seek to
make secure, we look forward to a
world founded upon four essential free-
doms.
The first is freedom of speech and ex-
pression— everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every per-
son to worship God in his own way —
everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want —
which, translated into world terms,
means economic understandings which
will secure to every nation a healthy
peacetime life for its inhabitants —
everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear —
which, translated into world terms,
means a worldwide reduction of arma-
ments to such a point and in such a
thorough fashion that no nation will be
in a position to commit an act of physi-
cal aggression against any neighbor —
anywhere in the world.
. FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT
Annual message to Congress
January 6, 1941
my garden hose and connect it up with his
hydrant, I may help him to put out his fire.
Now, what do I do? I don't say to him
before the operation: "Neighbor, my garden
hose cost me fifteen dollars; you have to pay
me fifteen dollars for it." What is the tran-
saction that goes on? I don't want fifteen
dollars — I want my garden hose back after
the fire is over. All right. If it goes through
the fire all right, intact, without any dam-
age to it, he gives it back to me and thanks
me very much for the use of it. But sup-
pose it gets smashed up- — holes in it — dur-
ing the fire; we don't have too much for-
mality about it, but I say to him, "I was
glad to lend you the hose; I see I can't use
it any more, it's all smashed up." He says,
"How many feet of it were there?" I tell
him, "There was 150 feet of it." He says,
"All right, I will replace it." Now, if I get
a nice garden hose back, I am in pretty
good shape.
. . . the thought is that we would take
over not all, but a very large number of
future British orders, and when they came
off the line, whether they were planes or
guns or something else, we would enter into
some kind of anangement for their use by
the British on the ground that it was the
best thing for American defense, with the
understanding that when the show was
over we would get repaid sometime in kind,
thereby leaving out the dollar mark in the
form of a dollar debt, and substituting for
it a gentlemen's obligation to repay in kind.
—Press Conference. December 17, 1940
The Arsenal of Democracy
Does anyone seriously believe that we
need to fear attack anywhere in the Ameri-
cas while a free Britain remains our most
powerful naval neighbor in the Atlantic?
Does anyone seriously believe, on the other
hand, that we could rest easy if the Axis
powers were our neighbors there?
If Great Britain goes down, the Axis
powers will control - the continents of
Europe, Asia, Africa, Australasia, and the
high seas- — and they will be in a position to
bring enormous military and naval reserves
against this hemisphere. It is no exaggera-
tion to say that all of us, in all the Ameri-
cas, would be living at the point of a gun
— a gun loaded with explosive bullets, eco-
nomic as well as military. . . .
In a military sense, Great Britain and the
British Empire are today the spearhead of
resistance to world conquest. They are put-
ting up a fight which will live forever in
the story of human gallantry. . . .
We must be the great arsenal of democ-
racy. For us this is an emergency as seri-
ous as war itself. . . .
There will be no "bottlenecks" in our
determination to aid Great Britain. No
dictator, no combination of dictators, will
weaken that determination by threats of
how they will construe that determination.
—Fireside Chat, December 29, 1940
170
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Lend-Lease Beginnings
The aid-to-clemocracies bill was agreed
o by both houses of the Congress last
Tuesday afternoon. I signed it a half hour
ater. Five minutes later I approved a list
of articles for immediate shipment. Many
of them are on their way. On Wednesday,
recommended an appropriation for new
material to the extent of $7,000,000,000;
and the Congress is making patriotic speed
D making the appropriations available.
Here in Washington we are thinking in
terms of speed, and speed now. — White
'-louse Correspondents Dinner. March 15,
1941
Supplies After Dunkirk
In June of 1940 the British government
received from our surplus stock rifles, ma-
:hine guns, field artillery, ammunition, and
aircraft in a value of more than $43,000,000.
This was equipment that would have taken
•nonths and months to produce and which,
ijvith the exception of the aircraft, cost about
^300,000,000 to produce during the [first]
World War period. Most of the materiel
would not have been usable if we had kept
t much longer. The equipment arrived in
Britain after the retreat from Dunkirk,
where the British had lost great quantities
>f guns and other military supplies. No one
an appraise what effect the delivery of
hese supplies had upon the successful Bri-
ish resistance in the summer and fall of
,940 when they were fighting against such
errific odds. . . .
With our natural resources, our produc-
ive capacity, and the genius of our people
or mass production we will help Britain to
mtstrip the Axis powers in munitions of
var, and we will see to it that these muni-
ions get to the places where they can be
fiectively used to weaken and defeat the
ggressors. — First Lend-Lease Report. June
1, 1941
3ur Goal — the End of Militarism
. . . [this war] will end just as soon as
we make it end, by our combined efforts,
r combined strength, our combined deter-
ination to fight through and work
iugh until the end — the end of militar-
in Germany and Italy and Japan. Most
inly we shall not settle for less.
This is the spirit in which discussions
ive been conducted during the visit of the
ritish Prime Minister to Washington. Mr.
lurchill and I understand each other, our
ives and our purposes. Together, dur-
g the past two weeks, we have faced
[uarely the major military and economic
iblems of this greatest world war. — An-
ual Message to Congress. January 6, 1942
pond the Battle
The unity achieved on the battle line is
eing earnestly sought in the not less com-
ilex problems on a different front. In this
in no previous war men are conscious of
: supreme necessity of planning what is to
ome after — and of carrying forward into
ace the common effort which will have
ought them victory in the war. They have
ome to see that the maintenance and safe-
guarding of peace is the most vital single
necessity in the lives of each and all of us. —
Report to Congress. January 7, 1943
Without Formal Agreement
. . . lest there be any question in Nazi
or Japanese minds that we are wholly one
in the prosecution of the war to a complete
victory all over the world, the Prime Min-
ister wished to make a formal agreement
that if Germany should be conquered be-
fore Japan all British Empire resources and
manpower would, of course, join with
China and us in an out-and-out final attack
on Japan. I told him that no formal state-
ment or agreement along these lines was in
the least bit necessary — that the American
people accept the word of a great English
gentleman — and that it is obvious and clear
that all of us are completely in accord in
our determination to destroy the forces of
barbarism in Asia and in Europe and in
Africa. — White House Correspondents . 1s-
sociation. February 2, 1943
Partnership
You have heard some people say that
the British and the Americans can never get
along well together — you have heard some
people say that the army and navy and air
forces can never get along well together—
that real cooperation between them is im-
possible. Tunisia and Sicily have given the
lie, once and for all, to these narrow-minded
prejudices. . . .
The dauntless fighting spirit of the Brit-
ish people in this war has been expressed in
the historic words and deeds of Winston
Churchill — and the world knows how the
American people feel about him.
Ahead of us are much bigger fights. We
and our Allies will go into them as we went
into Sicily — together. And we shall carry on
together. — Radio Broadcast. July 28, 1943
Landing at Salerno
During the past weeks, Mr. Churchill
and I have been in constant conference with
the leaders of our combined fighting forces.
We have been in constant communication
with our fighting Allies, Russian and Chin-
ese, who are prosecuting the war with
relentless determination and with conspicu-
ous success on far distant fronts. And he
and I are together here at this crucial mo-
ment.
We have seen the satisfactory fulfillment
of plans that were made in Casablanca last
January and here in Washington last May,
and we have made new, extensive plans for
the future. But throughout these confer-
ences we have never lost sight of the fact
that this war will become bigger and tough-
er, rather than easier, during the months
that are to come. — Radio Broadcast. Sep-
tember 9, 1943
Birthday Greetings to King George VI
... a fitting occasion to express the
deep feeling of the people of the United
States for the people of the British Com-
monwealth. We share a common fortune
as brothers-in-arms, and a common task in
the liberation of Europe. The spirit which
is bringing victory must be a spirit in
which we seek to establish a lasting peace.
The friendship between our peoples has
been sealed in a common struggle. It will
be made much stronger by a common
achievement. — June 12, 1944
Unity in Peace
We have seen our civilization in deadly
peril. Successfully we have met the chal-
lenge due to the steadfastness of our Allies,
to the aid that we are able to give to our
Allies, and to the unprecedented outpouring
of American manpower, American produc-
tivity and American ingenuity, and to the
magnificent courage and enterprise of our
fighting men and our military leadership.
What is now being won in battle must
not be lost by lack of vision, or lack of
knowledge, or lack of faith, or by division
among ourselves and our Allies.
We must, and I hope we will, continue
to be united with our Allies in a powerful
world organization which is ready and able
to keep the peace, if necessary by force.
To provide that assurance of international
security is the policy, the effort, and the
obligation of this Administration.
We owe it to our posterity, we owe it to
our heritage of freedom, we owe it to our
God to devote the rest of our lives and all
our capabilities to the building of a solid,
durable structure of world peace. — Broad-
cast from the White House. October 5, 1944
Working Together
We hear a good bit about differences
between the United States and Britain, but
perhaps we hear less about how really ef-
fectively they are working together in win-
ning the war; and also, in meeting the
economic problems of the areas they liber-
ate. . . .
The Combined Boards have set a model
for economic cooperation between the
United Nations in overcoming excessive
nationalism and in gaining cooperation be-
tween former rivals both on the national
and the international plane. — Statement on
the continuance of the British-Canadian-
American Boards. January 20, 1945
"Let Us Move Forward"
We as Americans, do not choose to
deny our responsibility. Nor do we intend
to abandon our determination that, within
the lives of our children and our children's
children, there will not be a Third World
War.
We seek peace — enduring peace. More
than an end to war, we want an end to
the beginnings of all wars — yes, an end to
this brutal, inhuman, and thoroughly im-
practical method of settling the differences
between governments. . . .
Today we are faced with the preeminent
fact that, if civilization is to survive, we
must cultivate the science of human rela-
tionships—the ability of all peoples, of all
kinds, to live together and work together,
in the same world, at peace. . . .
The only limit to our realization of to-
morrow will be our doubts of today. Let
us move forward with strong and active
faith.— Speech written April 11, \945, for
a Jefferson Day broadcast.
1945
171
Four Freedoms and Atlantic Charter
Their modern challenge to the English-speaking peoples to win
recognition of the rights of all men "everywhere in the world."
IN THIS SOLEMN HOUR OF THE HISTORY OF
our country and the world, it is fitting to
recall two statements of political faith which,
in spite of the doubts and disillusionment
of wartime thinking, have begun to assume
the character of a creed for Americans and
for all other peoples of good will. They are
The Four Freedoms* of Franklin Delano
Roosevelt and the Atlantic Charted prom-
ulgated jointly by him and by Winston
Churchill.
Both of these documents, like all other
great statements of principle, are open to
criticism. When viewed from the stand-
point of government, they are both incom-
plete and yet at the same time too far-
reaching for immediate attainment. But
history will probably judge that the critics
are wrong and the people are right in
holding that these are statements of funda-
mental purpose which must be realized in
a new era yet to be created.
The vitality of these utterances in the
thought of the average American citizen
was made sufficiently clear when there was
nationwide protest against a seeming tem-
porary disregard of the Atlantic Charter in
the high politics of wartime. So strong
was that protest that it made itself heard
at the Yalta Conference. At San Francisco,
it is being reckoned with in the structure
of the United Nations, for it is by keeping
these freedoms in mind that the world
organization can escape the danger fore-
seen by perfectionist critics of the Dum-
barton Oaks plan, namely that it might be-
come another Holy Alliance.
The strongest guarantee against any such
development lies not in governments but
in the public opinion of freedom-loving
countries and more especially in the two
most powerful of them, the United States
and the British Commonwealth of Nations.
It is not too much to say that in this catas-
trophic war, the entente between the Eng-
lish-speaking peoples has become the chief
bulwark of freedom in a modern world.
This is chiefly due to the fact that they
share a common heritage and have en-
shrined it in the institutions of democratic
government.
But it is also due to the fact that each
country contributed great leadership to the
crisis. President Roosevelt may have lacked
something of that touch of genius which
Prime Minister Churchill shows at times
in the high poetic quality of his eloquence;
but Roosevelt's statesmanship had a wider
reach and a stronger foundation than that
of the champion of British freedom who
has never been able quite to divest himself
of the conservative outlook of world em-
pire.
"Put forward by our late President in his mes-
sage to Congress, Jan. 6, 1941. [See page 171.]
tPromulgated August 14, 1941. [See page 168.]
JAMES T. SHOTWELL
BRIDGES TO THE FUTURE
Fourth in a series of monthly articles
by the historian of World War I; chair-
man of the [American} Commission to
Study the Organization of Peace; con-
sultant at the Golden Gate conference.
Professor Emeritus of the History of
International Relations (Columbia Uni-
versity), and director of the Division of
Economics and History of the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace, he
was a member of the American prepara-
tory committee for Versailles (1917-18);
chief of the division of history at the
Peace Conference in Paris (1918-19).
A frequent counselor at Washington
in the Forties, three of his recent books
have been charged with special pres-
cience: "On the Rim of the Abyss"
(1936), "What Germany Forgot" (1940),
and "The Great Decision" (1944).
The Four Freedoms were set forth as
fundamental rights for all men "every-
where in the world." This quoted phrase
was repeated in each of the four para-
graphs. There is to be freedom of speech
and religion, freedom from want and from
fear for all men everywhere. Nowhere else
in literature has a higher note been struck
than that resounding in the pure Anglo-
Saxon phrases of the Atlantic Charter:
"That all the men in all the lands
may live out their lives in freedom
from fear and want."
No one may ever be able to say which of
the two authors of the Atlantic Charter
wrote that clause, but it will remain as an
outstanding expression of the ideals of the
English-speaking peoples as long as Eng-
lish is spoken.
Gaps at Dumbarton Oaks
This basic creed of freedom received no
definite guarantee in the Dumbarton Oaks
Proposal for the International Organization
of the United Nations. The only place
where freedom was referred to in the doc-
ument was a rather obscure phrase in one
of the closing sections of the text, Chapter
IX, which dealt with economic and social
matters. It stated that:
"The Organization should facilitate solu-
tions of economic, social and other humani-
tarian problems and promote respect for
human rights and fundamental freedoms."
This phrase was the sole mention of the
central principle of civilized life, the one
for which, above all others, this war has
been fought. Yet here it was handled almost
like an afterthought or perhaps rather like
.
an unwilling concession to the insiste
of some uncompromising champion of free-
dom. History will probably show that the
latter interpretation is correct.
The San Francisco conference remedii
this situation by providing for a Com:
sion on Human Rights which will be
equal footing with the other great int
national commissions of the economic
social council under the authority of the
Assembly. It will certainly have as a prime
duty the elimination of those infringements
on human rights which endanger the peace
of the world. The menace of Nazi or A
oppression is to be dealt with at the s
when pacific means of redress are s
possible. In this way one of the chief cau
of war will be removed. The competence
this commission will certainly go beyoi
the field of security, for, once established,
will be a ready instrument for the devel
ment of higher ethical standards for t
behavior of governments throughout t
world.
This amendment to the Dumbarton Oa'
plan providing for the Commission on
Human Rights was inserted in the charter
at the insistence of the consultants to the
American delegation. The proposal for such
a commission was first developed by the
Commission to Study the Organization of
Peace which sponsored it in a nationwide
campaign. The credit for the final achieve-
ment of it, however, goes to all of th<
who joined together to ensure its suco
and not least to the eloquent public ad
cacy of the commission by John W. Davi
and by Judge Joseph M. Proskauer in t
meeting of the consultants.
Thus, the proposal for the internatioi
guarantee of human rights has entered t
field of world statesmanship. What sup]
will it have in the United Nations? W
it would be invidious to draw distinctio:
in this regard among the nations assembled
at San Francisco, there is no escaping the
fact that by history and circumstance the
English-speaking peoples have a special re-
sponsibility to make sure that the Charter
of the Security of Nations should also con-
tain an adequate charter of the Liberties of
Nations.
A Real Law of Nations
The jurists and statesmen of today hav
in this regard, a larger and more imp
tant task than has yet been dreamed of
most of them. It is the development of
International Law into a real Law of Na-
tions. It is well, therefore, for us to take to I
heart the reality of these great principles |
of life and government as they have been I
registered in the history and policy of those !
nations which have cherished them mo
The oriflamme of freedom for the Ame
(Continued on page 260)
172
British Information Services photos
British and American warships side by side at Londonderry, North Ireland naval base. This important base has typified the reciprocal
nature of Anglo-American aid. Begun to help the British before the U.S. was at war, built by American technicians and local workers
with equipment from the USA, this base with its barracks and 200-bed hospital was soon completely taken over for our own forces
Two -Way Lend -Lease
Since March 1941, we have furnished over thirty-eight
billion dollars of lend-lease aid to our Allies. More than
30 percent has gone to the United Kingdom. .
Lend-Lease has meant military supplies, raw materials,
factories, industrial equipment, agricultural products,
shipping, and other services.
What we have received in Reverse Lend-Lease is not
so widely known to Americans. Here, we in turn have
been the largest recipient of Britain's aid to her Allies.
Through June 1944 the United Kingdom had transferred
to us goods, services, capital facilities, raw materials, bulk
foodstuffs, and other supplies amounting to more than
two and a half billion dollars. Reverse Lend-Lease from
Australia, New Zealand, and India is not included in
this figure.
These British categories fitted into needs from Pearl
Harbor to D-day — beginning with barrage balloons and
anti-aircraft guns for American cities, climaxing with
floating docks and hospital carriers. Our requirements
have ranged from troop transports to bicycles, from oil
for ships to coal for camp stoves. They have included
completely equipped airfields, camps, machine shops,
offices, hospitals, clubs and leave centers for American
troops in Britain; great quantities of food; even the
largest telephone exchange in the British Isles.
The British corporal was snapped as he explained to the Ameri-
can how to work the English equipment he was handing over
One of the early bombers to reach a British port under Lend-Lease. Soon bombers were to arrive by air
instead of by ship. Until Pearl Harbor our Army Air Ferry Command was financed by lend-lease funds.
Below: The first American-made freight engines turned over to the British Minister of War Transport
USA
to
Britaii
British Combine photos
U. S. Dept. of Agriculture
Top: Cases of evaporated milk being lowered into the hold of a British
freighter for lend-Iease shipment to England in September 1941.
Bottom, right: Unloading U.S. soy flour at a British port, in 1943.
Below: Prefabricated house erected in Washington, D. C., by the
Federal Public Housing Authority — the type of emergency dwelling
ibeing shipped to Britain in 1945 to ease the housing situation
OWI
British Combine
Britain
to
USA
Left: Planer shipped from Britain in
the early days of Reverse Lend-Lease
to help produce vital ship propulsion
equipment at a General Electric plant
in New England. Other heavy machin-
ery was sent to relieve the shortage as
the U.S. speeded up war production.
Below: In an air depot in England,
British-made gas tanks and flame
dampers provided for American planes
of the U. S. Air Corps
British Combr-e
British Information Services
Above: British candy, stationery, medicines, toilet articles in a U. S. post exchange in Britain. Not to overlook boxes of tissues
long missing from the British civilian market but produced for American soldier needs. British supplies were given as Reverse Lend-
Lease. The money paid for them by our soldiers went to the U. S. Army Finance Department.
Bottom, left: American soldiers checking out bags of sugar supplied, along with other scarce British food stuffs, to U.S. Army camps.
Bottom, right: Spare parts for car engines, made by a well-known English manufacturer, as delivered to American forces in Britain
British Information Services photos
The Great Partnership
How two sovereign nations achieved working relationships closer than any two states in
our American Union. — An appraisal from an extraordinary coign of vantage in London.
FORTUNATELY, BRITAIN, RUSSIA, AND THE
United States, are alike in that all three
can claim this war would have been lost
without them. Each comes to the peace
table, therefore, confident of her position
but with real respect for the others.
Perhaps some day we may achieve mass
friendship for friendship's sake, with all
-hat this means in generous impulse and
desire to serve, but history suggests that
strong nations have been friends with one
another because they have common cause
and each contributes to the welfare of that
cause.
It is in this realistic frame of mind that
I approach an examination of the unprece-
dented wartime partnership between Britain
and America. My principal difficulty is that
I am so full of the subject, and was so close
to it during my four years in government,
that I find myself assuming that everyone
knows how great and how complete that
partnership has been.
In adapting our federal government to
the war job, a great many additional de-
partments and agencies were set up in
Washington. Supply, in the broadest sense
of that term, is the great task of modern
warfare. The needs of the military for
goods and transportation inevitably outrun
the available and producible supply of both.
Temporary wartime agencies were there-
fore required to increase production to the
limit and to see that, in addition to the
needs of our military forces, the essential
civilian requirements and also our supply
commitments to other governments were
met.
These were the reasons for setting up
in Washington the War Production Board,
the War Shipping Administration, the
Foreign Economic Administration, the
War Food Administration, and the Petro-
leum Administration for War.
Economic Integration
Next, because our own national effort
had to be geared and coordinated with that
of the other Allies, it was both necessary
and desirable that international boards
should be created to examine and deal with
these problems from the over-all United
Nations standpoint. To that end the Amer-
ican President and the British Prime Min-
ister created four so-called Combined
Boards to handle, respectively, the supply
and international allocation of raw mate-
rials, food, shipping, and production facil-
ities. The seat of three of these boards was
put in Washington. The exception was
shipping, which was entrusted to combined
organizations in both capitals. As Great
Britain is second only to the United States
in war production capacity and has large
shipping, raw material, and food require-
ments> it was essential that programing
PHILIP D. REED
— By the chairman of the board, Gen-
eral Electric Company — whose wartime
service has spanned four years: first,
with the Office of Production Manage-
ment and the War Production Board in
Washington (1941-42); next, as deputy
chief of the Harriman Mission; and then
as chief of the U. S. Mission for Eco-
nomic Affairs in London (1942-44).
Milwaukee born, Mr. Reed earned an
engineering degree from the University
of Wisconsin and one in law from
Fordham University. Since the mid-
Twenties he has brought both trainings
to bear in General Electric, beginning in
the legal department of this great Ameri-
can electrical manufacturing company
with its main plant in Schenectady; its
outlets, worldwide.
A director of the Bankers Trust Com-
pany and the Metropolitan Life Insur-
ance Company, he is a member of the
governing body of the National Indus-
trial Conference Board and of the
business advisory council of the U.^S.
Department of Commerce. He is chair-
man of the American section of the
International Chamber of Commerce.
by our two countries should be integrated
in the closest possible way.
Hence, the creation of the United States
Mission for Economic Affairs in London.
The Mission has been the official represent-
ative and London office of the Washington
agencies mentioned above and also the
United States side of Combined Board oper-
ations there. Personnel from all the depart-
ments represented were then assigned to
the Mission staff, functioning not as sep-
arate units, but as one homogeneous family
under the direction and control of the chief
of the Mission. With headquarters in the
American Embassy, the Mission has worked
in constant association with its staff, fre-
quently handling economic affairs for the
State Department and the Ambassador as
requested.
During my tenure as chief of the Mission
for Economic Affairs, there was scarcely :i
department or branch of the British gov-
ernment that my associates and I did not
work with on the closest and most friendly
terms. It was part of our job to know all
there was to know about wartime Britain.
For example, it was our business to keep
abreast of the number of men and women
in every branch of the armed forces and,
also, the allocation of manpower to every
war industry and essential civilian activity.
We knew Britain's monthly production of
every important item and the stocks of
food, raw material, petroleum and coal she
ha:l on hand at any time. We knew the
tonnage and employment of the British
merchant marine and the handling ca-
pacity of British ports and inland transpor-
tation system. We knew Britain's need for
lend-lease supplies as well as her ability to
furnish reverse lend-lease for our armed
forces in the area.
To know these things required quick and
complete access to Britain's most intimate
and secret records. Never was there a
moment's hesitation on the part of the
British to disclose anything and everything
we requested, and a great deal more that
we did not. The large red security stamp
"BRITISH MOST SECRET" appeared on many
papers xvhich reached us every day.
And week after week, month on month,
few subjects of importance to the war job,
to the British civilian economy or to the
liberated areas of Europe, were not dis-
cussed with members of the Mission in
order that the British government's plans
for action might be constantly synchronized
with those of the American government,
More often than not, the programs of both
were formulated at joint meetings of an
almost endless number of combined boards,
committees, and subcommittees.
It would astonish and then bore the
reader to see a list of the number of regu-
larly constituted Anglo-American commit-
tees which transacted business on literally
thousands of subjects. Military, civilian, and
mixed, these groups learned how to present,
consider and, if necessary, compromise the
views of their governments to the end that
our manpower, materials, production facil-
ities, and transportation should be utilized
with maximum efficiency against the com-
mon enemy.
SHAEF
No finer example of successful integra-
tion of American and British forces can be
found than in the case of SHAEF, which,
as you know, means Supreme Headquarters
Allied Expeditionary Forces. Headed and
magnificently led by General Dwight D.
Eisenhower as supreme commander, the
alternation of American and British per-
sonnel from level to level and job to job
was meticulously and uncompromisingly
carried out.
By personal example, by everlasting repe-
tition in his talks and by disciplinary action
where necessary, General Eisenhower made
it crystal clear that the military partnership
was absolute and complete. An American
officer might criticize the judgment or per-
formance of a British colleague; he might
even call him a "bloody fool"; but to call
him a "bloody British fool," or vice versa,
was cause for discharge.
Ours was thus a team in spirit and in
fact, and history will picture far more
clearly than we can see today how im-
178
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Press Association
Signing reciprocal lend-lease agreements — the Secretary of State and British Empire diplomats in Washington, September 3, 1942.
At the table, left to right: Sir Owen Dixon, Australia; Lord Halifax, Britain; Cordell Hull; Walter Nash, New Zealand
measurable the benefits of that teamwork
have been in terms of time and lives saved.
But I need not remind the reader that
this did not happen overnight, either on the
military or civilian front. Many months
were required to build the confidence and
to work out the administrative techniques
needed to bring two sovereign governments
into closer and more intimate working re-
lations than any two states of the American
Union have had occasion to achieve.
This partnership has overlaid and inte-
grated the complicated executive and ad-
ministrative organizations of both govern-
ments at every level of authority. In
England, for example, Prime Minister
Churchill himself has presided at meetings
of top-level British and American military
and civilian officials when critical aspects
of the war were to the fore. Other joint
committees and combined boards in Lon-
don have had as chairmen the British min-
isters in charge of those departments whose
business was the subject of discussion — the
American members being drawn from the
corresponding Washington departments
and assigned to the staff of the Embassy
or that of our Mission for Economic Affairs.
Other committees, headed jointly or
alternately by members of both govern-
ments, thus dealt with technical problems
involving the production of critical items,
requirements programing, research activ-
ities, economic warfare (including analysis
of enemy resources and selection of targets)
conservation, packaging and preservation,
government controls, shipping operations,
and so on. And companion committees in
Washington, headed by corresponding
American officials and kept in close touch
through efficient secretariats, functioned in
the same manner.
In addition to these continuing activities,
MAY 1945
hundreds of temporary missions have
crossed the Atlantic in both directions to
study and exchange information on particu-
lar subjects. To list steel, shipbuilding, food,
textiles, aircraft, coal, petroleum, electronic
devices, and hides merely illustrates the
variety and scope of the subjects covered by
these missions.
An interesting and useful coordinating
committee was set up so that the top officers
of SHAEF's Civil Affairs Division could
sit down regularly with the right people
of the British government and of the
Mission, review SHAEF's plans for meet-
ing minimum civilian needs in liberated
areas, and prepare for the ultimate transi-
tion from military to civilian responsibility.
Yes, the partnership has been very com-
plete, and with it there came the personal
friendships and attachments so natural and
important to this kind of working relation-
ship. The Prime Minister was genuinely
disturbed when President Roosevelt went
out in the rain in New York without a hat.
The late President was equally upset when
Mr. Churchill was indisposed. Completely
informal messages soon replaced or greatly
reduced formal diplomatic exchanges of
notes. First names were used as an atmos-
phere of congeniality spread through both
government organizations.
There have been, also, irritations and
misunderstandings. We should be less than
normal humans were this not so. But, with
British Combine
At the SHAEF offices, London. Left to right: Air Chief Marshal Sir Arthur Tedder;
General of the Army Dwight D. Eisenhower; Field Marshal Sir Bernard L. Montgomer;
179
rare exceptions, anti-British feeling is not
found among Americans who have come
to know their British co-workers. The same
is true the other way around, as indicated
by the Englishman who was heard to say:
"It is a strange coincidence, but the only
Americans I can abide are the ones I have
met."
London Park to the Western Front
About a year ago, seven or eight of the
"boys" of the American Mission for Eco-
nomic Affairs (their average age was
around thirty-five) decided to join the
British Home Guard and volunteer for
anti-aircraft duty in Hyde Park. This
meant spending one night a week there,
sleeping in a shelter except when an "alert"
required them to be at their rocket-gun
stations.
Their service was comparatively unevent-
ful until the robot bombs started. Our
squad was not on duty that night in mid-
June. But the British crews who were had
no rest, firing almost continuously, for this
was unlike ordinary bombing which rarely
lasts over half an hour at a time. Next
morning a call was sent out for volunteers
to relieve the exhausted gun crews.. One of
the "boys" popped his head into my office
as he left for the park on the double.
"Everything's going to be all right now,"
he said with a grin. "They've called out the
first team!"
On their return, they were full of the
extraordinary experiences of that first day
of robot bombs. This was before London-
ers were as yet aware that these deadly
weapons were to damage or destroy 16,000
houses in the metropolitan area every day
for the next eighty days — taking thousands
of lives in the process. Hitherto, most
bombing raids had occurred at night, and
this new activity by daylight attracted peo-
pie to the park. As my friend described
it:
"I looked around during a lull in the
firing. To my amazement, this is what
I saw: A band was playing in the stand
not far away. Crowds, largely made up of
women and children in Sunday-go-to-meet-
ing clothes, were looking on and milling
about just outside the barbed-wire enclosing
the gun emplacement. There was a two-
year-old baby who crawled under the wire
to come up and join me and the boys.
I couldn't help thinking — What a people
these British are!"
The teamwork and cooperation carried
forward in Britain could be endlessly il-
lustrated. The story of American lend-
lease has been told and retold. There is
little doubt that it saved the day for Britain,
just as Britain saved the day for us by
staying in the war against overwhelming
odds — alone. Reverse lend-lease has been
furnished by the British wherever, and to
the full extent, that it was desirable to di-
vert their manpower from other essential
war work. Millions of ship tonnage (our
scarcest commodity at one time) have been
saved an Atlantic crossing by thus supply-
ing our forces with many items from Brit-
ish production.
In addition to accommodations furnished
to our armed forces based in the United
Kingdom, the British government, at our
request, set aside an area of hundreds of
thousands of acres in England for the
training of our troops. Many towns, vil-
lages, and farms were evacuated for that
purpose; the coastline adjoining the area
was used for assault maneuvers; emptied
villages were destroyed by practice gunfire
and aerial attacks. And, in addition, town
and village officials in the adjoining neigh-
borhoods relinquished their official jobs to
Civil Affairs officers of the "invading"
British Combine
General Jacob L. Devers and Philip D. Reed at an army-built airfield in England
army so that, in advance of D-day, these
could get firsthand experience in the prob-
lems of municipal administration.
The subsequent invasion of the con-
tinent and the massive team play of the
armies along the Western Front more
than demonstrated the greatness of our war-
time partnership. But what of the post-
war? Is there a mutuality of interest that
binds the British and ourselves to one an-
other in peace as in war?
Neighbors in the Great Peace
Britain is our neighbor on a vast intei
national highway along which the nations
of the world live and make their livelihood.
Heretofore, no international authority
policed that highway or protected the
world community against brigands or bul-
lies. Each neighbor had to do that for
himself. No international body kept the
highway in repair so that goods might
flow along it from one neighbor to an-
other. Each had to maintain his own part
of the road. No international fire squad
stood ready to stamp out aggression before
it swept the world's highway like a forest
fire.
This being the case, let's ask ourselves
two questions: Do we, in our own inter-
ests, want to continue a close and friendly
relationship with Britain? Do we want
our wartime partner to be a weak or a
strong member of the international com-
munity?
A neighbor who cannot maintain his
house, and who lets his share of the
common highway become full of pitfalls
and obstacles is surely of no help to us.
And one so unprosperous as to be unable
to assume his share of the responsibility
for maintaining a peaceful, orderly com-
munity is a downright handicap — forcing
his neighbors to carry an increased load in
order to protect themselves.
Britain will emerge from this war more
sorely weakened, in comparison with her
prewar strength, than any of the other
great powers. She neither wants, nor
should we make, any contribution on that
account. But for us to exploit her tem-
porary weakness, for us to block her efforts
to rebuild, for us not to cooperate to the
end that she shall have full opportunity to
reconstruct her house, regain her position
on the international highway, would be to
injure, not to help, ourselves.
Whether we like it or not, we Americans
have become citizens of the international
community. We are a very great power,
and with that power comes great responsi-
bility for leadership. We can discharge
that responsibility well or badly, but we
cannot escape it.
The world's new social, political and
economic design for living is now in the
making. In its pattern and structure we
shall determine whether peace or war,
a better life for all or mutual self-destruc-
tion, is the destiny of man. God grant us
the qualities of greatness — the wisdom,
firmness, restraint and understanding — to
do this job, above all others, well. Nothing
ever has or ever will be so important to us
Americans — or to our fellow citizens along
that highway of our world.
180
SURVEY GRAPHIC
"Economic High Command"
Some exciting assignments of the Combined Anglo-American-Canadian Boards
at Washington — coordinating production, raw materials, food and shipping.
WILLIAM L. BATT and ROBERT R. MULLEN
IT WAS GENERAL GOETHALS OF PANAMA
Canal fame who once remarked that a
board is "long, stiff and narrow." Some
there are who might be tempted to attach
that definition to the "Combined Boards."
For, among others, the military, UNRRA,
governments of the liberated countries, dele-
gates to San Francisco are forever bumping
into one or another of them.
But everyday Americans, Britons, Cana-
dians, should know more about what might
be called their wartime ABC's — about the
Combined Production and Resources Board,
the Combined Raw Materials Board, the
Combined Food Board, and the Combined
Shipping Board.
When Prime Minister Churchill and
President Roosevelt met for the first time
after Pearl Harbor it was abundantly clear
that the two nations must have more than
ordinary liaison between their military
chiefs; they must in fact coordinate the two
top commands as one. Hence the creation
of the Combined Chiefs of Staff. It soon
became equally clear there was need for an
equivalent in the field of economic oper-
ations and that was the genesis of the
Combined Boards. Their place in the war-
time organization of the United Nations
and in the plans taking shape for the re-
construction period is at once vital and
simple. They function below the top level
of Allied policy-making, but Business Wee\
was not altogether beside the mark in
identifying the boards, taken together, as
the "Economic High Command."
Franchise of the Boards
There the charter of the Combined Pro-
duction and Resources Board, which is per-
haps the key setup, is illuminating. After
providing that the board should consist of
chairmen of the U. S. War Production
Board, the British Minister of Production,
and the Canadian Minister of Munitions
and Supply, it stated that the board should:
"Combine the production programs of
the United States, the United Kingdom,
and Canada, into a single integrated pro-
gram, adjusted to the strategic requirements
of the war, as indicated to the board by
the Combined Chiefs of Staff, and to all
relevant production factors. In this con-
nection, the board shall take account of
the need for maximum utilization of the
productive resources available to the United
States, the British Commonwealth of
Nations and the United Nations, the need
to reduce demands on shipping to a mini-
mum, and the essential needs of the civilian
population."
So, when you speak of effective Anglo-
American economic coordination during the
war, you are in reality speaking of the
Combined Boards. These boards have done
— William L. Batt, president of SKF
Industries, was one of the first key
American industrialists to go to Wash-
ington to help the nation re-arm. He has
served as vice-chairman for international
supply of the War Production Board;
and as American deputy for the Com-
bined Production and Resources Board.
On the American-side, the direction
of the Raw Materials Board since its in-
ception has been the work of Mr. Batt.
"It has been a magnificent job," said
President Roosevelt early this year.
Robert R. Mullen of The Christian
Science Monitor has been on "lend-
lease" to the WPB as a public relations
expert in the field of international
supply.
impressive things in the past, are still at it,
and will provide avenues for useful peace-
strengthening activities in the period of
transition.
Thus, when the United Nations Relief
and Rehabilitation Administration was in-
augurated at Atlantic City in 1943, the
Combined Boards were designated as the
agency to locate sources of supplies required
by UNRRA. It must be emphasized that
the Combined Boards did not seek this.
There simply was no other place to turn.
When last January, the President of the
U.S.A. and the Prime Ministers of Great
Britain and Canada outlined the future
work of the Combined Production and
Resources Board they specified that it was
to coordinate reconversion. The general ob-
jective was to exchange information so that
this could be set going at about the same
time and at about the same rate in the three
countries — while an equitable amount of
energy is devoted to the war against Japan.
We Had to Have Tin
Let us see how the boards function.
• You remember in the early days of the
war how short we were of tin. We were
asked to cut out both ends of the empty
can neatly, step firmly on the center, and
save for the Boy Scouts to collect.
There may not be much glamour in
kitchen scrap, but among other uses, tin
is essential for coating new food containers,
for the navy's bronze fittings, and for Bab-
bitt metal in motor bearings — all sinews of
mechanized war.
Now we have no natural tin of any con-
sequence in the United States. The ancient
British mines are pretty well exhausted.
Before the war, 43 percent of the world's
tin came from Malaya and the Dutch East
Indies. Another 10 percent came from Indo-
China and Thailand. Within four months
after Pearl Harbor the Japanese were in
possession of more than one half the de-
veloped tin resources of the world. The
principal remaining sources were in South
America, notably Bolivia, and in Nigeria
and the Belgian Congo in Africa. Together,
these secondary sources produced about 27
percent of the world's tin.
That is the story of the ore itself. As to
the actual metal, the Allied situation when
we entered the war was even more acute
because the output of tin is naturally lim-
ited by smelter capacity. The world's largest
smelters in Malaya were now in the hands
of the Japanese and the great smelters of
Belgium and Holland were held by the
Nazis. The only smelters in non-Axis con-
trol were in England and a few of small
total capacity in the Congo. Here in the
United States we had not smelted tin in
any quantity for twenty years.
Moreover, ore en route to England was
the special target of submarines. British
smelters were under punishing air attack.
The Texas smelter the United States had
started to build to meet such an emergency
was still (in the early spring of 1942) sev-
eral months short of completion.
So there we were with more than 70
percent of the world's vital tin supply
fighting for the enemy. That was the prob-
lem handed the Combined Raw Materials
Board. In a matter of weeks this board was
able to issue a report with 23 specific rec-
ommendations. Some of these broke with
traditional trade practices. Long established
markets of special interest to owners and
traders, were thrown overboard.
The board agreed that the Texas smelter
should not only be rushed to completion
but increased 75 percent in size. It was
agreed that all Bolivian tin concentrates,
except those needed for direct production in
Britain, be sent to the United States, thus
upsetting the old Bolivian-British tin pat-
tern. On the other hand, this country agreed
to deliver, at the earliest possible moment,
machinery and equipment to boost output
in the Belgian Congo and Nigeria.
This, then, was the background against
which the household collection of used tin
cans played its part.
Here and now we can make the dramatic
assertion that in no respect whatever has
the war program of the United States or
Great Britain suffered for the want of tin,
and this despite the fact that more than
one half of the world's supply has been
continuously in enemy possession.
But the question of tin carries over into
the postwar period. Is the Bolivia-Texas
tie-up to be continued or will tin revert
to Bolivian-British patterns? And what is
to be done about the Dutch and Belgian
smelters which were very important to the
normal prewar economies of those nations?
We do not suggest the answers here, but
simply point to these as typical questions
MAY 1945
181
T «*
Three members of the Combined Production and Resources Board, through which their countries have integrated wartime
output. Left to right, George C. Bateman, Canada; William L. Batt, the United States; Sir Henry Self, Great Britain
which will be left in the wake of the war —
the sort of questions that are not for exclu-
sive adjudication in the United States. They
require United Nations cooperation.
Coal — Today and Tomorrow
Another type of shortage throughout the
war seemed progressively harder to solve as
fighting came to a close in Europe. Such,
for example, is coal.
Coal is probably the toughest nut over-
seas relief people are trying to crack. Coal
is basic. It not only warms houses and fac-
tories but, in wide areas of Europe, it is the
source of the electric power to run
machinery and carry on transportation. Of
all international shortages, coal certainly
ranks very near the top in importance.
The situation that the military found in
Italy, and which was passed on to the
boards to wrestle with, illustrates the way
Britain, the United States, and Canada have
been compelled to act together. Italy had
an elaborate prewar hydroelectric grid based
on the Alps. It ran the railroads and much
of the modern industry up and down the
peninsula. Italy had little coal of its own
and that of poor quality. To supplement its
Alpine water power, Italy imported about
6,000,000 tons of coal a year from Britain
prior to the war, and about 5,000,000 tons
from Germany.
As the Allied troops moved up the Italian
boot, they found that wherever the Ger-
mans had had time, they had wreaked com-
plete destruction on power-generation and
transmission equipment. Moreover, their
long stand just above the Valley of the Po
blocked off the Alpine power. Hence trains
could not run, factory wheels could not
turn, workers could not get jobs. Potenti-
alities of civilian unrest mounted and to
the Combined Boards came urgent demands
that coal be found for Italy — at once.
The international picture of coal require-
ments that confronted the board was this:
We could estimate what probably would be
needed in France and other countries as
they were liberated. We knew what the
demands were likely to be both in Britain
and the United States where the continuing
high level of war production made for
unprecedented consumption of coal. We
also knew what coal would have to be sup-
plied the armed forces in various theaters.
As a first step, the Italian needs had
to be balanced against the world's needs.
Next, reducing Italian requirements to a
minimum, we had to decide how they
could be met most logically. For exam-
ple, could the coal best be spared by
Britain? By the United States? Or could
we get it more readily from the Union
of South Africa, where the manpower
situation was easier? In any case: How
about shipping?
The program set going had to be some-
thing of a compromise. We speeded
new mining machinery and equipment to
South Africa, and boosted production
there 50 percent. Regular shipments of
coal were scheduled from Britain to Italy.
It cannot be said that the problem of get-
ting coal there was solved to everybody's
satisfaction, but the point is that it could
not have been met either by the military
or by the resources of any one country alone.
The emergency not only required global
thinking and action, but spurred moves
we had under way to increase world coal
supplies. The most dramatic gains were
made in Britain itself.
Bulldozers to Britain
In prewar days, coal accounted for about
70 percent of British exports by volume
and 12 percent by value. Despite its im-
portance to the British economy, the meth-
ods employed at the pits were traditional.
One American miner, with power cutter,
automatic loader, and an electric train,
turns out four times as- much coal in a day
as a British miner with his pick, shovel,
and donkey cart.
Britain's geographical nearness to the
European centers of consumption made it
good sense to push production there to the
utmost. To this end, the Combined
Boards sent over a mission of American
experts whose conclusion was that, while
it might take twenty years to modernize
underground operations, immediate results
could be had by resorting to strip-mining:
that is, to surface mining of outcropping
veins of coal.
Whereupon the American market was
scoured by WPB, Army Engineers, and
FEA for power shovels, draglines, scrapers,
tractors, and other excavating equipment —
enough of such machinery, our Coal Com-
mittee computed, to dig another Panama
Canal. Then, as a grim emergency measure
— like the British sacrifice of forests of an-
cient oaks in World War I — the top was
182
SURVEY GRAPHIC
torn off some of those green valleys, and
wide areas of countryside turned into work-
ings resembling gravel pits. [The British
have "replaced divots" where possible.] And
about twelve million extra tons of coal were
produced by strip-mining.
This was all the more important because
of the situation faced in coal fields on the
continent. Due to the sensational speed
of the Allied advance, the principal coal
mines in France and Belgium had escaped
serious damage. But we found that in
the vital Pas de Calais area production
was down to about one third of capacity.
The explanation was that, although neces-
sary mine timbers were neatly stacked and
ready for shipment in the Ardennes For-
est, no transportation was available to get
them to the mines. Railroads and bridges
had been wrecked by the retreating Nazis;
and right of way had to be given move-
ments of troops and supplies. By the time
civilian transport seemed in sight, von
Rundstedt had made his breakthrough and
transport service to the Western Front was
more imperative than ever.
These were factors entering into why
there was virtually no coal for heating
purposes in Paris last winter; why hot
water was scanty; why there were few
bright lights in the French capital, and
many closed factories. Considerable civilian
discomfort and unrest were the inevitable
result — especially as things undeniably had
been better, so far as coal was concerned,
under the Germans.
New Patterns of Need
This French coal situation has been
dwelt upon because it serves to set the
stage for some of the surprises that await-
ed the British and Americans in France.
Quite understandably, the Allies had based
their anticipations pretty much on what
was encountered following the last war.
That is, we supposed that something like
the Hoover relief administrations would
first be called for. We thought of supply-
ing food and clothing in areas liberated
by our advancing armies. And the Army
decision was to keep responsibility for this
for the first six months not in the hands
of UNRRA but of the occupying military
authorities.
What the Allies were told by these coun-
tries, however, was that the people, or at
least the governments who spoke for them
in France and Belgium, were prepared to
endure temporary hardships and pay their
way. What they wanted was means for
putting their own production into gear,
so they could make their own shirts, shoes,
and other necessities; and so that their own
people could resume wage earning, their
own economy get back on its feet. True,
they wanted finished shirts and shoes for
immediate requirements, but even more
urgently they clamored for quantities of raw
cotton, for hides and leathers.
Naturally, this was a gratifying front on
things from the angle of the Combined
Boards. Not only would it fulfill the old
Talmudic rule that the best charity is that
which helps a man not to require charity,
but it also meant that the manpower of
these countries might be harnessed to our
United Nations cause — and manpower has
been a limiting wartime factor in both
Britain and the United States.
At the same time, this changed front
raised a whole new set of problems. It
meant expanding our attention to include
food and clothing, locomotives and pit
props. It meant resurveying our short stocks
of such critical materials as hides, leathers,
and raw rubber. It presented, in addition,
such posers as the fact that French textile
machinery had been designed mostly for
fine goods manufacture, and that the French
made requests for some of our long-staple
cottons — precious for war uses and not in
abundant supply.
Wartime tightness in the manufacture of
cotton textiles has been largely due to man-
power shortage. It has meant the strictest
rationing in Britain, where only one family
in about ten could purchase a new pair of
sheets a year. Cotton textiles have not
been rationed in the United States, but the
supply is limited. Resumption of French
production is therefore obviously to every-
one's interest.
But such resumption is dependent upon
coal and transportation. This is true even
of food. In France — though not in Belgium
and The Netherlands — there is sufficient
food in the rural areas. The difficulty lies
in transporting it to the densely populated
urban centers. That, in turn, is partly a
problem of restoring bridges (and the army
has already put back 4,000 of them), of
getting new trucks and repairing old ones
(tires and batteries), and hoping for the
day when the military can release more rail
facilities, and additional landing craft for
use in the canals.
That, of course, is still an oversimplified
picture. For there are still certain European
food shortages that unfortunately seem to
coincide with international shortages —
meats, fats, oils, and sugar. These must, if
they are supplied at all, be imported and
that raises again the neat question of ship-
ping. Lumped together, these are the sorts
of things that have kept the Combined
Food Board busy.
Add to such activities as these, research,
conference, organization, effort, going for-
ward in about a score of major areas of
shortage, and you will arrive at a working
idea of what the Combined Boards have
been up to.
Screw Threads — and the Machine Age
We have had, also, what might be called
sidebar matters to handle. Take what the
Combined Production and Resources Board
has done about screw threads. Technically
speaking, these are helical ridges running
around bolts, screws, and pipe ends. They
are the chief means of fastening machine
parts together. You could say that our
whole machine age economy is held to-
gether with screw threads.
Yet outside the engineering profession
and machine trades, comparatively few
people in either country have been aware
that for well toward a century the United
States and Great Britain have gone their
own ways and developed two distinct pat-
terns of threading. Still less do most peo-
ple realize what this development means.
To go back to the beginning of indus-
trialism in Britain, each machine shop
evolved its own screw threads — and utter
confusion resulted. No two shops could
use each other's bolts or screws. Custom-
ers were constantly in trouble to get new
ones that fitted the machines they had in
use.
About 1841, Sir Joseph Whitworth de-
veloped some standards that were gener-
ally adopted and, because England was
the principal source of supply, these were
adopted pretty much throughout the world,
including the USA. In non-technical
terms, the principal characteristic of the
Whitworth thread is that it has a hill and
dale appearance: that is to say, each thread
has a rounded crest with rounded grooves
between. . . . And three cutting tools are
called for in shaping them.
Some years later a Philadelphian named
William Sellers discovered he could cut
threads more simply, and with two cutting
tools instead of three, by making the crests
truncated and the bottom of the grooves
flat. In 1868, the U. S. Government adopt-
ed Sellers' pattern as the American stand-
ard.
Over the years this divergence in screw
threads has caused no end of inconvenience.
For example, a man with a $20,000 Rolls
Royce might be held up for two weeks
in Dubuque waiting for a screw from
England, which, except for the fit of the
thread, might be bought at the nearest
hardware store for 10 cents. Exporters
of American machines ran into correspond-
ing difficulties abroad.
The disparity proved a nuisance to Al-
lied armies in World War I and in suc-
ceeding years several efforts were made to
work out a common standard. Neverthe-
less, the British and ourselves entered World
War II with the same old predicament on
our hands. The results were extremely
serious. During the early stages of the
war, Britain, France, and other countries
placed large orders here and required the
Whitworth thread. That meant a scramble,
as American manufacturers tried to get
new taps, dies, and gauges to produce the
unfamiliar hill and dale pattern on every
pipe, bolt, and screw they supplied.
The situation was aggravated when the
larger lend-lease orders were placed. It
reached acute proportions after the United
States entered the war and began direct
supply to armies in the field. Thus a
command might be using 50-caliber ma-
chine guns, some made in England, some
in New England. To all appearances they
would look identical, but their screw
threads were different. Hence their parts
were not interchangeable. This meant that
in far-flung war theaters duplicate stocks
of replacements had to be kept at the re-
pair depots.
The huge waste involved in duplications
and delays is hard to estimate, but we
were able to trace the direct cost to Amer-
ican manufacturers for extra taps, dies, and
gauges alone to a figure of $100,000,000.
To this must be added time lost on army
orders by the change — army ordnance re-
porting that it took three times as long to
(Continued on page 262)
MAY 1945
183
BRITAIN'S HERITAGE
"Other occasions of the nation's high purpose," as recalled
by wartime posters of the London Passenger Transport Board
<p5 FRANCIS
• DRAECR-
LORD GOT > i •' c/w-f 'tf TfiY
naf- aatilf, ywitM ak< fir few "Afit a iuf- tit,
if agjftt. tn&? If A- tfOnxtfy jikutat, w4U -vuttdir
'••••\lmj.4f** fttS Of
Endeavor any great matter until it be thoroughly finished —
SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, Cadiz, 1587
May humanity after victory predominate in the British fleet —
LORD NELSON, Trafalgar, 1805
Attf tb>fian\m >-n.l./ ,-.•/,. (. . rttal a* fmvtA* at,t anff far ttur own tv/fty, bu
, .a /«<*//* tfus ,',>->,r, -,/
TV Itt, iim WfU 1AM Ft fT,
We hold out prospect to nations under the yoke of tyranny —
WILLIAM PITT, the younger, 1804
We shall fight on the beaches, in the fields and streets —
WINSTON CHURCHILL, June 1940
III. SYMPOSIUM: BRITISH VIEWPOINTS
As They See It
The Future of a Great Partnership discussed by an impressive cross-section
of British leaders in politics, art, education, welfare, industry, and labor
Introduction by VICTOR WEYBRIGHT
(See contents page)
LAST AUTUMN, AFTER SPENDING TWO AND A HALF YEARS ON
a wartime assignment in Great Britain, I returned to the
United States on a brief mission — and while home, pro-
posed to my old friends and associates on the board and
editorial staff of Survey Graphic that a special number,
such as this, would be tremendously useful. My sugges-
tion, in the course of preparing a preliminary outline, was
that it be written preponderantly by Americans, for
American readers.
However, it was agreed that, although our British
friends should not be put in the position of rationalizing
on the whole worldwide British system, a cross-section
of Britishers should be invited to contribute to this sym-
posium. Hence it was that, back in Great Britain, I in-
vited the contributors who responded so generously in the
following brief comments on the primary political and
economic relationships developed between the British
and ourselves during the war.
As I see it, the outside world is bound to rest its future
decisions on our demonstration of compatibility and prac-
tical approaches to world stability and reconstruction.
Thus, the firmness of the British-American partnership
may be potent in shaping the postwar decisions of the
world.
The intention, of course, was the very opposite of pro-
moting any sort of sentimental "hands across the sea" or
of excluding Soviet Russia and other Allies from con-
sideration. Survey Graphic brought out a distinguished
special number on American Russian Frontiers over a
year ago, and may deal with China and Far Eastern af-
fairs in a special number in sequence to this one.
I have had the happy privilege of being identified with
the work of Survey Associates for a number of years and,
as in the past, I hope this special number will have a wide
influence. So active is the interest, so keen is the anxiety
to get behind the British-American scene, that it is not
unthinkable that indirectly, if not directly, great numbers
of Europeans will be reached by this editorial project.
To all contributors, and to our British participants in
particular, I am most grateful.
"The day we separate
we shall have lost
the peace."
SIR WILLIAM BEVERIDGE, K.C.B., M.P.
Chairman of Interdepartmental Committee on
Social Insurance and Allied Services, 1941-2.
Author of "Full Employment," 1944.
THE FIRST THING TO SAY ABOUT ANCLO-
American relations is that one should not
take too seriously what from time to time
is said or written on one side of the Atlan-
tic in criticism of the people on the other
side.
There are more than 130,000,000 people
in the United States and about 45,000,000
in Britain, every one of whom has an in-
alienable right to shoot off his mouth as
soon as he becomes capable of speech,
whether it is rational speech or not. The
fact that he speaks in Britain or America
doesn't make him the voice of Britain or
America. He doesn't become that voice,
through having made a great success of
selling tabloid news or comic strips on one
side of the Atlantic or the other, or even
through having got into Parliament or
Congress.
The second and important thing to say
is to emphasize the need, in the interests
of all mankind, of keeping the United
States and Britain together, not merely in
their general outlook on world problems
but in the practical handling of these prob-
lems by their respective governments.
The general outlook of the American
and British peoples is largely the same. In
the domestic sphere it can be summed up
as resolute individualism, an effective con-
viction that the State exists for the indi-
vidual citizen and not for itself or the glory
of the rulers. In the international sphere it
can be summed up in a desire to establish
the rule of law in place of the rule of force
between nations and so to bring peace with
justice to the world; and in a growing
recognition that this responsibility to man-
kind must be assumed by the larger na-
tions.
But though there is, I believe, this funda-
mental agreement in general outlook be-
tween the two peoples, the handling of
every practical problem when it comes to
carrying out this agreement, depends on
the government of the day in each country.
We want to be certain that however the
governments of the two countries may
change, whether they are Democratic or
Republican, Conservative, Labour or Lib-
eral, they will all regard indissoluble co-
operation between the two countries as an
over-riding duty — though one that implies
neither hostility nor coolness to any other
nation, great or small.
I cannot do better than repeat what I
have just written in a short book on "The
Price of Peace" which will be published
shortly:
"The text that should become graven on
the heart of every American citizen and
every British citizen is that on the day that
we Americans and Britons separate, we
shall have lost the peace, we shall have
shed our blood together in the jour quarters
of the world in vain."
"The time of security
without effort
is gone."
LORD VANSITTART, P.C., G.C.B.,
G.C.M.G., M.V.O.
Formerly Chief Diplomatic Adviser to the
Foreign Secretary, 1938-41.
Author of "Black Record" and "Roots of the
Trouble".
I AM SIXTY-THREE. MY GENERATION GREW UP
under the shadow of a German war. We
got it. We were soon in the shadow of
another. We got it. Had our countries stood
together we should have had neither. We
might have enjoyed life. Belief in inevitable
progress would not have been broken; for
the Victorian optimism would not have
seemed so naive but for two World Wars.
During the interlude, I was for five years
185
head of the American Department of the
Foreign Office. I enjoyed them. My heart
was in my work. But it was obviously
leading nowhere in particular — nor, in time.
Now, at last, the whole horizon is
changed. Something worthwhile is in
sight.
I am asked to stress "whatever aspect
of our relations seems most important to
keep in mind in the times immediately
ahead." So soon as you define you begin,
perhaps, to limit. I want no limit, so I
hesitate to define. The opportunity of col-
laboration will continually crop up — for ex-
ample, in promoting fair elections in Greece.
Similar needs may arise elsewhere in Eu-
rope.
If I must select a test case, I take one
that won't be popular. I hope that the
United States will stand with Britain in
the occupation of Germany for a period to
be defined by experience alone. It will be
long; but without it there will be no real
reform in Germany or security in the
world. After the first few "massive" years
the burden — if shared by all the Allies —
will be light; perhaps a mechanized divi-
sion each. The time of "something for
nothing" — security without effort — has
gone. We both pursued that will o' the
wisp, and it duly bogged us. This time let
us remain on firm ground together; and
if we are not together, there will be no
firm ground — for either of us.
"Long term investment
of the resources of
America and Britain"
SIR HAROLD HARTLEY, K.C.V.O. M.C.,
F.R.S.
Vice-president of London Midland and Scot-
tish Railway Company.
Chairman, International Executive Committee,
World Power Conference.
I WRITE WITH THE MEMORIES OF NEARLY
half a century of American friendship. To
the generosity of all those friends, to their
readiness to give of their best in comrade-
ship, wise counsel and material help, I
owe much. I know the inevitable difference
in our make-up, inevitable from our dif-
ferences in tradition, environment, oppor-
tunity and the influx of new blood. Dif-
ferences that are the more apparent because
we speak the same language.
And are not those very differences a
source of strength? This war has proved
it — just as the strength of a football team
depends on the varying physique and tem-
perament of the forwards and the backs
along with their common purpose: the will
to win.
What is the goal that faces America and
Britain today? Is it not another new world,
in which the prospect of a better life will
give men hope to bend their efforts to a
common purpose? Science has made the
world so small and yet so complex that
the long term prosperity of one nation is
inseparable from that of the other's, and
all are dependent on a common use of the
diversity of their resources.
The strength of America is concentrated
in one continent; that of Britain scattered
in her farflung Commonwealth. Together
they can give the world the leadership it
needs so badly.
What I have in mind is no Utopian
dream, but a united effort to help each na-
tion develop gradually the full use of its
resources. This will need in peace even
more vision, more concentration of effort,
and clearer strategy than in war. It will
demand all the courage, the tenacity, the
patience and the resourcefulness that made
the American frontiersman. Its success will
depend on the long term investment of the
resources of America and Britain to give
the nations a new pattern of production and
stability, based on their inevitable com-
munity of interest.
"Lasting unity of culture."
SIR KENNETH CLARK, K.C.B.
Director of National Gallery
IN UNIVERSITIES MODELED ON OXFORD AND
Cambridge, under porticoes deriving their
style from the architecture of Sir Christo-
pher Wren, American students read the
classics of a literature which is their own
as well as ours. Conversely, the English
writer finds it hard not to think of Walt
Whitman and Henry James as his country-
men; and, for both peoples, Abraham Lin-
coln is the greatest hero of democracy since
the seventeenth century. With this deep
common inheritance, the differences which
inevitably disturb the surface of political
and economic relationship can hardly affect
the more lasting unity of culture.
"Next time" the Nazis
would need only
"rocket sites."
GEORGE M. TREVELYAN, O.M.,
C.B.E., F.B.A.
Regius Professor of Modern History
Cambridge, 1927-40.
Author of many outstanding books.
TAKING FIRST THINGS FIRST, THE FIRST WILL
be to prevent the starvation and complete
collapse of the nations which the Nazis
have massacred, starved, and smashed to
pieces in Europe; I suppose there will be a
corresponding task in China and the East.
The next thing will be to have practical
and ever-ready machinery to prevent the
Germans or Japanese from rearming. This
can only be done by the cooperation of the
USA and Britain; and, so far as Europe is
concerned, their friendship with Russia. If
we fall apart again and give the Germans
hope of rearming they are certain to do so.
The extreme weakness of the other coun-
tries of Europe in face of German aggres-
sion, and of China in the face of Japanese
aggression, has been demonstrated.
Though they went down to defeat in this
war the Nazis succeeded in part of their
fell purpose: they effected physical ruin
among all the populations surrounding
Germany. And in almost every country
there is a potential Nazi party. Any weak-
ness or division between the United States,
Britain, and Russia, would at once revive
Nazi plans and hopes the world over.
Moreover, next time the Nazis would
not have to build up openly a great army
and air force, as we so foolishly allowed
them to do. All they need do next time is
secretly to prepare rocket sites. My scien-
tific friends, who have been working at
these things throughout the war, tell me
that within a very limited number of years
people will be able to make projectiles of
such potency as to destroy all life within a
wide area around the explosion. The wars
of the future, if we permit them to take
place, will be of that character. An in-
spectorate in Germany to prevent such
preparations will be necessary.
A long convalescence will be needed for
the world after this war, and it must be
protected by the USA and Britain, in
friendship with Russia, standing ready to
crush at once any Nazi attempt at rearma-
ment. That is the only way to preserve
peace and to turn the thought of the Ger-
mans and Japs away from the hope of
revenge and into peaceful channels.
How "use the years in
which we can count
on peace."
HAROLD J. LASKI
Professor of Political Science at the London
School of Economics.
Acting chairman of National Executive of
the Labour Party and Labour Party Confer-
ence, 1944.
I SEE NO REASON FOR ANY CLASH OF INTEREST
between Great Britain and the United
States that is not also a reason for a clash
between the United States and any other
great power.
The critical moment will come when the
demand for consumers' goods has been
satisfied, and the problem becomes one of
finding markets for the immense produc-
tion capacity of both countries. The prob-
lem is, of course, soluble; but it is not
soluble if the economic system of either
country is an expression of the kind of
monopoly-capitalism increasingly character-
istic of both our countries. For the natural
political expression of monopoly-capitalism
is some form of corporate state; that state,
by its own inner logic, is driven to eco-
nomic imperialism in order to market its
goods profitably.
On a rough guess, I think it probable
that there will be no clash of interest be-
tween our two countries, certainly for five
years and perhaps for as much as a decade.
But the part of wisdom is to use the years
in which we can count on peace to give it
the permanent basis it so obviously and
urgently requires. That involves a redis-
tribution of wealth in both Great Britain
and the United States with a view to far
greater equality of income as between citi-
zens; and it involves long term investment
to raise the standard of life in impoverished
countries like China, India, Africa, the
Near East.
If we have not learned from this war the
great lesson that planned production for
186
SURVEY GRAPHIC
community consumption means better
health, better housing, higher wages, a full-
er use of science and technology, we shall
have experienced its agonies in vain. But
if we have learned this lesson, there is not
an atom of ground for supposing that Brit-
ain and America cannot hold the great ends
of life in common.
On these terms, we might enter upon
one of the most creative epochs in the
human adventure.
"Indispensable part
of the new order
of things."
EDITH SUMMERSKILL, M.P.
Labour Member, and Vice-president, Socialist
Medical Association.
LAST YEAR I HAD THE PLEASURE OF VISITING
the USA, and once more came away with
the impression that although our ways of
life may be different, our aspirations for
the future of the world are fundamentally
the same.
The people of the USA and Britain hate
war; we loathe the waste, the destruction,
the bestiality of it all. Then our common
aim must be to prevent the destruction of
another generation of youth. It can be
done. . . . Nations, like individuals, must
be subject to discipline, and a world or-
ganization, with judicial power, supported
by an international force to uphold its
decisions, must be an indispensable part of
the new order of things.
We have failed in the past because we
and other nations have put expediency be-
fore morality. This time we must not be-
tray those who have died and suffered that
those who come after them may be free.
There can be no real freedom without
security.
"We must hold together
by good will and
mutual duty."
J. ]. MALLON, C.H., LL.D., J.P.
Warden of Toynbee Hall, London
Hon. Treasurer, Workers' Educational Asso-
ciation. Member, Economic Advisory Council.
Governor of BBC.
AFTER FIVE AND A HALF YEARS OF WAR WE
in London were still under the shadow of
German demonology; of offensives not far
away; of rocket bombs; of our homeless
tens of thousands; and of the knowledge
of the want and misery that eat at the heart
even of the liberated peoples. We are still
under the shadow of fear of the future
that now overhangs all humanity — the hu-
manity which Sacheverell Sitwell has com-
pared to "an epileptic who falls into the
fire and cannot learn his lesson that he
will be burned."
But are we really incurably feckless and
dull-witted? Really powerless to avert our
doom? We shall soon know. After the last
war France and Britain, with Europe in
their keeping, relaxed and fell apart; and
whilst they slept or differed, new conspir-
acies were hatched and new weapons
fashioned under their noses. Mankind can-
not survive another such catastrophe.
My deepest belief is that together Amer-
ica and Britain can avoid it; but we must
be linked by considerations deeper than
those of economic or political interest. We
must hold together by good will (which
abounds in London, particularly in the
stricken districts which have been succored
by noble gifts from America), mutual duty
and sympathy. We must make the most of
similarities which are so easily overlooked
and make the least of differences which are
so easily magnified.
Let sane Americans and sane British try
so to unite our peoples that upon their
friendship may be built a good peace, the
maintenance of that peace, and the begin-
ning of a new world. Whitman inspires me
to ask: "Shall we stick to each other as long
as we live?"
". . . in restoring health
to a stricken world."
ALLAN CREECH JONES, M.P.
Labour member for the West Riding of
Yorkshire.
FOR THE ACHIEVEMENT OF THE FoUR FREE-
doms and the realization of the Atlantic
Charter, the continued cooperation of the
United Nations in peace is imperative. . . .
Economic nationalism and policies based
on restriction choked in the past many
channels of fruitful collaboration between
the nations. Just as no nation can now se-
cure its own defense within the terms of
its own frontiers, so no people can secure
their own economic prosperity by neglect
of the prosperity of other nations. We want
expansionist economics and good social ser-
vices and standards of living built up every-
where.
My recent visit to America convinces
me that such world policies will only be
possible insofar as there is an appreciation
and sympathetic understanding of one an-
other's problems. Above all, Britain and
America must work together in restoring
health to a stricken world.
That cooperation will be the more cor-
dial if Britain understands that American
interest in the larger world is not merely
a material one and if, on the other hand,
America understands that "British im-
perialism" is undergoing vast changes, is
primarily concerned with liberal policies
for developing the social, economic, and
political well-being of dependent peoples.
"More important than
the identity of
language."
CAPTAIN THE HON. QUINTIN HOGG,
M.P.
Active Member of the Tory Reform Group.
PARTNERSHIPS ARE BASED PARTLY ON UNITY
of sentiment and partly on community of
interest. Bismarck once said the most im-
portant political fact in the world was that
the United States of America and Great
Britain spoke the same language. This I
believe to be true, but more important than
the identity of language is the identity of
tradition and of idealism, which separates
the Anglo-Saxon nations from the rest of
the world and unites them. This unity is
not always apparent to ourselves, but it is
very apparent to everybody else — which is
perhaps more important. Add to this that
a vast number of young Americans have
now fought, worked or lived with British:
people and endured common experiences
and common dangers; and that the same
is true of by far the greater number of
British men and women. Unity of senti-
ment would therefore appear to be capable
of attainment.
Community of interest should not be
doubted. Commercial differences are on the
surface, but the security and freedom of
our two countries is the over-riding interest
of both, and both are supremely concerned
with the future peace and prosperity of
the rest of the world without which neither
can itself be prosperous and safe.
Stategically and politically our interests
are the same. If we permit our policies to
diverge, the interests of both countries will
suffer. This is the business of the partner-
ship.
Functional interplay
vs. "wishy-washy
sentiment."
KENNETH LINDSAY
Independent Member of Parliament.
. . . MY OWN ATTITUDE TO AMERICA IS SO
simple that I hesitate to advance it. I like
America and trust Americans, just as I
dislike Germany and distrust Germans.
From the moment I set foot in New York
twenty-two years ago, as leader of the first
Oxford debating team, I have been in-
trigued by the New World.
The thing which challenges my peace of
mind is the American capacity for experi-
ment, the fundamentally different approach
to nearly all the problems that interest me.
This challenge, this experimental attitude,
is the supreme need of Britain and Europe.
We are an ancient people, up to our necks
in history. Our virtues and failings derive
largely from that fact. But I can count
scores of friends on either side of the At-
lantic who recognize this fact.
Unless British and Americans can mu-
tually rejoice in our differences, no lasting
progress in understanding is possible. I
feel certain that Roosevelt and Churchill
grasped this elementary fact at their first
meeting.
Sameness is no common bond.
But the best way of appreciating differ-
ences is to "talk shop." Doctors and doc-
tors, architects and architects, teachers and
teachers, journalists and journalists, actors
and actors, traders and traders, civil ser-
vants and state officials. To understand each
other's virtues, it is necessary to rub mind
against mind. Vague, wishy-washy senti-
ment is the worst medium — indeed it is a
dangerous vacuum.
MAY 1945
187
Therefore, I would like to see the greatest
possible functional interchange of persons,
ideas, journals, books, and research. Compe-
tition in excellence leaves little room for the
tittle-tattle of petty rivalry.
Magnanimity exists in such large meas-
ure on both sides of the water that it
might well be matched by comparable and
deliberate organization. I think, therefore,
that the time is overdue for planned co-
operation at every level among as many
professions as possible. It is hoped to start
a British-American Education Committee;
the ramifications of this one profession are
endless, but the present contacts are negligi-
ble. Multiply those contacts by a hundred,
and the two countries are knit by thousands
of personal and functional ties.
Only by these humanistic and liberalizing
influences can the Atlantic Community be
reborn. To some of us it is not so much a
problem as an adventure. The old men
see everything in terms of problems. I
pray, therefore, that each country will now
build a fresh foundation out of the suf- •
ferings and common aspirations of war.
We need your spirit; perhaps we, too, have
something to 'offer you.
"Two hundred million
people" and their
chance.
GEORGE GIBSON
Member, Lancashire Industrial Development
Council.
Former chairman, Trade Union Committee.
IT IS BECAUSE WE SPEAK THE SAME LANGUAGE
that, on occasion, we are so disgracefully
and rudely frank with one another; allied
to the fact that in the family circle there
are a few who either twist the Lion's tail
or disparage Uncle Sam.
There are differences, of course, in our
methods of approach to aims and aspira-
tions that are fundamentally the same.
Thus, only a minority of Britons appre-
ciates that the United States consists of
forty-eight separate states, each with a large
degree of self-government; that your popu-
lation has trebled in seventy years; and that
yours is a country young in ideas, cosmo-
politan in composition, still polyglot in
language; virile, direct and uncompromis-
ing in dealing with industrial or political
problems.
On the other hand, only a minority of
Americans appreciates how Britain, with
its ancient traditions and a comparatively
small population, at once bears strategic
relation to the continent of Europe and is
a focus of governmental and cultural in-
fluence for approximately one quarter of
the world's peoples. Nor do all Americans
realize that under the Statute of West-
minster our great dominions can at any
time declare their independence from all
connection with Great Britain.
If these differences are appreciated, and
ff we but realize that the British Common-
wealth and the United States constitute
the two greatest liberty-loving communities
in the world, then . . . the two hundred
million English-speaking people can be the
most important force capable of influencing
world development in the direction of effi-
cient democracy allied with individual free-
dom.
"The Atlantic Charter
has been by-passed
by events."
EMANUEL SHINWELL, M.P.
Member, Labour Party.
GRANTED THAT ANGLO-AMERICAN COLLABO-
ration in international affairs is indispens-
able to international unity — but whether
this can be achieved depends on the ambi-
tions of both nations in the Pacific zone.
So far the U. S. and British governments
have not disclosed their intentions. Can
anyone say what these are? The Atlantic
Charter is no answer. It has been by-passed
by events.
It would be helpful if both parties made
a declaration: that, subject to subsequent
decision by an International Authority, the
end of the war in the Far East would wit-
ness a return to the status quo.
In the economic sphere, the difficulties
are immense. In Britain the swing is in
the direction of the "Left." She cannot
escape tl)e consequences of present trends
in Europe, which may be stimulated by
the influence of Soviet Russia after the war.
There is no trace of progressive thought
in the speeches of public men in the United
States, with perhaps the exception of Henry
Wallace, whose interventions appear to be
resented.
Moreover a policy of foreign lending,
which means the supply of U. S. goods to
the borrowing countries, may have serious
repercussions on British export policy.
Bretton Woods is no answer. It should
have been preceded by an economic agree-
ment, based on the principle that export-
ing nations must be ready to import, stimu-
late home consumption, promote full em-
ployment, and assist in raising the living
standards throughout the world. This is
the basis of international unity. In this
matter the USA and Great Britain could
take the lead. Otherwise, Goodbye to unity.
American failure to recognize the growth
of new ideologies is disturbing.
Worldwide brotherhood
in "quest for life
and freedom."
GEORGE E. HAYNES
National Council of Social Service.
. . . LOOKING BACK TO THE DARK DAYS OF
1939-40, it seems miraculous that the United
States and the British group of nations
should have this chance of shaping things
to come. What are the fundamental con-
ditions for success in this great adventure?
First, both countries must learn (and
that, quickly) to see world problems
through the eyes of other peoples, many
of whom have plumbed depths of despair
unknown to us.
Second, we must sharpen our insight into
the respective problems of our two coun-
tries. ... I am sometimes alarmed at the
extent to which cooperation has turned
upon the steady nerve and restraint of the
small number of officials responsible for
the new machinery of joint action and con-
sultation. There must be far more widely
diffused understanding of what the con-
tribution of each can and should be.
Social workers have great opportunities
in underpinning the efforts of statesmen,
economists, and industrialists in creating
new instruments of cooperation. Social
workers in Britain and the United States
have much in common; for many years
we have had fruitful contacts. To strength-
en and extend all true and constructive
social activity should be our great aim, and
in its fulfillment we can work beyond and
over national frontiers.
Worldwide distress and dislocation will
require the best we have to give from ex-
perience gained in the past six years. The
prime condition for good international re-
lations is reciprocity and we have much
to receive as well as give.
I see in strengthened American-British
cooperation the core of a worldwide brother-
hood of all who serve the individual in
his quest for life and freedom.
"We both have things
to unlearn and
adjust."
THE DOWAGER LADY READING,
D.B.E., J.P.
Chairman of Women's Voluntary Services for
Civil Defense.
DURING THESE YEARS OF WAR I HAVE SEEN
much of American and Briton, side by side
in tragic moments of attack and destruc-
tion, and have never failed to be thrilled
by the consciousness of real values which
had been accepted naturally and unself-
consciously by both as they emerged from
the ordeal.
Cooperation of our two nations is abso-
lutely necessary to the sanity of the world,
and its most important aspect is this mu-
tual agreement on fundamentals. Frills and
furbelows are apt to be worn and altered
to suit individual tastes. The fabric is the
important base, and we must concur on
this or the world will suffer.
We both have things to unlearn and to
adjust. We British, when we bring with
us tradition, worthwhile and rich, must
see that it is a living and vital force and
not a cloying and outmoded habit. We
must not allow our national inhibitions to
generate tendencies which may appear
supercilious. Equally you, on your side, will
know those things which have made bar-
riers between us and act with generosity
of spirit for which your generosity of pocket
augurs well.
If we can both be honest enough in
mind and soul to acknowledge and agree
on the fundamental values of life, every-
thing else will be a matter for adjustment
and arrangement. That acceptance will call
for bigness of spirit and unselfishness of
motive to the highest degree. . . . Trade,
188
SURVEY GRAPHIC
commerce, politics, standards of living, art
—everything that makes up modern life —
must be based on a surety and the simpler
that base is and the easier to understand,
the better we shall weave and the finer
will be the fabric.
Tragically, the privilege of suffering has
been granted to countless men and women
who through their despair have seen and
realized true values.
"Understanding of the people
by the people."
B. E. ASTBURY
General Secretary, Charity Organization
Society, London.
FRIENDSHIP BETWEEN NATIONS DEPENDS LESS
upon agreement between their statesmen
than upon mutual tolerance among their
citizens. Out of the trials of war have
arisen many opportunities for deepened un-
derstanding between the peoples of the
United States and of Britain. The efforts of
Americans to mitigate the hardships of the
British under air attack and conditions of
total mobilization have been met by keen
desire on our part, and especially on the
part of young people, to learn all they can
from the Americans stationed in this coun-
try about American history, education, in-
dustry, and ways of living.
Radio discussions between groups of
Americans and- Britishers on all kinds of
topics have often resulted in mutual re-
gard. This should, I suggest, be fostered
by still wider use of the radio for free and
frank discussions between ordinary men
and women on both sides of the Atlantic
on subjects of mutual interest and — even
more important — on subjects of possible
disagreement; for examples — the British at-
titude to India and the American attitude
toward the color problem. Also by the in-
terchange of visits not only between pro-
fessors, politicians and personnel manag-
ers, but also between practical social work-
ers, teachers, mechanics, students, and
housewives.
This understanding of the people by the
people is, I am convinced, the only stable
foundation for lasting British-American
partnership.
Mutual trust — 1*5 the
great thing we can
fairly ask.
SIR ERNEST BARKER
Professor of Political Science, Cambridge.
Author of many historical and political books.
IT SEEMS TO ME THAT THE CONDITIONS OF
Anglo-American cooperation are much the
same as the conditions of cooperation be-
tween husband and wife in marriage. Tak-
ing that analogy, for what it is worth, I
should suggest four conditions:
1. A husband and wife will do well if
neither tells the other, day in and day out,
what the other ought to be doing. Each
partner is apt to find such lectures, even
when they are as intimate as "Mrs. Caudle's
curtain lectures," a little tiresome. The best
thing for partners is for each to be con-
stantly telling himself what he ought to be
doing himself, and especially what he
ought to be doing to help his partner.
2. A husband and wife will do well if
they try to think together of a job they
can do together — some piece of joint social
work, some holiday they can share, some
interest they can both cultivate. So, with
our two nations: they will be wise to think
of some joint work which the two of them,
with their complementary gifts, can do well
and truly together by putting their gifts
together.
3. A husband and wife must keep in-
tellectual contact; they must not be merely
a business concern for household arrange-
ment, but also a concern of the mind, with
a common set of intellectual interests. So
again with our two nations: they will be
wise to remember and promote their com-
mon culture, and they need some joint in-
tellectual institute — say, an Anglo-American
Institute of Intellectual Collaboration — to
keep them united together as a joint con-
cern of the mind.
4. A husband and wife must trust one
another, believe in one another's good in-
tentions, and give one another the honor
of mutual confidence. It is just the same
with our two nations. Let us on our side
not be thought guilty by you on your side
of power politics; and let us on our side
not think you on your side guilty of power
economics, or a desire to dominate the
world's markets. Mutual trust is the great
thing, and that is the thing which we can
fairly ask from one another.
'Capital resources'
'underdeveloped
and
countries.
W. MANNING DACEY
Editor of The Banker
Financial Editor of "The Observer"
AT PRESENT, THERE IS AN ENORMOUS DIF-
ference in economic philosophy and outlook
between the United States and Great
Britain. It would surely assist Anglo-
American relations in the economic field if
each country could take over something
from the economic thinking of the other.
In Britain, both the general public and
businessmen tend to be "slump-minded."
This leads them rightly to stress the need
for policies to maintain full employment,
but at the same time renders them unduly
well-disposed towards monopoly and re-
strictive practices.
In the United States, on the other hand,
the tradition of rugged individualism is still
strong. This leads to a healthy insistence on
competition and low prices, but also en-
courages the belief that the economic system
can run on an even keel without state inter-
vention to maintain effective demand.
If British public opinion could be induced
to take a more realistic attitude towards
monopoly, and the American public a more
realistic view towards full employment poli-
cies, we should be very much advanced. In
their relations with the rest of the world,
the maintenance of a high national income
at home is by far the most important con-
tribution that our two countries can make.
They can also help enormously by sub-
scribing to the codes of international be-
havior laid down, for example, in the Bret-
ton Woods agreements, and in pressing for
the gradual removal of trade barriers.
Given this constructive approach towards
internal and external trade, our two coun-
tries could go far towards solving one of
the world's basic economic problems.
At present, some areas with huge popula-
tions, such as India and China, are living
on the verge of subsistence for lack of capi-
tal to develop their resources. In highly
developed countries like Britain and the
United States, on the other hand, a plethora
of savings may be an actual danger, leading
constantly to the threat of unemployment.
If Britain and the United States can co-
operate in building the kind of world in
which their capital resources can be made
available to the underdeveloped countries,
hopes of an expanding world economy
would become a reality.
Alternatives to "bombast,
misunderstanding
and war."
JOHN M. RYAN
Editor of Scope Magazine
IF THE BRITISH AND AMERICANS CANNOT co-
operate, what hope is there for ... the pre-
vention of war? If peoples with the same
social and cultural backgrounds, the same
economic and trading traditions, and above
all the same language, cannot cooperate,
how can other nations divided in outlook
and language hope to? The perfectionist's
dream of a World State is not for this gen-
eration, but the partnership between our
two nations could serve as a model of col-
laboration to inspire the world and give it
stability.
Thus there is an immense responsibility
on today's politicians, teachers, editors, leg-
islators, and all those thinking men and
women who influence opinion in both
countries. Let such men curb the first angry
rush on hearing inflammatory reports from
the other side. Sober reflection usually re-
veals that home critics and political oppo-
nents say worse things every day.
This fiercely assertive nationalism is still
the greatest source of bitterness and mis-
trust between the countries. Its cure is tol-
erance and education discarding the jingo-
istic teaching of history — by re-editing the
school textbooks. The adolescent belief that,
because one happens to be born into it, one
nation is superior to another — morally better
and more courageous — is the foundation of
national bombast, of international misunder-
standing and, sooner or later, of war.
The idea that an Anglo-American part-
nership is more favorable to one nation than
the other, essential to one and optional to
the other, can only wreck the slender hope
that the agony of the last six years has not
been in vain and that at last the world
begins to learn its lesson.
MAY 1945
189
Therefor
possible f
ideas, jo
tition i'
tittle-t
M
ure
m;
IV. AREAS OF TENSION
Europe and the Mediterranean
Britain has become irrevocably part of the Continent. By abandoning the detachment
we, too, no longer possess, Americans can achieve a new freedom — from fear of attack.
IN SPEAKING OF A NATION'S FOREIGN POLICY,
we are apt to use what Walter Lippmann
calls "stereotypes." We make words like
Britain, France, Russia do as shorthand for
that multiplicity and variety of views found
among any people. That is, we expect dif-
ferences of opinion as a matter of course at
home — freely and sometimes violently ex-
pressed. But the moment we discuss an-
other country, we tend to give the false im-
pression that it is a solid monolith — with-
out internal fissures or shadings.
This variety of v^ews holds even for peo-
ple living under dictatorship, but far more
among those given to democracy. All the
more, therefore, it is well to bear in mind
that the British by no means think alike
among themselves on controversial issues.
For the sake of winning the war, all parties
have loyally supported the coalition govern-
ment of Winston Churchill. But Liberals
and Laborites disagree with the Prime
Minister on many fundamental points; nor
do Young Tories see eye to eye with Old.
Yet there is an underlying unity among
political groups in Britain concerning the
main objectives of British foreign policy —
a unity springing from dangers and glories
shared in common over the centuries. It
would be a mistake to assume that Neville
Chamberlain misrepresented his people in
1938-39 — by his policy of appeasement. Be-
fore Munich, the majority of the British
people, like ourselves, wanted peace — and,
again, like ourselves, were not aware of the
steep price they would have to pay for it.
Nor does Mr. Churchill today give an alto-
gether incorrect picture of British concern
for security, when he refuses to "liquidate
the Empire."
There is a large measure of agreement
among the British about aims, but consid-
erable divergence about methods of achiev-
ing them.
Let us not forget, too, that in any major
decision on foreign policy, the British must
consider not only their own interests, but
also the desires of the dominions and the
interests of the colonies as they see them.
Moreover, the British themselves are an
unusually homogeneous people far less af-
fected than we by special attachments to
other countries such as influence our citi-
zens of Polish or Finnish, German or Rus-
sian, English or Italian antecedents.
Britain and the Continent
Unlike Russia, Britain is not, geographic-
ally, an integral part of the continent; and,
with a population of less than 50,000,000
compared to Russia's 190,000,000, cannot
deploy comparable land forces or mass-
produced war equipment.
VERA MICHELES DEAN
— By the research director and editor of
the Foreign Policy Association who has
served as expert and consultant for
United States and international agencies.
Her recent Headline Book "After
Victory — " is a postscript, charged with
new prescience, to her prophetic volume
in 1940 — "Europe in Retreat."
In the interval, she has written or
edited both FPA Reports and Headline
Books which have been keen, vivid, serial
exhibits of the war years. A yeasty force
for enlightenment at home, these are
welcomed by diplomats and members of
the armed forces throughout the world.
Britain's disadvantage in this respect was
not noticeable during the century of relative
peace in Europe between the defeat of
Napoleon and the outbreak of World
War I. One of the first nations to feel the
impact of the industrial revolution, Britain
rapidly expanded production of manufac-
tured goods and traded throughout the
globe. Tsarist Russia could still regard her-
self as a peer of Britain at the Congress of
Vienna, but failed to adopt modern indus-
trial techniques until late in the nineteenth
century. Hence, in 1914, Russia, a nation
great in territory, population, and potential
resources, lacked the weapons to defend
herself against aggression or to enforce de-
cisions on others, and after three years of
war with Germany reached a nadir of
weakness at Brest-Litovsk in 1918.
Since then, a quarter century of indus-
trialization and agricultural collectivization
under the aegis of the Soviet government
has profoundly altered the relative posi-
tion of Russia and Britain in Europe, and
this change has affected the whole range of
continental problems in which both great
powers as well as the USA are concerned.
Nor can Britain, with economic resources
at home and abroad drastically reduced by
six years of war, challenge the supremacy
acquired in this same period by the United
States in naval power and merchant marine,
aviation, and finance.
But the differences in the positions of
Britain and the United States with respect
to the continent are not only military and
economic; they are also political.
As late as 1939, Britain's policy toward
Europe still bore the imprint of past cen-
turies, during which the urge to explore
and colonize, and the need for imported
goods not available in the British Isles plus
the need for markets for British manufac-
tures, had made London the nucleus of a
far-flung empire. One by-product of this
absorption in overseas affairs was that the
British tended to regard Europe as on the
periphery of their national interests. Their
chief concern with the continent was to
make sure that no other nation should be-
come powerful enough to dominate it, or
to form a coalition directed against the
British Isles. Whenever such a prospect
loomed on the horizon, the British promptly
intervened — against Louis XIV, against
Napoleon, against the Kaiser and Hitler.
In intervals between such interventions,
however, Britain tended to maintain a posi-
tion of "splendid isolation," emerging only
occasionally to admonish European peoples
when their conduct shocked the British
sense of justice. And again and again, in-
dividual Englishmen, from Byron who died
for the glory that was Greece to the young
men and women who in our day made the
cause of the Spanish Republicans their own,
fought for liberation of oppressed peoples.
Illusions of Isolation
World War II shattered permanently any
illusions the British still retained about the
possibility of isolation from Europe. True,
the Germans did not succeed in invad-
ing the British Isles. But they did succeed
in carrying the war right into Britain with
air raids, robot bombs, and rockets. If
there is one issue on which the British are
unanimously agreed, it is that Britain, for
purposes of security, is now irrevocably part
of the continent.
This realization first came to them at a
moment when, by a peculiar paradox, the
United States appeared to be assuming the
role toward Britain and Europe which
Britain had so very recently played toward
the continent. We had. intervened in Eu-
rope ourselves in 1917 to prevent the dom-
ination of a single military power whose
victory held a threat to the security of this
country. In 1941 we did this again.
Like Britain, in the interval between two
great interventions in this century, we with-
drew into "splendid isolation." Again, like
the British, we emerged from our retire-
ment only occasionally to criticize the
actions of other nations — without assuming
any responsibility for the fate of Europe.
Just as France, and other European coun-
tries, found it difficult prior to 1939 to per-
suade Britain to take a consecutive and con-
structive interest in the affairs of the con-
tinent, so Britain, after the outbreak of
World War II, wondered about our inten-
tions. Once the United States had entered
the war, the British became anxious about
the next step — asking themselves whether
we would pull up stakes the moment Ger-
many was defeated, and leave them to face
alone the problems of their own vastly
190
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Press Association
At Yalta President Roosevelt gave strong intimation that the USA would take active part in reconverting Europe from war to peace.
This reassurance checked, temporarily at least, the trend to divide the continent into British and Russian spheres of influence
altered relationships across the Channel.
Much of the recrimination between Bri-
tain and the United States over specific
issues such as Greece and Italy has been
due, on Britain's part, to a painfully en-
hanced apprehension about her future
safety in the event that the United States
should resume a policy of isolation. Much
of our criticism of Britain has been due to
our failure to realize that we can not shed
all responsibility for the consequences of
Allied military operations in Europe and,
at the same time, publicly censure Britain
for any "unilateral" measures she might
take to safeguard her interests there.
This clash of views, which for a time
threatened to obscure the indefatigable and
mutually loyal cooperation developed by
Britain and the United States during this
war, was materially alleviated at Yalta in
1945. Before that conference, Britain con-
fronted the dilemma bluntly pointed out
two years before by Prime Minister Smuts
of the Union of South Africa when he
stressed the vast power Russia and the
United States would command after the
\v:ir, and urged Britain to strengthen her
position on the continent by forming a coa-
lition of western European nations. Other
spokesmen, notably Lord Halifax, advocated
consolidation of Britain's relations with the
dominions to offset her two great Allies.
Yalta, the Turning Point
At Yalta, President Roosevelt made it as
clear as it is possible for an American
President to do, that we intended to carry
our share of responsibility in postwar Eu-
rope; that we would implement this inten-
tion by cooperating at San Francisco with
other nations in assuring world security
through a United Nations organization.
The American President's decision, first
publicly stated in his January, 1945, message
to Congress, expressed the growing con-
viction of the American people that the
United States must use its influence con-
structively in world affairs — not hide, os-
trich-like, behind a "hands-off" policy.
More, that in this shrunken world the
British Isles are our first line of defense
against threats directed at us from Europe.
In the perspective of history, this decision
will be recognized as having turned the
tide of events for Britain and the continent.
For had the United States chosen to remain
indefinitely on the sidelines, Britain would
have had no choice but to seek such security
as she could by dividing Europe in concert
with Russia into spheres of influence. Since
Germany, presumably, would emerge from
the war politically disorganized and eco-
nomically shattered — no longer able to play
the role of "honest broker" favored by Bis-
Rritish Information Services
Soviet Foreign Commissar Vyacheslav M. Molotov, Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden of
Great Britain, Ivan M. Maisky, Russian Ambassador to Britain, after the signing of
a twenty-year treaty between Britain and Russia, 1942. The terms of the treaty, how-
ever, expressly provided for later integration with a collective system of security
MAY 1945
191
marck and sought by Stresemann — Britain
might have tried to dominate Europe west
of Germany, leaving Europe east of Ger-
many to Russia. This could only have
meant constant danger that the Reich itself
would become a bone of contention between
London and Moscow.
On the eve of Yalta this, in fact, was the
situation that was developing in Europe.
Americans had denounced as "power poli-
tics" and "unilateral decisions" the trend
toward division of the continent into Brit-
ish and Russian spheres of influence. This
trend was checked by President Roosevelt's
strong intimation at Yalta that the United
States would take an active part in the re-
conversion of Europe from war to peace.
Yet Britain could not be sure that the
check would prove more than temporary.
Suppose the United States Senate should
later be reluctant to support the Yalta un-
dertakings? Or suppose the politburo should
later pull the Soviet Union out of the
United Nations group, in spite of or be-
cause of developments at San Francisco?
Then Britain, once again faced with in-
security, would have to consider anew
ways and means of mitigating her relative
weakness as compared with the United
States and Russia. Yet no policy except that
of participation in a strong international
organization has offered her much prospect
of security — and the British are clearly
aware of this.
For, it is obvious that Britain can no
longer achieve safety through isolation
from Europe, or through alliances with
Russia and France, or through a western
European bloc; through closer ties with the
dominions or through absorption in the
affairs of the British Empire. Each one of
these relationships is possible — but each is
only a small piece of the machinery Britain
needs for postwar security. Each of the
small pieces, by its very existence, alarms
other nations. Unless carefully integrated
into the scheme of the United Nations, each
might block its enduring establishment.
At the same time, just as Britain's po-
sition in Europe is challenged by the rise
of an industrially and militarily powerful
Russia, so Britain's position throughout the
world is challenged by the vastly enhanced
influence of both Russia and the United
States, coupled with the growing demand
of colonial peoples for independence — a de-
mand to which Moscow and Washington
are each in its own way sympathetic.
Balance of Power — the Old Recourse
The underlying situation is not new.
Often unrecognized, it has existed since the
consolidation of the German Empire in
1870, which reached out not only for land
power on the continent but, with the pass-
ing of Bismarck, tried to cross British prows
on the high seas. To meet this potential
threat, Britain joined hands with France
and Russia at the turn of the century in the
Triple Entente.
Following the defeat of Germany in
1918 (which left the Germans uncon-
quered), Britain might have sought to as-
sure the stability of Europe against German
resurgence by vigorously supporting the
League of Nations and accepting France's
Strait of Gibraltar TUNISIA
JPICTOGRAPH CORPORATION
concept of collective security backed by
force of arms. Instead, with the United
States rejecting the League, came a fresh
attempt to achieve a balance of power on
the continent. But Britain, estranged from
Russia by the Bolshevik revolution, opposed
France's policy toward the Weimar Re-
public as intransigent, and herself facili-
tated German economic recovery. (This, by
and large, was also the policy of the United
States before Hitler came into power.) And
when France, having failed to obtain guar-
antees of aid against future German threats
from either the United States or Britain,
tried to bolster herself by alliances with
the small nations of western and eastern
Europe, Britain frowned on this develop-
ment, fearing that these alliances would in-
volve the French, and hence the British,
in another war.
Thus, during the years when Washing-
ton remained aloof from Geneva, and Lon-
don was unable to call the tune in Europe
unaided, the British were reluctant to ac-
cept any kind of commitments — either col-
lective commitments under the League, or
regional commitments under systems of
alliances. True, Prime Minister Baldwin
went further than any other British spokes-
man between the two wars by declaring, in
July of 1934, that Britain's frontier lay on
the Rhine; but even after that date, Britain
viewed developments east of the Rhine with
detachment.
Thus, during Hitler's rise to power,
London's attitude of non-intervention in
the affairs of eastern Europe was on all
fours with the policy of political non-inter-
vention professed by the United States to-
ward Europe right up to Yalta.
Only when the seizure of Austria and
Czechoslovakia had furnished incontro-
vertible evidence of Hitler's expansionist de-
signs on the continent did Britain give
192
SURVEY GRAPHIC
iLONG THE BRITISH LIFELINE
IS.S.R.
guarantees — which were to prove imprac
tical of fulfillment — to Poland and Greece.
The only great power which could have
protected the countries of eastern Europe
and the Balkans against German conquest
was Russia. On the eve of Hitler's invasion
of Poland, Chamberlain and Daladier felt
it impossible to achieve working agreement
with Stalin whose terms, which included
Russian occupation of the Baltic states, were
not acceptable to them. The breakdown of
their negotiations with Moscow, followed
by the conclusion of the Soviet-German
non-aggression pact of August 1939, left
Hitler free to attack Poland. Which he
did forthwith.
In fulfillment of its guarantee to Poland,
Britain entered the war against Germany,
but was physically unable to give the Poles
tangible aid at that critical hour. Nor was
Britain, following the collapse of France
in 1940, in any better position to make
good her guarantee to Greece when that
country, in turn, was conquered by the
Nazis in the spring of 1941. It was only
when, after Pearl Harbor, the British and
Americans had pooled their resources, that
their successful campaign in North Africa
became possible, and the counter-invasion
of Italy opened the way for the liberation
of France, Belgium, and Greece, and the
conquest of Germany.
If British miscalculations during the
inter-war years seem obvious to us on this
side of the Atlantic, we have little reason
to claim greater omniscience, or to boast of
more constructive action.
Sea Power and Land Powers
The record of the past half-century shows
that Britain was not seeking ascendency in
eastern Europe. She was interested in trade
in that area, and in certain raw materials,
notably in the oil of Rumania, but she
was not prepared nor concerned to defend
by force a region which she would have
found difficult, for geographic reasons, to
reach. This relatively aloof attitude of a
maritime nation toward landlocked coun-
tries squeezed between two great land
powers, Germany and Russia, helps to ex-
plain why Britain has so far accepted fairly
philosophically Russia's growing influence
in eastern Europe.
While there is no doubt that both British
and American materiel told mightily in en-
abling the Soviets first to withstand and
then to throw back the Nazi invasion of
Russia, that invasion in June 1941 was
like a miraculous reprieve to the British,
hard-pressed as they were. And since
then they have been in no mood to contest
Moscow's demand for postwar security, in
many respects similar to their own. Some
among them — mostly Conservatives — have
questioned Russia's methods, notably in Po-
land; just as others — mostly Laborites and
Liberals — questioned more vigorously the
methods of their own government, notably
in Greece. But such crossfires of criticism
have not so far thwarted Britain's efforts to
cement her wartime alliance with the
Soviet Union.
In 1942, to reinsure herself against the
possible failure of plans for a world or-
ganization, Britain did what she had hesi-
tated to do between 1919 and 1939. She
reverted to her pre-1914 policy by conclud-
ing a twenty-year alliance with Russia. It
should be noted, however, that the terms
of this treaty expressly provided for later
integration with a collective system of se-
curity.
Britain's altered relations with Russia
also affect her attitude toward Germany.
From 1870 on, Britain had found herself
challenged by Germany in world markets
— as an industrial producer; on the high
seas — as a naval power.
Today, with the destruction wreaked on
the Reich by Allied invasions from east and
west, most of Germany's key industries
have been reduced to rubble. For years to
come, Britain will have little to fear from
German competition — however much it
may have to fear from that of the United
States.
At the same time, the decline, and even
the possible disintegration, of the Reich
will create a sort of political vacuum on the
continent which both Russia and Britain
may seek to fill. There, again, the British
government has appeared to favor a division
of influence.
Mr. Churchill supported Russia's proposal
that Poland should be compensated for the
loss of eastern territory by the acquisition of
East Prussia and Upper Silesia — a proposal
sanctioned at Yalta, with the proviso, joint-
ly pressed by the United States, that the
new Polish government should be broadly
representative — the proviso that became a
moot point at San Francisco.
Nor has Britain registered public objec-
tions to Russia's claims for German terri-
tory on the Baltic, including Koenigsberg.
Under new circumstances the British Prime
Minister made no demand for restoration
of the Baltic states, whose incorporation
into the USSR was resisted to the limit in
MAY 1945
193
1939 by both Chamberlain and Daladier.
Meanwhile, however, some leading or-
gans of British opinion had long opposed
partition or dismemberment of the Reich,
fearing that such measures would merely
fan the desire for a war of revenge among
the Germans and, at the same time, make
Poland peculiarly dependent on Russia for
protection against a resurgent Germany.
Taking the long view, Britain's future
security seems to depend not so much on
what may be done to weaken Germany, as
on what is done to strengthen the rest of
Europe and the world.
If Britain was thus ready to acknowledge
Russia's predominance in eastern Europe
(preferably within the framework of a
United Nations organization of which the
United States would be an active member),
she is clearly not prepared to relinquish
her influence in areas strategic to her own
security as a nation peculiarly dependent
for her very existence on overseas trade,
and therefore on sea routes. Let us take a
look at the map on the preceding pages.
Along the British Lifeline
Britain must have the collaboration of
Belgium and Holland for protection of the
English Channel; yet neither of these coun-
tries wants to be confined exclusively with-
in a British sphere.
Britain needs also a strong France for
the defense of vulnerable points in Europe
lirilish Imornialion Services
"The Rock" — Britain's fortified gateway to the Mediterranean at Gibraltar
British sentries watch a ship pass through Suez, bound for the Orient
and Africa fronting on the Atlantic Ocean,
and for defense of the Mediterranean,
through which runs the "lifeline" of the
Empire, linking the British Isles with both
Near and Middle East and with the Orient
through the Strait of Gibraltar and the
Suez. Yet France, too, does not want to
rely solely on Britain for its security, and
has already concluded an alliance with
Russia — which General de Gaulle hoped at
the time would give her an automatic
guarantee of Russian aid irrespective of any
future international organization. A bloc
of Britain with the Low Countries and
France, has seemed feasible only as a part
of the United Nations organization.
Next, a look at the Mediterranean. The
British must have friends all along the
shores of that strategic sea. We know our-
selves how precarious was our position and
that of the British in our joint North Afri-
can invasion as long, as a hostile Italy, allied
with Nazi Germany, controlled its coasts,
along with bases in Sicily and Sardinia, and
some of the Greek islands. We can under-
stand Britain's policy in that area better
today than we did before 1941.
With Portugal, Britain has maintained an
alliance since the fourteenth century — an
alliance that has not been visibly shaken by
Portugal's determination to remain neutral
in the war. In spite of strong public sym-
pathy for the Spanish Republicans during
the civil war, and the announced deter-
mination of the United Nations to further
democracy in Europe, Britain had found it
expedient to remain on officially good terms
with the fascist regime there. So had the
United States. In Britain's case, this course
was influenced not only by the military
necessity of protecting Allied operations in
North Africa, but also by her need for raw
materials produced by Spain, notably iron.
While there is no reason to believe that
the present British government has ap-
proved Franco's policies, it has given the
impression that as an alternative it would
prefer the reestablishment of the throne
there rather than of the republic. This pre-
dilection for limited monarchies in Europe,
which Mr. Churchill has candidly admitted
— although it is not shared by his political
opponents — threatened for a time to jeopar-
dize Britain's relations with Italy, Yugo-
slavia, and Greece, all of which are in the
throes of internal change, and all of which
play a strategic role in Britain's security
plans in the Mediterranean. To avert im-
pending crises, however, Mr. Churchill fi-
nally pressed both King Peter of Yugoslavia
and King George of Greece for decisions
permitting the establishment of regencies
in both countries.
Heritage of Colonialism
The cumulative liberation of the Italian
peninsula eases the situation there. The
British have not forgotten their hard cam-
paigns in Africa and Mr. Churchill has de-
clared that Italy must "work its passage
back." In the long run, however, an im-
poverished, demoralized peninsula would
be a liability to the British and it is to
their interest that Italy should recover as
(Continued on page 254)
194
SURVEY GRAPHIC
PALESTINE
-as a Refuge
from Fascism
How European fugitives have been caught —
between the Black Sea and a White Paper —
in their quest for safe harbor and good
fortune in an old and newly Promised Land.
IRA A. HIRSCHMANN
ON DECEMBER 17, 1941, THE SS Struma,
400 tons, totally unseaworthy, and flying a
Panamanian flag, steamed down the Black
Sea from Constanza, Rumania, and
through the Bosporus to Istanbul. Built
years before to accommodate 100 passen-
gers, it carried 769 ... all Jewish exiles
from death traps in Bulgaria and Rumania.
For many weeks the ship languished in
these waters off the historic port city so
long known as Constantinople. Efforts of
passengers to leave the boat were unavail-
ing.
Deaf ears were turned to sympathetic
intermediaries who importuned the author-
ities to permit it to dock. Turkish officials
would not authorize it to land anywhere
in Turkey; nor British officials give per-
mission to do so in Palestine.
Two months later, despite warnings that
the Struma was in such condition that it
would go to pieces, the Turks ordered its
captain to put to sea. In desperation the
passengers painted a large sign across the
ship which read "SAVE US" — in full view
of the milling throngs of Istanbul and of
the diplomatic corps of the various nations
stationed there. The sign went unheeded
and the vessel steamed out of the harbor
without food, water or directions — without
even a pilot.
Five miles north of the Bosporus the
Struma was blown to bits. It sank immedi-
ately, carrying men, women and children
to the bottom of the Black Sea. One man
survived.
The Struma Became a Symbol
Innumerable other stories had reached
this side of the Atlantic which set new
precedents for persecution and barbarity.
The public had become partly callous to
tales of horror, but the dramatic sinking
United Palestine Appeal
The first boat to travel the Mediterranean with refugees from
Nazi terror after war began, brought 754 to a haven in Palestine
of the Struma sent a twinge of conscience
around the civilized world.
Young Palestinians at Istanbul had been
risking their lives in getting a trickle of
refugees out of the Balkans. The fate
of the Struma did not dissuade them from
— By an American businessman who
spent the better part of 1944 as special
representative in Turkey of the War
Refugee Board created by President
Roosevelt.
His is a fresh approach to Palestine.
Himself a Jew, not hitherto interested in
Zio.iism, he helped break down barriers
tp a place where refugees are welcomed
and freely incorporated in a new land
of pioneering.
This followed earlier visits to Euro-
pean capitals as representative of anti-
Nazi organizations; participation in the
Evian Conference; and wartime service
with the War Labor Board and the
Smaller War Plants Corporation.
A trustee of the University in Exile
and member of the Board of Higher
Education in New York, Mr. Hirsch-
mann has been in turn vice-president of
Saks Fifth Avenue and Bloomingdale's,
New York. Earlier with L. Bamberger 8i
Company (Newark), he helped develop
Station WOR; and recently has initi-
ated Metropolitan Television, Inc., and
FM Station WABF — subsidiaries of
Federated Department Stores. These are
experimenting both in ultra high fre-
quencies and in lifting program stand-
ards in education and music.
This article is drawn from chapters
of a forthcoming book dealing with the
full span of his rescue work for refugees
in the Middle East.
continuing what were clandestine tasks of
mercy. On the contrary, it sharpened their
determination to break through the vicious
conspiracy against life and liberty. And
14,000 miles away in the United States,
itself a nation born of fugitives from
oppression, the ship came to signify a
general and official obliviousness to the
human stakes in what was afoot. The
New Yorf^ Times observed in an editorial:
"There is evidence that, in other in-
stances, Nazis have taken diabolical pleas-
ure in presenting the British with such
problems. It may be difficult to say what
the answer should have been. But no
matter what policies fall by the wayside,
not one of those lives should have been
endangered."
With wider popular backing, numerous
organizations — church, peace, Jewish, civil
liberty, and others — made themselves felt
in Washington. They pressed the question
home: How could our old hot struggle
for human freedom be reconciled indefi-
nitely with a cold disregard of mass
slaughter? We did nothing to open our
own doors to refugees, but sentiment
finally crystallized behind the Gillette
Resolution which reached the verge of pas-
sage by the U. S. Senate. This recom-
mended a Presidential Commission to
"effectuate plans of immediate action de-
signed to save the surviving Jewish people
of Europe from extinction at the hands of
Nazi Germany."
There was recent history back of the
apparent helplessness with which Allied
and neutral governments looked at this
macabre spectacle in the Bosporus; and
back of the feebleness of their attempts
to use the weight of official power and
moral indignation to call a halt to its like.
War between nations is one thing. With
MAY 1945
195
!.«. To the concentration camp. Lashed by guards, the line grew at every village
Behind barbed wire. Here there was always filth, cold, hunger and cruelty
End of the road. Each day carts left the camp piled high with dead bodies
CHILDHOOD MEMORIES
"A reminder of what my eyes saw over there in Transdniestria," wrote Avigdor, now
fifteen and in his own words "extremely happy" in Palestine. His drawings depict
the Rumanian concentration camp where he spent two years, and where his father died
its modern air arm, it spills tragedy as
never before over into civilian life where
women, the aged, and children dwell. But
during this war, and the years before it,
civilization has confronted something more
intimate and excruciating in the Nazi ter-
ror and in the resulting trek of fugitives
from fascism.
A Ten- Year Lag
Back in 1933, James G. McDonald,
then chairman of the (American) Foreign
Policy Association, had been appointed by
the League of Nations as High Commis-
sioner for Refugees from Nazi Germany,
but finally withdrew disheartened by gov-
ernmental inaction.
In 1938, President Roosevelt sought con-
certed action from a fresh angle. Thirty-two
governments responded to his invitation to
attend a conference at Evian, France; but
efforts there to substitute planned migra-
tion for chaotic dispersal failed to lead
their representatives to open doors and
work out a solution. On that front the
conference came to a dead end.* In 1943,
an Inter-Allied Conference on Refugees,
held at Bermuda, also failed to accomplish
anything so drastic as to block wholesale
murder.
Toward the end of the Evian conference
(which I had attended as a consultant),
the chance offered to visit Vienna. This
was after the Nazi Anschluss; the old Aus-
trian capital was already an armed camp.
There I saw Austrian Nazis in a frenzy
of animal enthusiasm that sounded like
the rumblings I had heard from a blood-
thirsty posse as prelude to a Negro lynch-
ing in our own South. These had been
isolated excesses; in Vienna I was to wit-
ness them wholesale.
Ultimately, an altogether new — and this
time, American — instrument was forged
when in January, 1944, President Roose-
velt set up the War Refugee Board. There
| were cynics who discounted it as a po-
litical expedient, another futile gesture; but
to me it was an answer to the cry of count-
less forgotten "little people." Composed
of the Secretaries of State, War, and Treas-
ury, the board provided direct access to
top levels of administrative decision and
was empowered to take action for the im-
mediate rescue of "as many as possible of
the persecuted minorities of Europe, racial,
religious, or political and all civilian vic-
tims of enemy savagery. . . ."
Thus, the great War Powers of the
American President were geared for action
to save lives.
John Pehle was appointed executive di-
rector of the new board and was to make
a brilliant record as such. In my assign-
ment as its representative in the Middle
East, I can bear witness to his insight and
swift backing at every stage. I was to go
as a special attache to the American Embas-
sy at Ankara, and before setting out I
met with him and his group of young,
* For an authoritative appraisal of the present
situation, past moves and measures, and postwar
needs, see "Without a Country," by Joseph P,
Chamberlain, Survey Graphic, March, 1945. Under
the administration of Sir Herbert Emerson, the
Intergovernmental Committee, originated at Evian,
has recently shown activity and it may be hoped will
count for more in the postwar period.
196
SURVEY GRAPHIC
energetic assistants in Washington. Mr.
Pehle showed me a large wall map and
pointed to "Transdniestria," a section then
occupied by the Rumanians between the
Bug and Dniester Rivers. "This," he said,
"is the notorious 'Death Valley.' The Ru-
manians concentrated 175,000 Jews from
their major cities here. It is disease-in-
fested and only 75,000 remain alive. See
what you can do about it." Only today
I came across the entry in my notebook
in a businessman's shorthand: "Transdnies-
tria— Pehle says break it up." But that is
another story.
From Washington to Ankara
What was my first army transport plane
took off from Miami with a group of young
officers (from twenty to twenty-four years
old) who had been drilled for jobs in
far corners of the earth. As each got
aboard, he was handed a sealed envelope;
and this was the moment when "the finger
was to point" to a funny name on the map
— to a little dot where life and death
would be at stake for him. First there
was silence. Then, beginning with a ruddy-
faced captain next me, the word "Delhi"
was repeated up and. down the plane.
As we roared over the water my fellows
stared into space with set faces. Then came
restlessness, then murmurs, then a wise-
crack. Within five minutes they were
on the floor in a circle, pouring out of their
pockets miscellaneous varieties of choco-
lates, cakes, and cigarettes which became a
"commonwealth." They were back in their
stride — on a road very different from that
of refugees plodding over pitch black Bal-
kan hills — but a road nonetheless on the
danger list of the same world war.
My first sight of Palestine was from a
plane which the Royal Air Force had cour-
teously provided at the Heliopolis Airport
at Cairo. We had started at sun-up. The
Sinai Desert exhaled dry and skulking
winds. The Egyptian land of Goshen,
though the fattest Joseph could offer his
brethren, looked barren and abandoned.
Heat, height, and sand blotted out the toy
figures far below of men and camels and
herds. ... It was after we had flown for
hours over this Bible country between the
Nile and the Dead Sea that fresh signs of
green were an exciting reminder of the
Land of Promise.
My fellow travelers were two hatless en-
gineers with large blueprints under their
arms en route to Teheran on an oil mis-
sion. They passed their time by sketching
impromptu designs on the back of en-
velopes. "We could save half the steel on
this plane," I heard one yell to the other
above the roar of the motors. Americans,
of course; also bent on wartime pilgrimage.
Before we landed a storm caught us up
in its clouds; the plane circled and bumped
until the pilot found a hole to dive down
into the modern airport at Lydda. This
is hard by the equally modern seaport
of Tel Aviv.
One of the surprises that greets a vis-
itor is the new seafaring aspect of the
Jewish development in Palestine. From
the start, communication and transport with
MAY 1945
the outer world have been crucial to its
success. One who knew that well was the
Mufti of Jerusalem, who himself was to
become a wartime refugee later in the Nazi
capital of Berlin. A thorn in the side of
the British over the years, he had unmis-
takably proved his prowess in provoking
Arab-Jewish friction. The way he insti-
gated a strike and closed the old port of
Jaffa is a matter of history in this new
chapter in pioneering. Almost overnight
the Jews built a new port at Tel Aviv
and it is apparent that they will develop
not only agriculture and industry — but
maritime trade as well.
From Lydda we rode by automobile to
Jerusalem — an hour and a half up through
steep hills where both Holy Writ and chap-
ters in the long history of civilization have
been written. You could scarcely fail to
sense links between past and future in the
gray olive trees that bordered the winding
road and then the massive patches of green
that were orange groves.
Sitting with me in the BOAC car was
a British lieutenant, wounded in the battle
of El Alamein, who told of how Rommel
had out-maneuvered their tank artillery
with an end-run play. His own tank had
caught fire and he knew nothing until
he woke up in a hospital with burns and
a leg fracture. Later, given his choice
of an area in which to do intelligence
work, he picked Palestine. Why? "Be-
cause there's no place in the world so
inspiring," he answered. "Once anyone
has been here, somehow he always wants
to return."
Said in English — and in Hebrew
That was the first time I heard this said
from such a source. On my next visit
to Cairo a British general used almost the
same words. (No, he was not being
polite; he was giving me a rugged vest-
pocket lesson in riding camel-back!) In
the course of my work, I was to hear the
sentiment repeated in a score of English
versions compounded of friendliness, in-
sight, and zest. Good to remember when
contrary views were expressed in other
quarters, as in the case of a British staff
Palestine and Its Neighbors
Courtesy of Hadassah
197
After six months of good care. Part of a group of nearly 1,000 brought from Teheran
to Palestine, these orphans had wandered from Poland through Europe and Siberia
nesses and frustrations, the discrimination
and persecution, experienced by newcom-
ers among them from lands long under the
fascist heel. This was true also of farmers,
bankers, and craftsmen, no less than social
workers, teachers, and journalists with
whom I talked. As they spoke I could
see in their mind's eye barren soils trans-
formed into meadows and fields, denuded
hills turned into vineyards and orchards,
factories, schools, hospitals, temples verit-
ably built on rocks. These things had
been done. And others after them!
Meanwhile, the multitude of their prob-
lems, economic, political, and racial, are
turned around in a thousand facets of
never-ending discussion among long time
residents and new. But they are most
often turned over with the confident side
up. An eighty-year-old American and an
eighteen-year-old Viennese spoke to me
with the same light in their faces.
With irrigation and industrialization,
new waterpowers, fertilizers, crops; new
health measures and new patterns for co-
operative effort, some among them forecast
Ha.iassah an absorptive capacity in Palestine of "a
million — a million and a half — two mil-
lions. . . ." These figures on the cuff of
a great hope are debated. But no one speaks
of a ceiling for immigration.
Much less do they accept as final the
limitations of the British White Paper
which in 1939 prohibited further Jewish
immigrants beyond a total of 75,000 to be
admitted over the next five years. Today,
that rigid quota is practically exhausted;
the time limit is up. Even the immutable
laws of the ancient Medes and Persians
were written on tablets of clay, and have
mostly turned to dust. And modern Jews
know the grievous human costs exacted by
this wartime quarantine against their own
flesh and blood.
Arab women and children with the district doctor at one of the fifty child welfare
stations set up in Palestine by Hadassah, Women's Zionist Organization of America
officer who, when we were flying from
Algiers to Oran, volunteered that, "We
shall never forgive Lord Balfour for get-
ting us into this mess."
What that wounded British tank lieu-
tenant felt about getting back to Palestine
is something the Jews there today chime
in with— regardless of the fact that their
own "return" to this "homeland" has come
hundreds of years after the migrations to
Europe in the Middle Ages in which their
ancestors took part.
Many of the newcomers may be thought
of as saying it in a score of tongues and
dialects spoken in the countries which they
left under fascist duress, saying it all the
more because of agonies gone through in
the process; and in spite of the tough work
Organizatii
they have since shouldered on their new
frontier, the intimate griefs that stab them,
the uncertainties ahead in their venture.
What is more significant as a cultural
bond, they are saying it in the Hebrew
language. Hebrew signs catch the visitor's
eye on every hand in Jerusalem, but it is
even more arresting to hear the clear articu-
lation of this speech and sense its identi-
fication with the people.
Jerusalem is high, its pure air stimulat-
ing. Coming from areas of war stress, the
spirit of the Palestinian people was like a
fresh breeze to me. Here, in a land rooted
deeply in historic tradition, was inspiring,
confident positivism.
Fortitude, abiding faith in the future,
take the place of doubts and fears, of sad-
Trie Young Palestinians
On my arrival in Ankara, I made the
rounds of the various Embassies at the
Turkish capital — not only to become ac-
quainted with the envoys but to learn the
reasons for the five-year-long blockade
of refugees from the Balkans. The Brit-
ish insisted that the Bulgarians were with-
holding from refugees the necessary exit
permits to provide entry to Palestine. The
Turks insisted that it was the British who
were at fault. My conferences sent me
round in an endless circle. What dis-
couraged me were not only the compli-
cations ensnaring would-be exiles, but the
evident disinterest of many officials.
It was to John Pehle and his lively as-
sociates in Washington that I owed my first
encouragement after early weeks of despair.
I had learned that hundreds of visas for
children, who had been languishing on
the borders of Bulgaria for almost two
years, either had been lost or caught in
some snare of red tape. Following my
urgent request to the War Refugee Board
in Washington, London instructed the
British Embassy in Ankara to take "paral-
lel action." Eventually the visas were lo-
cated in the Embassy itself where they
(Continued on page 265)
198
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Pre-war Hong Kong, British port on the Chinese coast. The homes on the hill belonged to Europeans
The Pacific Basin and India
Black Star
Shipped somewhere East of Suez, men in the armed forces, British and Americans alike,
have encountered issues old and new; clashes, fears, fresh hopes, and common purposes.
TlIE WEATHER WAS HOT AND STEAMY; THE
food excellent — although we were dining
in wartime Chungking. Our host's cook
was from Peking. We had ceased talking
about the pouring rain and deep mud, and
the ebb and flow through them of the
armies on the long Sino-Japanese front.
After the British Ambassador and the
American Charge had left, I turned to one
of the wisest of the Chinese who had re-
mained and ventured to put this question:
"Tell me what troops are most popular
in China — British or American?"
His answer came quick as a flash: "The
British — much more so today than the
Americans."
"But why?" I asked, "What do you
attribute that to?"
He hesitated for a moment and then
replied, "There are virtually no British
troops in China."
The roles had been reversed! In Hong
Kong and Shanghai, and no less in Bombay,
Colombo and Singapore, it had always been
the honest, long-suffering British "Tommy"
who was regarded as the personal military
embodiment of Western law and order—
EDWARD C. CARTER
an epitome of occidental "imperialism."
Now in the kaleidoscope of World War
II, it is the American GI who steps on
Chinese toes. That is, the American army
is busy transforming precious rice plots
into airfields, broadening narrow cart tracks
into modern motor roads, demolishing
— By the secretary general of the Insti-
tute of Pacific Relations, whose posts
have spanned the secretaryship of the
YMCA in India, soon after the turn of
the century, to his presidency of Rus-
sian War Relief in the USA in the
Forties. He is a director also of United
China Relief as well as the American
Russian Institute and the China Insti-
tute of America.
Bay-Stater, Harvard educated, he saw
wartime service in France (1917-19). His
gifts for cooperation and research, em-
ployed spiritedly in both hemispheres,
are recognized in such decorations as the
Order of the British Empire, the French
Legion of Honor, the Order of the
Crown of Siam.
villages to clear the way for training fields
and artillery ranges.
For years Yankees have been twisting
the lion's tail because Britannia ruled not
only the waves but much of Asia. This re-
mark of a Chinese sage spoke volumes for
Americans to ponder.
The simple truth is that public relations
between nations are often the sum total of
the private relations of innumerable indi-
viduals. Again and again, personal incidents
have been as decisive in shaping national
attitudes in the Orient as the pronounce-
ments of government.
It may prove that in some areas the atti-
tudes of the Americans will seem sounder
than those of the British or vice versa.
Also both these people, in spite of their
recognized virtues, have often failed to
understand the nature of the problems
which they confront — and create. It is to be
hoped that the author will not be accused
of cynicism with reference to the behavior
of either. I must admit being irked by
those Americans who are invariably hostile
to the British, by those Britons who are
invariably contemptuous of Americans;
MAY 1945
199
Black Star photos
Singapore harbor, 1941. Here Tommy Atkins was the symbol of Western law and order
and, even more, by those in both camps in Japanese hands, is more debatable and
who have little faith in the peoples of Asia. was left unsettled by the Cairo Declaration.
... At the Hot Springs Conference (1945) of
Insight and Common Purpose [he lnstilulc of Pacific RelationS) a Chinese
member remarked that with its prepon-
derantly Chinese population, its return to
China would contribute greatly to good
Chinese-British relations. Hong Kong is not
an old treaty port but a colony; and a
British member replied that its settlement
was due to Western enterprise. It was built
on bare rocks by a combination of British
investment and Chinese sweat and muscle.
The issue was clearly one which neither
British nor Chinese delegates were eager
to press at the present time, believing that
more acute issues should take priority.
When Japanese propagandists visited the
United States a decade ago, their audiences
listened with Western cynicism to the argu-
ment that, because they had spent so much
Let me begin with some official declara-
tions and acts which reveal both common
purpose and sensitiveness to public opinion.
Thus, the terms of the Cairo Declaration
of 1943 would at once liberate Manchuria,
Korea, Formosa, and deprive Japan of her
island bases in the Pacific.
Contrary to some commentators, there is
no evidence to date that the Soviet Union
plans to annex either Manchuria or Korea.
When I saw Generalissimo Chiang Kai-
shek in Chungking in 1943, I asked him
whether he thought Korea should once
more become part of China, be placed
under the joint trusteeship of China, the
Soviet Union and the United States, or
become independent. He dismissed the first
two alternatives outright; declared that
Korea should be completely free. He thought
that at first it would need some financial
and technical assistance from abroad, which
might well be supplied jointly by the three
powers. Later, at Cairo, China, Great Brit-
ain, and the United States went on record
for Korea's independence "in due course."
The great island of Formosa is indis-
putably Chinese. Some authorities have
maintained that the World Security Organ-
ization would find that it offers better
facilities than Hong Kong as a United
Nations naval, military, and air base; but
it is recognized that this is something which
could only be accorded by the government
of China which should exercise complete
sovereignty in Formosa.
To the south, the people of Cambodia
demand the return of territory seized by
Thailand (under Japanese inspiration) in
1941. The Free Thai movement has already
repudiated the annexation of territories be-
longing to Burma and anticipates an amic-
able adjustment over those in dispute with
Indo-China.
The future of the great British port city
of Hong Kong on the Chinese coast, now
blood and treasure in "pacifying" Man-
churia, the Imperial government could
never relinquish its special interest there.
Certain American voices which recently
have raised somewhat the same argument
of sacrifice may meet European cynicism
in making similar claims for anything from
atolls to wide areas, taken in the sweep
of our successful Pacific campaign.
American treatment of the Philippines
has been a great contrasting entry on the
other side of the ledger.
Imperialism vs. Isolationism
The Pacific islands and the East Indies
bring us to the fresh upsurge of the ques-
tion: "Are colonial empires a threat to world
peace?" Americans may well ask them-
selves whether in the last twenty-five years
British imperialism proved any more a
cause of World War II than American ir-
responsibility and isolationism. Some Amer-
icans even claim that Britain's colonial
policies helped fertilize American isola-
tionism. Some Britishers recall too often the
months they fought alone.
True it is that the expansion of the
French and Dutch empires, along with the
British, furnished Hitler a favorable atmos-
phere for his appeal for lebensraum for
millions of hard-working Germans. True
that the negotiations of Neville Chamber-
lain and of Nevile Henderson encouraged
the Nazi leaders to believe that the British
would turn their eyes the other way while
Hitler himself carved out a colonial empire
in the Baltic states and the Soviet Union.
Spelled either way, seemingly all that the
two Nevil-1-es tried to exact was that Hitler
should stay out of Africa, the Mediter-
ranean, Asia, and the Pacific. Let him go
to the Dniester or the Dnieper or the Ob
if he wanted to — so long as he did not
reach the Dardenelles or the Afghan or
Tibetan borders. Such a Nazi empire would
have hemmed in any Soviet threat to the
British Empire.
But happily Churchill and the British
Before Singapore fell, the largest foundry in Malaya was busy with British war needs
200
SURVEY GRAPHIC
nation thought otherwise, and the new
Prime Minister on June 22, 1941 made what
I regard as the most decisive political speech
of any statesman in this decade. He allied
himself and the rest of the civilized world
with the 190 million people of the Soviet
Union. It was the Soviet acceptance of
Hitler's invasion challenge on that day,
coupled with British and American arms,
that not only saved Russia, but gave Amer-
ica time to prepare, preserved Britain and
a vast realm, including the Australian and
New Zealand commonwealths and the In-
dian Empire.
Six months later, aroused in a single day
by the hissing of Japanese bombs at Pearl
Harbor, the United States quickly found
itself deeply involved on every continent.
Airplanes and ships thrust out carrying our
armed forces, thousands of whom only »
few months before had believed that Amer-
icans had sense enough to "keep out of
foreign wars." As Hirohito and Hitler drew
them into the four corners of the world,
they joined with Britons, Canadians, Aus-
tralians, New Zealanders and their Allies
in stubbornly turning defense into attack,
and that, successively, into counter-invasion
— into victory.
It has not been as short, or simple or
serene as this would indicate. My article
is concerned with the Pacific Basin — which
early in the war was set behind the Atlantic
and Mediterranean in the calendar of grand
strategy. With the result that there has been
recurring chance of friction and misunder-
standing in so remote and vast a theater.
East of Suez
Many American officers and men who
early served in the China-Burma-India the-
ater were shocked because the British gave
them the impression they did not relish
Chinese or American aid in the reconquest
of Burma. They were perplexed for many
months by the seeming lack in British de-
termination for all-out offensives both in
Burma and Malaya — which they had antici-
pated with the appointment of Lord Louis
Mountbatten as field commander. They
were, perhaps, not aware that London's
promises made to him went unfulfilled be-
cause of developments in the Italian thea-
ter. They did not know that what had
been scheduled for Akyab and the Anda-
mans went to Anzio.
Members of the American forces in India
also felt embarrassed because they appeared
to be abetting Great Britain in maintaining
the Viceroy's autocratic regime in New1
Delhi in the face of wide opposition by
Hindus, Mohammedans, the Princes, and
some of the minority groups. They had
little conception of the depth of the British
fear that the Japanese would successfully
invade Bengal, and that in such circum-
stances the Viceroy apprehended that he
could not surely count on the loyalty of
the two million volunteers that make up
the Indian army.
There are Americans who hold that the
British are an asset West of Suez and a
liability East of it. Others put this dividing
line back at the British Channel. Thus,
some Americans stationed in India marked1
the discrepancy between propaganda re-
international
A shell-making plant in India, once a railway workshop. Under the spur of
the war India's industrial development has gone ahead with great strides
garding Britain's vast civilizing work in
India and the meager level of medical and
educational services indicated by official re-
ports of the government of India. Yet in
these very fields, increasingly, the British
have shown marked advances in other co-
lonial areas.
Among the British overseas, as well as in
England, ceremonial is more highly de-
veloped than among Americans. In some
of the hottest islands of the world one can
visit a meeting of the colonial council on
a tropical night and find three Englishmen
gathered together with nine people of the
country — all twelve dressed alike with white
shirts, black suits and black ties. To Amer-
icans this is snobbish; to the English it is
an expression of good form on the part
of lesser breeds as they progress. The chota
or burrah peg is sometimes assumed as a
hallmark of those "natives" who wish to
make "the club" formerly restricted to
Europeans. As in the USA, the evil of
color discrimination hangs on — varying with
the region.
A healthy exercise for Americans would
be to ask themselves, "What are the things
that the imperialists do that we distrust?"
And then lay alongside any equivalents that
are handy on this side the Atlantic. Amer-
icans critical of British predominance at
Gibraltar and Suez might reckon with
fellow citizens who have boosted permanent
military bases in Africa or naval bases in
the Japanese mandated islands. American
critics of British, French, Dutch, German,
Russian depredations in Asia in the last
century forget how their own ancestors
pushed Indians, French, Spaniards, and
Mexicans around on this continent.
Postwar Colonialism?
Here, in sequence to my earlier review,*
are clues to policies looking toward self-
government by colonial powers in the Pa-
cific:
In December 1942, Queen Wilhelmina
stated: "No political unity can exist un-
supported by the voluntary acceptance of
the majority of the people." The composi-
tion of the Volksraad, or People's Council,
has already changed from a majority of
* See "Round the Rim of the Pacific," by Edward
C. Carter, Survey Graphic for November, 1942;
brought out in "COLOR: Unfinished Business of
Democracy"; 7th in "Calling America" series of
special numbers.
MAY 1945
201
Dutch to a majority of Indonesian mem-
bers. The conference to be called at the
close of the war to create the new Nether-
lands Commonwealth should therefore en-
sure equal partnership by the Indies.
In July 1943, the British Secretary of
State for the Colonies announced: "We
are pledged to guide colonial people along
the road to self-government within the
framework of the British Empire." The
fulfillment of this pledge approaches in
Burma and Ceylon — both of which have
exercised a substantial measure of control
over their internal afTairs. It is more difficult
to envisage the working out of the policy
in Malaya, although this was specifically
cited the following December.
In October 1944, General de Gaulle was
quoted as reaffirming principles set out in
an earlier declaration of the French Com-
mittee of National Liberation. This read as
follows: "French policy . . . will lead all
Indo-Chinese peoples to a development that
should permit them first to administer them-
selves and later to govern themselves under
their own responsibility. Full customs in-
dependence has been recognized as a basic
principle of Indo-Chinese economics so as
to make Indo-China a prosperous and ac-
tive member of the United Nations within
the French Commonwealth."
There are Americans who often join with
Englishmen, at home and abroad, in pro-
claiming that if Britain and America unite
they can insure the peace of the world.
None should forget that this does not nec-
essarily spell peace to the people of Asia,
Latin America, Africa, and continental
Europe. In these areas, more often than not,
a bald pronouncement to such effect may
be construed by them to mean an Anglo-
American attempt to achieve economic and
cultural domination of the planet. Casual
hands across the sea are too often taken as
gestures of Anglo-American racial and po-
litical superiority.
Meanwhile progressives in the United
States have not themselves played their full
role as a creative minority. Too frequently,
they have criticized Britain, Russia, and
China as though the United States always
operates on a higher ethical plane than the
rest of the world. Progressives in the United
States, therefore, often miss the chance to
strengthen the hands of progressives in
other countries.
To do just that is a "must" in the post-
war years — if our hopes for the peace are
to come true.
Fears
It happens that there are many potential
sources of friction between the United
States and Great Britain in the Pacific. Let
me first take up some of the British fears:
1. Anxiety lest American newspapers
and, possibly, congressional agitation for
the independence of India and for the
larger British colonial areas may embarrass
the British in their publicly proclaimed
program of self-government for these areas.
2. An American commercial and invest-
ment drive which might rob Great Britain
of a large part of her world trade.
3. An American shipping and airways
expansion which might deprive Britain of
desperately needed sources of income.
4. Idealistic propaganda for an inter-
national trusteeship for the countries and
islands of southeastern Asia, which would
be used by the nationalists in these areas to
discredit British and other colonial rule
and hinder, rather than accelerate, British
efforts to develop self-government.
5. American objection to European
spheres of influence in China in the event
of civil war there.
Some fears on the American side:
1. That Britain will so persuasively plead
the magnitude of her war effort and her
postwar straits that the American govern-
ment will clamp down on American eco-
nomic expansion in the Pacific.
2. That under the guise of Britain's
public commitment to work toward self-
government in India and the colonial
world, Americans will refrain from ex-
amining the threat to world peace which
they feel is inherent in all imperialisms.
3. That India's vast sterling balance in
London will be manipulated so that India's
buyers, who wish to place large orders with
American producers, will not be free to
meet the desired obligations.
4. That Great Britain's seeming policy
of favoring royalty, landowners, and big
industrialists will retard the democratic and
economic development of the Indian states
now ruled in so many instances by auto-
cratic Maharajahs — who owe some of their
power to British arms.
5. That similar British preferences will
buttress the more reactionary business ele-
ments in southeastern Asia, China, and the
British possessions generally in the Pacific.
Tensions
Many of these fears, both British and
American, have some basis.
On the one hand, the British have grown
a bit tired of the American tendency to
hold up the Philippines as an example for
other colonial powers to follow forthwith.
They ask whether the United States gov-
ernment is going to follow its own prece-
dent by granting independence to Puerto
Rico and the Virgin Islands. They ask what,
if any, are the essential differences between
Washington's relations to the Panama
Canal Zone and London's relations to the
Suez Canal and Singapore.
On the other hand, in spite of fervent
speeches in favor of a world political and
economic system, the American Congress
has as yet done little to assure the British
that the tariff policy of the USA will gee
with American idealistic pronouncements.
The bilateral trade treaties projected
vigorously by Cordell Hull as Secretary of
State are recognized as executive adjust-
ments to mitigate the harshness of the
Hawley-Smoot tariff act. That act is still
American law and, as long as it stands,
Great Britain and all the other trading
nations live under constant trepidation. If
the bilateral agreements should be scrapped
and the Hawley-Smoot tariff remain,
Britain believes she will have no alterna-
tive but Imperial Preference extended to
as many non-British countries as possible.
Unilateral economic action by the United
States is thus rated by some as a threat
to the world's peace.
In many countries there is great hope
that the major financial features of the
Bretton Woods program will be adopted
generally. But until that is adopted by the
American Congress, it is understandable
that the British, not only in England and
the dominions, but also in India and the
colonies, will hesitate to renounce Imperial
Preference — itself unilateral action with
kindred dangers. Nor can the Chinese
or the Indians face the future with equa-
nimity. This is also true of the small and
middle powers in both hemispheres who,
fearing undue postwar pressure from the
great ones, hailed the Bretton Woods plan
as at last offering them an opportunity to
influence world economic policy.
Once the United States enters heartily
into the ^Vorld Security and Economic
Organization, a multitude of such fears
up and down the Pacific will vanish. For-
tunately, the policy of Washington has been
clear-cut — that the principles of the Atlantic
Charter must apply to all nations great
and small, including such areas as India
where Britain has special interests. The
United States claims an interest in coun-
tries where other nations have special in-
terests.
Many British came to regard President
Roosevelt's administration as the ablest and
most internationally-minded in American
history. They hope for a continuance of
his policies under President Truman. But
because they are historically-minded they
remember abrupt reversals in the past.
They recall that in 1920 the "normalcy"
of Warren G. Harding, Republican, sup-
planted espousal of the League of Nations
by Woodrow Wilson, Democrat. They re-
call, also, that a dozen years earlier when
William Howard Taft succeeded Theodore
Roosevelt, both Republicans, President Taft
sharply reversed many of his predecessor's
policies. Who, either in the United States
or in the United Kingdom, will venture
to predict what American policy will be
in 1948 and after?
On the negative side, therefore, Ameri-
cans cannot reasonably object if responsi-
ble Englishmen have to think out alterna-
tives to meet whatever situation may arise.
England has learned that it cannot afford
risks that the United States has sometimes
taken in its stride.
Ike's Team
On the positive side, British and Amer-
icans have long demonstrated skill in
working together for common ends in cul-
ture, communications and trade. In two
world wars they have proved their mettle
in military and political collaboration. Un-
der pressure, both peoples have shown re-
markable capacity for large scale common
effort. Pressure in World War II has
been greater than ever before and their
cooperation has been unprecedented.
When General Dwight D. Eisenhower
was appointed Supreme Commander of the
Allied armies in western Europe, he called
together some eighty or ninety officers at
the headquarters of SHAEF at Norfolk
(Continued on page 248)
202
Ruby Loftus, skilled war wo
by Dame Laura Knight
The V-Spirit of the People
Throughout these war years the British government has
encouraged several thousand artists to record the war at
home and abroad, by official appointment, by commission.
or by purchase of work. Since the first War Artists
Exhibition was opened in July 1940 at the National
Gallery in London, war pictures have been displayed
continuously.
The paintings have toured the country, have been sent
to the Dominions, the West Indies, Russia, the United
States, South America. Many of them have been repro-
duced in a series of little one-shilling-six-pence books
put out by the Oxford University Press. Thus, British
artists have found their opportunity for service; and
British art, instead of languishing, has been revitalized.
All manner of Britishers have gone eagerly to look a'
this wartime art. It has held up a mirror to their daily
performances, the less familiar medium giving them en-
hanced importance. With these exhibition visitors in mind,
we reproduce on this page and the two that follow, six
works that reflect the dauntless spirit of the home front.
The Alert
by Alex Macpherson
I < :
I
f
Communal Feeding Center
by Leonard Daniels
Women's Land Army: Dairy Training
by Evelyn Dunbar
All photos
courtesy of
British Informa-
tion Services
Sandbag Workers
Manufacturing the Larger Size Bombs
by Leslie Cole
V. PORTRAITS OF A NEW ENGLAND
British Information Services
The evacuation of the BEF from Dunkirk in 1940 transformed "a military defeat into a psychological victory for the British people"
The United Kingdom Since Dunkirk
The basic shift in social-economic patterns, epitomized in the series of great
White Papers; the far-reaching effect on schools, homes, health, employment.
Social Etching by MALLORY BROWNE
IT BEGAN, REALLY, WHEN THE PHONEY WAR
ended. I well remember that morning in
May, 1940, when an imperturbable waiter
brought my breakfast tray, adjusted the
blackout curtains of the London service
flat, and calmly announced "Good morning,
sir; the 'Uns are in 'Olland."
Breathlessly soon, the Huns were not
only in Holland but in Belgium, in north-
ern France, then actually on the Channel
coast, a bare twenty miles across the Strait
of Dover. Then came Dunkirk; after that
the astounding fall of France; then the
)litz and finally the V-bombs.
Those events molded the new Britain.
The fall of France and Dunkirk left in-
delible birthmarks; they must be under-
stood if the United Kingdom of today, and
of tomorrow, is to be understood.
There is no doubt that this front line
atmosphere has had a great deal to do with
changing the face of Britain. The hammer
— By an American who, as chief of the
London bureau of the Christian Science
Monitor throughout the war, has shared
with the British their front line experi-
ence of blitz and rocket bombs, and
watched the shaping of the vast plans
and projects he here describes.
Mr. Browne frequently broadcasts
over BBC and has contributed to various
British publications.
Before the war he was with the
Monitor's Paris bureau.
blows from the air were strategically in-
effective, but they changed England for-
ever, not only the vista from St. Paul's, the
core of Coventry, the Liverpool dock area,
and a shattered Plymouth, but the whole
pattern of the British social structure. The
British were literally, forcibly, blasted out
of their native conservatism into one of
the greatest phases of social advance and
economic change that any country has ever
undergone in so brief a period. Iron is hard
to bend when it is cold, but get it hot
enough in the forge and you can shape it
on the anvil with surprising ease.
Faith Restored
Dunkirk was a miracle — a typically Eng-
lish miracle. It transformed what was in
fact a catastrophic military defeat of the
British armies into a psychological victory
for the British people. When an English-
man thinks of "Dunkirk," he thinks not
of the defeat and retreat of the British
forces cut off in Belgium and northern
France by the lightning German advance,
but of the successful evacuation of these
forces back to Britain.
On the second day after the evacuation
from the beaches at Dunkirk began, a Field
Marshal of the British army said to me: "I
206
SURVEY GRAPHIC
was at the Admiralty yesterday, and they
told me it will be a miracle if we save ten
thousand of our troops." A week or so
later, when something like 310,000 British
and French troops had been brought back,
I saw him again and reminded him of his
words. He nodded solemnly. "Yes, I know,"
he said, "it really was a miracle — a great
miracle."
And certainly in its effects upon British
morale, it was. The general public was
jubilant — less because the bulk of the small
trained BEF had been extricated from the
jaws of a German trap than because, to a
large extent at least, the miracle had been
performed by the people themselves. It was
the unique armada of little ships: the river
launches, Thames tugs, lifeboats, barges,
pleasure craft — the civilian flotsam and jet-
sam, so to speak, of a sea-going people —
which made the miracle possible. No doubt
the navy did the bulk of the job, and the
Royal Air Force helped, but in the eyes of
the British public it was the myriad little
ships, tiny craft such as every Englishman
dreams of owning one day, just as every
American dreams of owning an automobile
or an airplane, which miraculously con-
verted the debacle of Dunkirk into a heart-
ening experience, restoring to the rank and
file of the British people that indispensable
quality: faith in themselves.
Fresh Start
It was in great part because they had
been reendowed by "Dunkirk" with this
essential element of inspired faith that the
British took the fall of France in their
stride. While the rest of the world — and in
particular, perhaps, most Americans —
thought that Dunkirk and the collapse of
France in June 1940 meant the beginning
of an early end for Britain, it never oc-
curred to the British people themselves, as
a whole, that it was anything but a new
beginning; it simply never entered the
minds of most Englishmen and women
that by all reasonable calculations they were
doomed. I remember my astonishment at
the almost universal reaction after the Bel-
gians had given in and the French had
signed an armistice with Germany: "Well,
thank goodness, at last we're on our own.
There's no one else to let us down. Now
we can really get on with the war!" It was
not said boastfully, but cheerfully, with
genuine relief.
There were some, of course, in Britain
during that fateful summer of 1940, who
doubted and wondered. "But why do you
think we will not go down the way France
has?" one of these rare doubters kept on
asking me. My answer, as I recall it, was
simply that you cannot beat a people that
honestly does not know when it is licked.
Looking back now, of course, it is easy to
list a number of other reasons, including
(1) The twenty-mile wide tank trap ot
the English Channel;
(2) The victory of the RAF over the
Luftwaffe in the decisive air battle of Brit-
ain; and
(3) The German decision to invade Rus-
sia.
Maybe Americans get a little tired of
hearing about that decisive year when Brit-
ain stood alone. But we should not forget
it: first, because it undoubtedly saved us
as well as the British themselves, if not
from outright defeat at least from a struggle
so prolonged and costly that eventual vic-
tory would have been almost meaningless;
and second, because that year after Dun-
kirk, when Britain finally roused herself
and raised herself to the supreme heights
»f her "finest hour," has left its stamp on
the nation in the form of a deep and lasting
assurance of her real resources of power
and greatness, of strength that has been
fully tried and has stood the test.
Voluntary Mobilization
For what saved England in 1940 (apart
from the Channel and Hitler's blunders)
was not alone her war Prime Minister,
Winston Churchill, magnificently indispen-
sable though he was; nor was it the "few"
of the RAF fighter squadrons. It was
Churchill's superb leadership, plus the
RAF's victory in the Battle of Britain, plus
— and perhaps most of all — what might be
called the great "voluntary mobilization" ot
the people of Britain. This mobilization had
begun in 1939. But not until Dunkirk and
the fall of France did it attain that elan
of something very close to national unani-
mity. It was not merely a question of
mobilization of manpower, remarkable as
that wartime aspect of the new Britain is.
It was a mobilization of every available
resource of food, clothing, production, and
human service itself in every imaginable
form.
The cold facts and figures are eloquent
enough: unemployment wiped out almost
entirely (the figures show over 1,000,000
unemployed in 1939 and only 71,000 in
1944); 4,500,000 in the armed forces in
1944 as against only 477,000 in 1939; 7,-
000,000 women on full time war work out
of a total of 16,000,000 British women aged
fourteen to fifty-nine.
But these figures, impressive as they are,
fail to tell anything like the whole story of
the quiet courage and humor with which
the men and women of Britain have met
the long grueling strain of war work in
factories and offices and shops under black-
out conditions, with shortage of transport,
and with housekeeping problems compli-
cated to the nth degree by rationing.
(Continued on page 210)
Bomb victims. During the first five years of war one
MAY 1945
British Combine
civilian was killed in the United Kingdom to every three men in the armed forces
207
BRITAIN AT WAR
MOBILIZATION OF MANPOWER Each symbol represents one million
MEN
1939
1944
ARMED SERVICES AND
MUNITIONS INDUSTRY
AGRICULTURE, TRANSPORTATION
AND OTHER WORK
UNEMPL
O '0 O O O O
Half of all men (14-64) are
in the armed services, civil
defense or munitions industry
WOMEN
and nearly half of all women (14-59)
are in the services and industry
IN THE SERVICES M
AND INDUSTRY
HOUSEWIVES,
OTHERS
A £.£.&£.
ooooooooo
ONE out of every 3 houses
(in the United Kingdom)
has been destroyed or damaged
(Up to end of Sept., 1944)
EXPORTS (VOLUME)
1938
1943
Exports have shrunk to
less than one third
OVERSEAS INVESTMENTS
+ 9.2
BILLION
DOLLARS
INCREASE IN
OVERSEAS
LIABILITIES
IN
OVERSEAS
ASSETS
1-4.3
BILLION
DOLLARS
(Up to end of June, 1944)
CIVILIAN CONSUMPTION
WEEKLY PER PERSON
BUTTER
PREWAR
7.63 oz.
2.34 oz.
EGGS
MEAT
SUGAR
FRESH
FRUITS
c/S
PREWAR
1943
PREWAR
1943
PREWAR
1943
PREWAR
1943
3.26 eggs
1.45 eggs
30.40 oz.
22.18 oz.
30.58 oz.
20.00 oz.
27.17 oz.
12.06 oz.
food /or c'v'''ons hos fceen cu' severe/y
PH CORPOtATION
POSTWAR PLANNING
SOCIAL INSURANCE
FOR EVERYBODY
MATERNITY
GRANT
MATERNITY BENEFIT
or ATTENDANT'S ALLOWANCE
AMILY ALLOWANCES
FOR MORE
THAN ONE CHILD — _
ALLOWANCE FOR
ADULT DEPENDENT
SICKNESS BENEFIT
COMPREHENSIVE HEALTH SERVICE
FOR EVERYBODY
Health Service
available to all people
Consultant and specialist
services included
INJURY
SANITATION
SERVICES
SICKNESS
© GENERAL
HOSPITAL
SPECIAL
HOSPITAL
Covers all forms of health care
(Dental service temporarily limited)
No compulsion for doctor
or patient to participate
Freedom of choice
(and of change) of doctor
LAB.
INTERNIST
OR. X
ndependent professional council
advises Minister of Health
OK.j
Service doctors may work in
Health Centers" or as individuals
o
Central Medico! Board
directs executive functions
EDUCATION
FOR EVERYBODY
obS-S
Increasing number of
Nursery Schools (2-5 year olds)
Extension of free compulsory
education (15, later 16 years)
Religious instruction
emphasized
Free meals and milk
to school children
[ MINISTER]
LOCAL AUTHORITIES
PRIMARY SECONDARY FURTHER
EDUCATION EDUCATION EDUCATION
(5-11) (12-17) (18-22)
Reconstruction of
educational system
Compulsory part-time
education to 18
| | | j O Q
§1-
Free medical examination
and treatment
Extended Adult Education
UNEMPLOYMENT
BENEFIT
TRAINING
ALLOWANCE
RETIREMENT
PENSION
DEATH GRANT
WIDOW'S
— BENEFIT
WIDOW'S ^F
PENSION ~ — _
ORPHAN'S -
ALLOWANCE _
GUARDIAN'S
' BENEFIT
*APH CORPORATION
Shopping in emergency buildings erected in blitzed cities
Typical scene in any office when flying bombs were overhead
Just what tnis rationing "lifeboat-style"
has meant to the ordinary man and woman
in the United Kingdom is made clear in
the government White Paper on the Brit-
ish war effort presented to Parliament in
November 1944. Boiled down to everyday
terms, the figures show that meat consump-
tion of an average British civilian was down
nearly one third with the war; that butter
was down two thirds; and fruit, tea, and
sugar were all down a third. Only con-
sumption of flour and potatoes was rising.
Yet these figures themselves hint at the
brighter side of food rationing in Britain:
namely that while the upper strata of the
population was obliged to get along with
much less than it ate before the war, the
poorest sections of the people were getting
more, since the combination of rationing
and price control tended to give them food
which they were either too poor or too
ignorant to purchase before the war.
It is not only food that has been rationed
but clothing as well. Taking the over-all
average, clothing coupons allowed British
adults to buy only half the quantity of
clothes bought before the war. But here
again the average figures hardly give a
fair idea of what the restrictions meant to
most people. A man could buy one pair
of shoes once in thirteen months, and a
woman perhaps five or six pairs of stock-
ings compared to an average of fourteen
pairs yearly before the war.
Blackout and blockade, blitz and V-
bombs, all became part of every English-
man's everyday life. Hardly a home in
Britain has escaped disruption of some sort:
house bombed, family broken up or scat-
tered in factories and war fronts. One house
in three has been damaged by Germany's
air attacks. One house in thirty has been
rendered totally uninhabitable. Nearly 5,-
000,000 British homes have been bombed
or blasted — and that means nearly 5,000,000
British families. Moreover, people have been
uprooted by such mass movements of pop-
ulation as the evacuation of London, the
exodus from the bomb-ridden southern and
eastern coasts, the compulsory direction of
workers into factories in remote and safer
zones.
Front Line Conditions
British Combine; British Information Services
Queues of housewives before any shop with food to sell
FRONT LINE CONDITIONS BY DAY
It is difficult for Americans, disturbed as
we have been by the scattering of our
young men and the redistribution of our
war workers, to realize the difference be-
tween our disruptions and the actuality of
front line conditions on the island of Brit-
ain. We have been appalled at our casualty
lists. But up to the end of January, 1945,
German bombs had killed more civilians
in England than German guns had killed
American soldiers in action on the conti-
nent of Europe — and three times as many
had been wounded. During the first five
years of war, for every three English sol-
diers, sailors or airmen killed in action, one
civilian was killed by bombs in the United
Kingdom — and more wounded.
What the war has meant in large terms
to Britain's national economy is something
which even the ordinary Britisher has hard-
ly begun to understand. In simple figures,
Britain, a nation historically dependent on
210
SURVEY GRAPHIC
exports, shipped out less than a third the
quantity of goods in 1943 that she did in
1938. She has sacrified a large portion of
her once reliable income on foreign invest-
ments with which she used to pay for the
80 percent of her food she imported. If
she is not to reduce her standard of living
in future — and Englishmen are determined
that shall not come to pass — she will have
to rebuild her export trade and on new
untried patterns.
Despite the enormity of the wartime ef-
fort which Britain has made and is mak-
ing, however, the people have kept their
faces resolutely turned toward the future.
The best picture of this Britain of tomor-
row, which has been forged under fire,
may be found in the great series of
White Papers which trace the revolutionary
social, educational, and economic reforms
projected by the coalition government for
action by Parliament. These White Papers
express the mood of wartime Britain, look-
ing forward as it fought, and they are large-
ly responsible for Britain's unique position
in postwar Europe — emerging from the
blight and blackout of war undivided and
unembittered, with her national unity actu-
ally increased by the leveling and human-
ized effect of the long, hard struggle.
If the shining ideals for a postwar Britain
were somewhat dimmed by sheer ex-
haustion in the later V-bomb and rocket
days, it remains true that all parties of
England are uniquely united in the char-
acteristic slow, steady, democratic slogging
at social, economic, educational, and in-
dustrial reform expressed in these White
Papers. [See also pages 212 and 221.]
The Prevention of Poverty
The most important of these White Pa-
per portraits of the new Britain is that on
Social Insurance, presented to Parliament
in September 1944. It outlines the govern-
ment's policy on what is called "the pre-
vention of individual poverty resulting from
those hazards of personal fortune over
which individuals have little or no control."
It provides for the institution of a single,
all-embracing, insurance scheme covering
the entire population of the United King-
dom and including virtually every imagin-
able contingency. Under this scheme every
British subject resident in England, Scot-
land, Wales, Northern Ireland, would be
entitled to draw benefit payments insuring
him the minimum needs of existence almost
literally from the cradle to the grave. The
benefits include maternity grants, child al-
lowances, orphans allowance, sickness and
unemployment benefit, disability and old
age insurance, training allowances, retire-
ment pensions, widows benefits and death
grants for funeral expenses.
The government's social insurance scheme
derives from the Beveridge Plan, though
it differs from it considerably in detail. As
far back as June 1941, when Britain still
faced the threat of heavy air attack and
the possible menace of invasion, the govern-
ment asked Sir William Beveridge to carry
out a comprehensive survey of the social
insurance problem. The Beveridge Plan
was based on the assumption that any com-
prehensive social insurance scheme must be
accompanied by the framing of a national
health service and the avoidance of mass
unemployment. The British Government
has also produced White Papers on a na-
tional health service and on full employ-
ment.
These various schemes are by no means
abstract theories. They are, on the contrary,
integral parts of the policy of the war gov-
ernment which undertook to get them into
the form of legislative bills as soon as pos-
sible and submit them to the Houses of
Parliament.
Under the government's social insurance
plan, everybody in the United Kingdom
from Cabinet Ministers and millionaires
down to shop girls and window cleaners,
will have to pay a weekly contribution of
somewhere between 50 cents and f 1 weekly.
The total cost of the scheme (for the first
year) is about $2,600,000,000. Payments
under the plan are fairly liberal according
to British standards: 35 shillings (about |7)
a week would be the pension drawn by a
married couple, for example. Family allow-
ances amount to 5 shillings a week (about
$1) for each child after the first, but also
include free school meals and milk. Or-
phans would get an allowance of 12 shill-
ings (|2.50) weekly.
Health Service for Everyone
The government's scheme for a national
health service is being more hotly debated,
notably by the medical profession itself.
The White Paper containing this plan is
more than 55,000 words in length. It spe-
cifically lists its two main objectives as
being (l) to provide free medical treatment
to all, and (2) to make available complete
medical, nursing and hospital service of all
(Continued on page 256)
British Information Service
Camping out in shelters — in London, the underground stations were used
FRONT LINE CONDITIONS BY NIGHT
MAY 1945
211
Ginger in the British Medicine Chest
An old household remedy applied by war premiers and labor, no less than doctors.
National Health Insurance leads on to new plans for a National Health Service.
X-ray of Chest by MICHAEL M. DAVIS
Do YOU KNOW WHAT A ginger group is?
The English do. Americans do also, al-
though we don't call it that. Alfred E.
Smith, Robert F. Wagner, and Franklin
Delano Roosevelt were a ginger group in
the New York state legislature years ago.
Wendell Willkie led a ginger group within
the Republican Party. The yet remembered
Huey P. Long described the political func-
tion of ginger in full-blown Americanese —
"putting ants in their pants."
Political ginger is transforming British
health insurance into a comprehensive
health service. In America we may not
copy the process but we can learn from it.
It began in England with a master in the
art of gingering — David Lloyd George.
The British Medical Association did its
best to block him as Chancellor of the
Exchequer in 1911-12 but, during the next
fifteen years, most doctors who did any
general practice had experience with health
insurance.
They learned from their experience —
with the result that at a dinner in London
in 1933 to celebrate the act's twenty-first
anniversary, Mr. Lloyd George remarked
that he had to rub his eyes to make sure
he saw straight, for at the speakers' table,
along with labor officials and public digni-
taries, were the leaders of British medicine.
National Health Insurance, 1912 Model
In fact, by 1928, the British Medical As-
sociation had gone officially on record not
only praising national health insurance be-
cause it had brought better medical service
to the British people but recommending that
it be extended.
From its inception, British, health insur-
ance (lagging much behind many Euro-
pean countries) has offered only the serv-
ices of general practitioners — neither that of
specialists nor hospital care — and available
only to employed persons below a certain
income limit, that is to about nineteen mil-
lion out of forty-seven million Britons. To
this day the families of these same workers
have to pay fees in the old-fashioned way
to their family physicians — usually the same
physicians whom the insured members of
the family call in under the insurance plan.
Much specialist and hospital service is on a
charity basis.
So it was a great step forward when, in
1928, the British Medical Association rec-
ommended that the health insurance system
should provide for specialists and hospitali-
zation and should cover all family members
— 80 to 90 percent of the population. Since
then, the British Medical Association has
been a ginger group for the British govern-
ment. Had it not been for the depression,
the two-way extension might perhaps have
been consummated in the Thirties. The
medical ginger wasn't strong enough.
HEALTH— TODAY & TOMORROW
— Fourth in series by the chairman, Com-
mittee on Research in Medical Econom-
ics; associate editor, Survey Graphic.
In fact, BMA has lost ginger. For the
British people now want health service more
comprehensive and coordinated than the
BMA seems willing to accept. The best evi-
dence that the people want it is that con-
servative British statesmen have discovered
the fact. The political ginger of the Labour
Party has helped them make this discovery.
Hence Mr. Churchill announces a "Na-
tional Health Service." Hence in 1944, his
Ministry of Health blueprinted the details
in a White Paper under that title.
National Health Service, 1945 Model
What is the difference between National
Health Insurance and National Health
Service? As to service, through the existing
insurance, some 40 percent of the people
obtain general practitioner care and ordi-
nary medicine and only that. Through the
projected system, all the people could ob-
tain this; also, general specialist, hospital
and home nursing care, plus medicines and
laboratory work and limited dentistry.
As to payment, all this would be prepaid
out of a national pooled fund, built up
about 27 percent from insurance contribu-
tions from workers, and about 73 percent
from national or local taxation (about
evenly divided between the two).
Let us remember that now, without
National Health Service, the larger part of
hospital care is paid for out of taxation —
mostly local. Under N.H.S., the local taxes
would pay little more than at present.
National taxation would pay much more
— but would come largely from people who
are now paying not very different amounts
in doctors' and hospital fees. Voluntary
hospitals would be assured of autonomy,
paid out of the pool for the people they
serve.
N.H.S. goes further, in line with recent
recommendations of distinguished British
medical bodies. Group medical practice is
to be encouraged by gradually establishing
Winston Churchill Says:
"Our policy is to create a national
health service in order to ensure that
everybody in the country, irrespective
of means, age, sex, or occupation, shall
have equal opportunities to benefit from
the best and most up-to-date medical
and allied services available."
health centers, out of which most general
practitioners would work, with laboratory
aids and in coordination with hospitals.
Most specialists would work as part of
hospital staffs. Preventive services are to tie
in with the health centers. Voluntary and
governmental hospitals would coordinate
their services by locality and region, much
as American Hospital Association leaders
are advocating here.
N.H.S. retains the compulsory health in-
surance principle because, as Sir William
Beveridge has emphasized, and as our
Health Program Conference said last fall
[see Survey Graphic, December 1944] "the
contributory principle makes service a right
and dissociates it from the onus of charity."
In Europe, health insurance began with
paying for certain medical service for self-
supporting persons, while taxation contin-
ued to finance much hospital and some
physicians' care for dependents. These two
methods of spreading costs have long been
combined. Now Britain will bring them
together on a large scale, as joint means for
financing a medical goal — the organization
of services and of payment (as the White
Paper says), "to bring the country's full re-
sources to bear upon reducing ill health
and promoting good health in all its citi-
zens.
Negotiations and Issues
Meanwhile the British Medical Associa-
tion, which opposed Lloyd George's pro-
gram in 1912, objects to the Churchill gov-
ernment's plans in 1945, but now more on
grounds of administration than of services
or finances. The delegates at the associa-
tion's recent annual meeting voted for the
principle of an income limit so that best-
off people would be ineligible for N.H.S.
The association is strongly for giving more
administrative power to national authori-
ties (and more medical representation) and
is against power in the hands of local gov-
ernments. This, in sharp contrast to offi-
cial medical attitudes in the USA.
The BMA is now beginning negotiations
with the government officials who will be
responsible for turning the White Paper in-
to a draft bill. Several questions which are
fighting issues in America won't even come
up. Nobody will argue for cash indemni-
ties as a substitute for health service. No-
body will claim that voluntary insurance
will suffice, but a place within N.H.S. may
be found for some existing voluntary plans.
Group practice is an accepted policy, though
opinions vary as to methods and rate of
procedure.
Free choice of doctor will be taken for
granted, with attention given to improv-
ing opportunities for intelligent choice.
Fee-for-service payment to doctors — now a
(Continued on page 253)
212
SURVEY GRAPHIC
British Combine
Bombed factory. While war plants have been repaired promptly, many buildings for peacetime manufacture are in ruins
What the British Face
The world's great creditor nation is "broke." But her courage rose with danger.
"Shooting the works" for Western civilization, she renewed both youth and vigor.
Economic Forecast by DAVID CUSHMAN COYLE
BRITAIN HAS SUFFERED GRIEVOUSLY IN THIS
war, but also, in many ways, has gained
strength. The balance of losses and gains
is much too complex to be exactly defined.
One may only take note of some of the
most visible factors, tangible and intangible;
the balance will be struck by political and
economic events still to come.
Americans who have lived here and who
have had a chance to see what has gone on,
can have nothing but admiration and sym-
pathy for the courage, humor, and unflag-
ging hard work that the British have con-
tributed to the saving of the world. All
that is no reason, however, to be discourag-
ed about their future — rather the contrary.
Britain may have been effete once, or
several times, but her historic capacity to
let courage rise with danger, and to renew
her youth under the lash of evil circum-
stances, is still as vigorous as ever in her
long and checkered past.
Items in a Human Budget
Because of the comparative preponder-
ance of air and sea fighting, British casual-
ties in the armed forces have been lower
than in World War I. About 56,000 civil-
ians were killed by bombs in the first five
years of the war. This may be compared
with a normal deathrate from automobiles
of about 35,000 in a similar period. Being
bombed is a nasty business, as those of us
who live in London know quite well, and
British losses in battle are not to be treated
lightly. Britain has suffered, in truth, far
more in proportion than the United States
or any dominions except New Zealand.
— By an American engineer, structural
designer of the New York Life building
and the capitol of the state of Wash-
ington.
That he specialized in developing
steel construction to withstand wind
pressure may give a clue to his appraisal
of British economy under wartime strain
— in intimate contacts with business,
labor, and professional groups.
Massachusetts-born, consultant in the
'30s to half a dozen ranking federal
agencies, administrative and legislative,
his books have given edge to our think-
ing— such as "Brass Tacks," "Uncommon
Sense," "Waste"— and three on "Amer-
ica" that buttressed spirits at home in
years of stress (1938-40).
Meanwhile, there have been pluses no
less than minuses in the balance sheet of
the war years. Housing has degenerated.
Many people have suffered hardship in
shelters and damaged buildings. Coal has
been scarce. Working hours have been
long, and travel exhausting. On the other
hand, diet on the whole has improved. Ra-
tioning undoubtedly has reduced the bill
of fare among the comfortable classes, but
it has enhanced the quality of food avail-
able to the poor. The net result, as indi-
cated by the birth and death rates, by the
incidence of most diseases, and by the
growth of school children, seems to be a
general gain in health! Some people are
living who would have died if the war had
not happened, and many will live several
years longer because Britain rationed the
milk and orange juice which in peacetime
they would have been too poor or too
ignorant to buy. One may tally the violent
deaths that probably resulted from the
last bomb I heard explode, against the
addition of two years to the life of a hun-
dred people in 1970 or so.
In judging the economic and social
future of the nation, the improvement in
basic health has to be set against the
MAY 1945
213
severe losses suffered by enemy action.
There is a more intangible change, at one
of the most fundamental levels of life, that
I believe should be taken into account.
Before the war, the British people had a
long siege of chronic unemployment, the
spiritual effect of which was to shake the
confidence of millions of citizens in their
own membership in society. They were fed,
more or less, but no one wanted them
enough to pay for their time, and that is
an injury that eats the roots of life.
But now for five years men and women
have been wanted by their country. They
have been drafted for military service or
civilian work, with no freedom to change
jobs at will, and subject to fine and im-
prisonment for refusing hard and uncon-
genial labor.
Civilian war jobs have often been hard
and exacting. Military service, aside from
danger, is mainly composed of boredom,
exile from home, and worry. Few people
get any fun out of a war. At nearly all
the more superficial levels of desire and
satisfaction, war has been a long, dragging,
dismal wasting of the years — far more so
for the British than for the Americans, as
their effort has been so much longer and
more intense than ours.
And yet, as the British have given them-
selves more fully to the great struggle, they
have got something that we Americans
have much less fully grasped, a universal
sense of belonging, of honorable and re-
spected membership in their tribe. Britain
is in a new and deeper sense their country,
for in her service they have labored and
sacrificed, and have carried on in cold and
privation under danger of death, and not
without honor among their fellows. This
is different from the horrors of peace, for
this belonging makes the roots of life
strike deep.
Over two years ago, when Britain's bells
rang for landings in North Africa, I went
to a provincial cathedral to see the Home
Guard on church parade. The bishop
preached about something that slips my
mind, but in the ranks of the Fire Rescue
Service I saw a hunchback in the uniform
of his country. A British officer said to me:
"He would be a good man to have in a
tight spot."
Status and Spirit
Some day those horrors of peace may re-
turn, when a man is no longer a man for
a' that. Millions who have been men, or
women, for a season, have no verbal under-
standing of what happened to them. But
something did happen, and the memory
of it will lie deep in the souls of those who
were part of this great time.
Meanwhile, Beveridge and others have
put it in words, that no man may justly be
humiliated through the mismanagement of
the rulers of industry and government; that
full respect is due to every person who is
ready to do his duty in that place to which
God has in fact called him — as child, or
normal adult, or casualty, or old person.
On all the superficial levels of life, we
must expect the British people to show a
normal let-down when fighting ends. Long
before V-E Day, I heard the Forces Pro-
gram of BBC feature "I'm Going to Get
Lit Up When the Lights Go on in
London." No doubt the British are un-
utterably weary of this war in mind and
body, and when it is all over, a good many
of them are going to get drunk and to
wake up afterward with no recognizable
desire to do anything serious again, ever.
Almost on the tail of flying bombs came the repair crews, to make houses habitable
214
For a time, we must expect that things
will slip badly, in Britain as probably in
America. "Normalcy" will return, and the
prospects of the good life will not look
bright. But on the deeper levels, these
people know that they have proved them-
selves, and they are definitely conscious of
how they went wrong after 1918.
The chances seem to be that after a bit
of wavering they will set themselves with
new courage and vitality to the job of the
postwar world.
The state of the British soul is primarily
a religious question and illustrates perhaps
that central aspect of the new world. Yet
it is almost equally vital to any forecast of
Britain's economic and political future.
Britain has to play in the Big League with
a third as many people as America and a
fifth as much wealth, which will take a
stout heart and a soul strapped with hoops
of steel. And it is of vast importance to
the world, above. all to the United States,
that Britain shall make the grade.
Money and Jobs
Financially, Britain's position as a cred-
itor nation has been badly undermined. The
figures given by Nicholas Kaldor in Sir
William Beveridge's "Full Employment"
indicate, to the middle of 1945, a loss of
gold and foreign exchange of $2.8 billion;
sale of securities, $3.6 billion; and foreign
debts of various kinds, $10 billion — a total
of $16.4 billion. The annual loss of income
involved is about $400 million out of a total
pre-war income from foreign investments
of about $800 million.
In American terms these figures seem
small, but they bulk larger in terms of the
British national income, which in 1938 was
about $18.7 billion, and is estimated for
1948 at full employment at possibly $30
billion, or about one fifth of our own prob-
able figure. Yet, in British terms, an income
loss of $400 million a year, while it may
be embarrassing, is not catastrophic.
Some of the foreign debts or sterling
balances are held in South America, and
considerable fraction in India and the
dominions. The peculiarly stimulating
effect of being a debtor is worth noting ir
this connection. Before 1918, some of us
remember, the United States was a debtor
nation, and unemployment was less of
problem to us; a noticeable percentage of
our products went abroad to pay interes
on our debts, relieving us of the need to
distribute our income more widely among
pur own people so as to find markets for
them at home.
Britain has already made some progres
toward finding the true solution of the
job problem by redistribution of income
but she definitely needs foreign trade
a means of getting necessary material:
from abroad. Her debts in South Americ
will stimulate the South Americans to
spend their English money in Britain. This
in itself will not supply the British with
Argentine beef, but it will tend to reopen
the South American markets to British ex-
porters, markets that have been largely
taken over by American traders during the
war. By pushing vigorously, the British car
SURVEY GRAPHIC
MAKE -DO
AND MEND
GROWYOUR OWN FOOD
British [niormation Services
THREE PERSUASIVE POSTERS
Lean years have been flavored with the sauce of British humor
hope to sell enough not only to clear off
.these sterling balances, but also to allow
a surplus for buying what they need. And
meanwhile, pending a full solution of the
postwar job problem, it is evident that such
an effort will provide jobs.
The same is true in Britain's relation to
the dominions. In the case of India, in
some ways it seems fortunate that so far
from "owning" India, Britain is now owned
by the Indians to the extent that they have
British pounds in their pockets. Whether
India becomes a dominion or evolves into
one or more independent nations, the In-
dians will have to trade extensively with
Britain in order to get their money's worth,
a fact that may serve to lubricate their re-
lations to some extent.
So, though some Britishers who have the
common habit of confusing national and
personal economics, beat their breasts in
despair about England being "broke,"
others are less perturbed. It is Americans
who should be perturbed, if anyone, for
we lost our debts in War No. 1, and have
been hunting ever since for some place to
dump our "surplus" output, so as to avoid
the shocking thought of using it ourselves.
Wreckage and Revival
The second obvious loss in Britain is the
war damage to property. Nearly four mil-
lion houses have been damaged by enemy
action. A few hundred thousand were to-
tally destroyed, the majority lost window-
panes, plaster, or roof tiles and are still
occupied, with considerable hardship to the
inhabitants. There has been extensive dam-
age to business buildings throughout Lon-
don, in Coventry, Birmingham, and other
midland cities, and in the ports, most of it
MAY 1945
still unrepaired. The factories show little
damage because repairs have been promptly
made.
The slum clearance requirements in
Britain, as in America, are large. Because
of the poor structural quality of slum
houses a large percentage of buildings
knocked down by blast were houses that
ought to have been pulled down years ago.
In the long run, therefore, the net loss is
less than one would think at first sight of
some of the blitzed areas. But the imme-
diate effect is a real and pressing shortage
of housing, which will become critical when
young men and women now in the services
come home and want to set up housekeep-
ing at once.
The British government and people are
There isrit even
half an engine to spare
for unnecessary journeys
so stay put this
alive to this situation, and an immense
amount of planning is being done. They
recognize that a large number of people
will at first have to camp out in various
kinds of steel and aluminum shacks, or
worse, and they hope these will be tem-
porary. If they are bad enough, which
seems likely, they will be temporary, and
certain internal amenities provided in them
will pass over into more permanent houses
to the general improvement of British
housing. Also, the whole mess will pro-
vide thousands of jobs, which is something.
Another material loss is in capital plant
suited for making peacetime goods. Some
of it has been blitzed and not replaced.
Some has been idle and depreciating; some
has been working overtime without proper
maintenance. Meanwhile, technical prog-
ress, stimulated by the war, has spilled over
into the processes of peacetime manufac-
ture, rendering many surviving prewar
plants obsolete. Moreover, the strains of
war, as well as closer contacts with Amer-
ica, have stepped up British ideas of effi-
ciency, especially in coal mining, textiles,
and building, so that there is a demand
for drastic improvements in these industries,
involving considerable capital costs, as well
as changes in management and trading
methods.
The people who worry about England
being "broke" stand aghast at the problem
of physically rebuilding British industry,
and wonder where the money is coming
from. Yet, as in America, there is more
money in Britain than ever before. Inso-
far as this equation makes sense at all, it is
a question of how British industries can
lay hands on the money for capital invest-
ment. Many of them have postwar tax
215
credits due them. Also, the British people
like our own, have huge "savings" invested
in war bonds, which they owe only to
themselves. And, if they will retain their
heavy income tax rates, they will be able
to tax themselves enough to pay themselves
some of their war loans, and invest the
proceeds in industry. There will be hard
cases, but in the main there seem to be no
insuperable difficulties in arranging the
paper work.
On the material or engineering side, re-
conversion and modernization will no
doubt take some years of activity in the
machine tool and construction industries.
These visible, material losses of Britain
are easily exaggerated. As a matter of per-
spective, let us recall that in America the
whole country from the ground up is
worth only a couple of hundred billion
dollars, or about what we lost by sitting
idle the first seven years of the depression.
With full employment and the usual
rate of savings, any industrial country could,
if it wished, build everything brand new
every ten or fifteen years. And the cost
of capital improvements per unit of output
is diminishing. More and more people are
noticing the fact that the chief problem of
economics is not how to get factpries but
how to avoid having more factories than
the market will keep busy. This is the
fundamental reason why physical losses
and foreign financial losses in a country
such as Britain may easily be made good,
so long as the health, energies, and skill
of the people are in good condition. (The
Nazi-devastated countries are, of course,
quite a different matter.)
Realism of British Thinking
Thus, the total picture of future British
policy and action is by no means clear.
Yet, an immense amount of planning and
hard thinking is going on, especially in
government at all levels.
Necessarily, at the outset, the great White
Papers are words, not deeds, and Timothy
Shy of the News Chronicle has dubbed the
British Constitution as "Leucopapyrocracy."
But thoughts, of course, are the seed of
the deeds to come, and the great official
discussions of the problems of Britain, to-
gether with Beveridge's monumental clari-
fication of the basic problem of full employ-
ment, may well arouse the respectful envy
of Americans. The British may yet do a lot
of first class muddling, but their authori-
tative statements of economic problems and
solutions are far in advance of any officially
sanctioned statements in America.
In two major respects, the realism of
British thinking is of direct interest to
Americans.
First is the fact that an important section
of British economic thought is clear about
the question of full employment. Baldly
stated, the total of private and public out-
lay must be enough to buy the equivalent
of the total potential production of the eco-
nomic system. The British are pretty well
cured of the notion that "We can't
squander our way into prosperity."
On the contrary, they are well on their
way to understand that, at some standard
of living, full employment can be main-
tained by a combination of three policies
all within their domestic control:
(a) to spend enough;
(b) to plan training and work enough so
as to match workers and jobs; and
(c) to manage the location of industry
enough to avoid overstraining the will-
ingness of people to move their homes.
The spread of this understanding frees the
British, or any industrial country, of the
supposed necessity of dumping its goods
abroad merely to keep its workers occupied.
The second aspect of British thinking is
the corollary that as unbalanced exports
are not a necessity for full employment, the
building up of foreign investments (now
called "economic imperialism") is neither
necessary nor desirable. Foreign trade thus
becomes not a way of making jobs but a
way of obtaining materials with which to
raise the standard of living. Trade oriented
to this purpose may be balanced trade, in-
volving neither unlimited growth and
periodic repudiation of international debts,
nor the acquisition of foreign property.
If the great powers can cease to regard
trade as a vehicle for dumping their un-
employment On less powerful nations, if
they can buy and sell purely for the sake
of obtaining what they need and paying
for it, the prospects of a harmonious world
will be bright. Americans so far have
shown only faint glimmerings of this prin-
ciple. For example, the best that our Na-
tional Planning Association (a non-govern-
mental body) was recently able to suggest
was that we ask the world to accept Amer-
ican exports in excess of imports to the
tune of some |6 billion a year for an in-
definite period in the hope that ultimately
we could curb our excessive saving habits
enough to allow the loans and investments
to be redeemed.
Grown-Up Peoples
It is in this difference in maturity of
economic thought in Britain and America
that the main basis for conflict over policy
is likely to be found during postwar years.
No doubt we shall learn, or be taught,
that other countries will not let us buy
them up. No doubt the rest of the world
will make clear to us that even loans are
not acceptable unless we will guarantee to
take the goods that will allow our debtors
to repay. Mexico has demonstrated to the
other Latin Americans that the Yankees
are not prepared to send their sons to fight
for the properties of American big business.
Economic imperialism depended on a low
visibility that no longer exists.
The immediate duties of intelligent Brit-
ish and Americans seem fairly clear. Of
course, it is of little or no use for the British
to preach at us. Their own past is too easily
recalled. But it will be very much in order
for them to go on clarifying their own
minds, until their own position on both
employment and trade is clearly, definitely,
and officially stated.
We can read their language even if we
don't speak alike, and when we see exactly
what they are after, it will strike most of
us as reasonable.
So far as Americans are concerned, our
most helpful activities would seem to be to
hasten the maturity of American thought,
and to ease the transition period. The end
in view is to understand and apply the
knowledge that American employment is
to be found only in a proper allocation of
American income. After that is settled,
American foreign trade will be for two
legitimate purposes:
— To obtain the few things we want
from abroad; and
—To strengthen the peaceful nations on
whose friendship and support our se-
curity depends.
In the meantime, we should throw what-
ever cold water is handy on the efforts of
either government or business to push
American goods and services abroad with-
out providing for corresponding imports.
Tolerance and Technology
The fact that the British attitude toward
trade is rather more realistic than our own
will probably give them an advantage in
rebuilding their trade connections through-
out the world. At the same time, there are
visible, though somewhat confused, signs
of rejuvenation in British industry itself.
British technology, like our own, varies
from thoroughly obsolete to excellent. Top
rank engineering in Britain has "generally
outdone the far-famed German engineers,
and on many points has led our own. Their
great weakness, as compared with the
United States, is the lack of thousands of
rank-and-file technicians, laboratory work-
ers, research men, and applied scientists
generally. As in America forty years ago,
the chief obstacle is that businessmen "don't
want any young college squirt telling them
how to run their business."
We got over that stage, and the British
are showing a new interest in pushing the
training and employment of more engi-
neers. Already, enough British industries are
employing modern research to put heavy
pressure on the others. The change will
take time, but it is on the way, and it repre-
sents a renewal of youth in the home of the
original industrial revolution.
Also, millions of British workers have
learned new skills, and have learned that,
at need, they can learn still newer skills
quickly and effectively. This, too, is a re-
newal of youth.
The over-all picture is not definite. Many
factors of vigor and soundness can be seen
sprouding in this land plowed by war. Ob-
solete ideas, vested interests, and distrust
between classes confuse the scene. Govern-
ment policies have not yet come to a head,
and with an election coming on, the choices
offered to the voters don't seem to a for-
eigner to make much sense.
That, however, is no proof that they
won't make sense when the time comes.
All that one can say with confidence is
that Britain, like ourselves, is more alive
than ever. Before the war she was un-
wounded but sick. Today she has lost blood,
but there is plenty left and it is running
strongly in her arteries. If, among us all,
we can keep the world in order and toler-
ate one another's peculiarities, we can rea-
sonably expect that Britain will be able to
carry her share of responsibility in the new
world.
216
International
London's Burning
JAN STRUTHER
I was a citizen, once, of a great city.
Its buildings were of mellowed brick and of weathered stone.
I woke up every morning to its sparrows' chatter
And lay down every evening to its traffic's drone.
It had its faults. It was shabby in parts, and sooty;
Its waterfront could have done with tidying up.
It was shapeless and vast: but I loved it like a village.
It was my home. It held my life like a cup.
Its sky-signs were my earliest constellations.
My nursery rhymes were the legends of the town.
I sang, "London's burning, London's burning."
I sang, "London Bridge is falling down."
I learned to walk and talk there. By its times, its spaces,
Are measured forever my thoughts of space and time.
A hundred yards is the length of the Square garden:
An hour is Big Ben's chime to Big Ben's chime.
Its seasons are my seasons. For me, winter
Is the sound of a muffin bell through the gathering dark;
And spring, for me, is neither a lamb nor a primrose,
But a crocus down by the lake in St. James's Park.
Summer's the smell and the feel of hot asphalt,
With costers selling geraniums down the street;
Autumn, for me, is a bonfire in Kensington Gardens,
And the rustle of plane-leaves over the children's feet.
It is peaceful here. Yet here, where maple and sumach
Cut unfamiliar patterns on a moonlit sky,
I am a citizen still of the same city:
I feel its houses crumble and its people die.
Heavy at heart, I lie awake at midnight
And hear a voice, five hours nearer the sun,
Speaking across the ether from a grim daybreak,
Calmly reciting what the night has done.
I think, "London's burning, London's burning."
I think, "London Bridge is falling down."
Then something wiser than thought says, "Heart, take comfort:
Buildings and bridges do not make a town.
"A city is greater than its bricks and mortar;
It is greater than tower or palace, church or hall:
A city's as great as the little people that live there.
You know those people. How can London fall?"
Copyright 1941 by the British War Relief Society, as "A Londoner in New England, 1941"
217
Blitzed
Cities
Look
Ahead
liritish Information Services
Hundreds of acres of rubble in the center of the city, though much of the Old T own escaped destruction
Historic
Plymouth
nihine
Proposed traffic center at the main railway station. The new Plymouth plan includes a number of such neighborhood centers
TOWN AFTER TOWN has tidied up after the bombing and called
in experienced city planners. Not all the new proposals fill impressive
volumes, like Plymouth's. Or like the County of London Plan of 1943,
by J. H. Forshaw, architect, and Prof. Patrick Abercrombie who has
cooperated on so many of these new plans. But all of them regard the
razing as a chance to reshape communities according to modern plan-
ning principles. Immediate postwar needs will have to be met.
However, much obsolete housing has been demolished and many
over-built areas have acquired open space. Retaining historic struc-
tures wherever left, the plans propose communities where people will
have sufficient light and air; where they will live, reasonably near their
work, in "neighborhoods" with recreational, shopping and cultural
facilities; where full consideration has been given to the problems of
transportation and traffiic.
British Information Service
Devastated area of Kingsmead in the heart of Bath, known to all who read Smollett, Fanny Burney, Jane Austen and Thackeray.
Below: Model showing the shopping center proposed for the Kingsmead section. Bath has been exhibiting maps, drawings, diagrams
— part of a master plan which "provides for an evolutionary program of orderly, progressive development for the next fifty years"
Ancient
City of
Bath
At a re-planning of London exhibition, interested crowds gather about a huge map as the various proposals are explained
British Combine photos
In the ruins of their bombed village school, young people listen eagerly to a talk on the rebuilding of English towns
PEOPLE EVERYWHERE have found fortitude for the long pull
against discomfort and disorder by these promises of better com-
munities after the war. They have been urged to come to the library
or schoolhouse, where models and drawings have been set up and
technicians have been ready to explain what the plans mean. Criticisms
and suggestions have been welcomed from the people who are to live
in these phoenix towns, those whose cooperation must be secured to
make them become a reality.
British Information Services
Londoners are studying this model for a "fresher, brighter, more alive House of Commons," to rise from the blitzed ruins.
Except for better light, ventilation, and acoustics, they find the recommended new Chamber reassuringly like the old.
When the Coalition Ends
Will the British get both security and freedom?
They have a head start — but no time to fumble.
Political Scene by JOSEPH BARNES
IT WAS ABOUT THE TIME OF THE GREAT
bombing attack on London, in 1941, that
word spread across the Atlantic of what
was called a "bloodless revolution" in Great
Britain. This was seen as a profound trans-
formation of social life and values as a
result of the enlistment of all British peo-
ple in defense of their country against inva-
sion.
Food rationing, it was said, tended to
level consumption standards throughout the
population. Air raid shelters and civilian
defense activities gave millions a chance
to know each other. All kinds of group
distinctions were thought to be sagging, if
not breaking, with the mobilization of
women for work in factories and farms,
the evacuation of city children, the enlist-
ment of squire and tenant side by side in
the Home Guard. There were reports of a
new and democratic spirit in the army.
True, there were no major changes re-
ported either in property relationships or in
Parliament. But, if the basic patterns of
economic and political life remained much
as before, this was explained by the tradi-
tional British way of meeting change by
clinging to old forms while muddling
through to new substance in their national
life.
The long, slow road to victory since 1941
has brought many new and different reports
to the outside world of what has gone on
inside the British Isles. At the height of the
Battle of Britain, the Ministry of Food may
— By the foreign editor of the New York
Herald Tribune. In the Thirties, his
assignments as correspondent, first with
headquarters at Moscow, then at Berlin,
gave him extraordinary grasp of forces
at work in vast centers of tension. Wit-
ness his creative part in shaping our last
year's Graphic special — "American Rus-
sian Frontiers."
Mr. Barnes' experience on the con-
tinent was matched in 1944 in Britain,
again for the Herald Tribune. Mean-
while, he had served with distinction as
deputy director, Overseas Branch, OWI,
in New York.
He has translated "Days and Nights"
by Konstantin Simonov — an outstanding
novel on the siege of Leningrad (to be
published next fall by Simon 8C. Shuster).
have done more to level class distinctions
than several generations of education. Three
years later its service was still going strong.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer was still
in business in 1944, redistributing wealth
through an income tax so steeply graduated
that in some London circles it has become
smart conversation to pity the poor rich.
The V-bombs came over London at mid-
year with, like the blitz, no greater respect
for gentry than for commoner. But the
exaltation of the Dunkirk days had worn a
little thin, and with it had gone some of
the fervor with which young Britishers used
to announce that the war was solving Great
Britain's problems.
Changing Moods
Ever since D-day last June the smell of
victory has been in the air in England.
Even the Nazis' new long range weapons
curiously served to heighten popular ex-
pectation of its imminence. Many people,
we are told, found especially terrifying the
thought of being killed after having escaped
so many times. Every explosion in southern
England thus served to remind those who
escaped it that the end of the war was
221
HERBERT MORRISON
British Information Services
CLEMENT R. ATTLEE
British Information Services
ERNEST BEVIN
Three British Labour leaders who are members of the Churchill war cabinet: Mr. Morrison as home secretary and minister of home se-
curity; Mr. Attlee as minister of dominion affairs and deputy prime minister; Mr. Bevin as minister of labour and national affairs
probably not far off. Yet with this came a
reaction to the zeal and enthusiasm and
social-mindedness with which the British
threw themselves into the job of fighting
in 1941, when there were no allies.
In due courese, the Home Guard "stood
down"; but sporadic strikes have kept up.
The wartime coalition started in to creak.
Everyone knows a general election is prob-
ably not far off. All the endless permuta-
tions of class feeling between the haves
and have-nots have again become a staple
for the cartoonists and music hall gag-
writers. Young men talk of being "brown-
ed off" which, in American, is something
like being "fed up." Even the communists
in Russia and Boy Scout leaders in the
United States find it difficult to keep social-
mindedness at fever pitch indefinitely, and
the "bloodless revolution" in Great Britain
during the war has had no such diligent
organizers behind it.
Most important of all, the British people
are by all accounts tired. They are tired
after five years and more of war to which
they have given everything they had. Visi-
tors to London see this fatigue most clearly
in individuals they have known before. Polit-
ical leaders, who live there, estimate it,
also, as a social factor affecting the vast
majority of the population. Any kind of
revolution, they surmise, bloodless or not,
suggests too much effort and expenditure
of energy to be really popular in a nation
so long on short rations and overtime hours.
Nonetheless, for several years this blood-
less revolution may have been as real to
many British people as the bombs of one
sort or another, the shortages of goods, and
the casualty lists-^-on all of which it grew.
Much of its driving power is still there.
Millions of men and women have under-
gone profound changes in their way of
living from the hot summer days of 1939
to this spring with its V-E Day celebrations.
Some of the changes are likely to prove
permanent. At least a portion of them
have been absorbed into the routine of daily
life. In this sense, the revolution has gone
underground, now that people talk about
it less in public. In this sense, it has be-
come the soil out of which hopes, promises,
and cynicism are likely to grow in British
politics after the war.
Food, Houses, Schools
It is certainly no exaggeration to claim
that wartime rationing has actually raised
living standards, in terms of food, for the
one third of the British people with the
lowest incomes. At the same time, the
bombs which fell on England let in light
and air on conditions about which it had
been more comfortable not to think.
Back in 1938, Sir John Boyd Orr, Britain's
greatest nutritionist, estimated that 22,500,-
000 persons in England and Wales were liv-
ing on a diet below the minimum standard
for health. But it was not until London's
British Combine
ANEURIN BEVAN
British Information Services
RICHARD ACLAND ANEURIN BEVAN HAROLD J. LASKI
Three Britons who express the political restlessness abroad in their land. Sir Richard has led his Commonwealth Movement to
minor party status; Mr. Bevan and Professor Laski seek to bring Labour Party leadership into closer touch with the rank and file
Viking Press
222
SURVEY GRAPHIC
British Informatiori Services
HUGH DALTON
Press Association, Inc.
British Combine
ANTHONY EDEN
ARCHIBALD SINCLAIR
These three members of the Coalition cabinet belong to the three major parties: Mr. Dalton, Labour, is president of the Board of
Trade: Mr. Eden, Conservative, is secretary of state for foreign affairs; Sir Archibald, Liberal, is secretary of state for air
children were evacuated into the country-
side that many became aware of what this
meant. And it was not until government-
owned restaurants became a feature of daily
life that people realized that good food,
and enough of it, was actually within the
reach of all.
Both m cities and in countrysides, Great
Britain will come out of the war with a
need for 'houses which today bites deeper
than even the need for postwar jobs.
The war moved entire munitions factories
into what had been villages, and many be-
came aware for the first time that plumb-
ing and a water system have as direct rela-
tion to contentment as they have to health.
A Gallup poll indicated that 50 percent of
all working-class homes in Great Britain
have no indoor sanitation. More than 4,000,-
000 houses were ninety years old or older
before the Nazi bombs began to fall.
What they did is now there for anyone
to see. Before the flying bombs came, in
June 1944, one fourth of all the houses in
Great Britain, 3,410,000 separate buildings,
had already surtered from enemy action.
Of these, 376,000 were either destroyed or
rendered uninhabitable. By September,
1944, another 81,000 houses had been de-
stroyed and 1,039,000 damaged. The
"rockets" came over heavily that month,
tailed off later in the fall, increased in mid-
winter, kept up till spring.
Since the war began, there has been no
substantial rebuilding on which people
could base their hopes for better housing
after the war. But the destruction itself has
served to remind many British people that
good housing is both desirable and possible.
Plans for prefabricated housing units are
front-page news even in London's news-
print-rationed papers. Exhibits of schemes
for the rebuilding of devastated areas are
crowded with visitors. Men and women of
all classes apparently put new and better
homes and cities near the top of their list
of what they want after the war is over.
Early in the war, it became a cliche to
say that it was a comfort to have a man in
a Spitfire over London no matter where he
went to school. Many of the boys in the
Spitfires are likely to set their sights on any
school in England when the war is over and
want to send their children there. The
public school system (what we would call
private schools in the United States) has
recently survived its first major public at-
tack. Unquestionably, it is in for fun-
damental changes.
Literally millions of British men and
women have had a taste of schooling in the
armed services during the war. They find it
hard to understand why, up to now, eight
out of nine children in Britain have been
taught in classes with more than forty
children, and after the age of fourteen, got
no more education of any kind.
Food, housing, and education are only
three of the subjects around which many
British Information Services
QUINTIN HOGG
British Information Services
' WILLIAM BEVERIDGE
British Information Services
ARTHUR GREENWOOD
Three members of Parliament who often are the storm centers of debate: Captain Hogg, veteran of World War II, leads "the Young
Tories"; Sir William, Liberal, champions broad schemes for security; Mr. Greenwood is a leader of the Parliamentary Labour Party
MAY 1945
223
British people during this war have built
high hopes for the future. Full employ-
ment and social security are phrases now
understood, probably, by a larger percent-
age of all the people in Great Britain than
in any other country in the world. The
prewar depression, like wartime bombing
and rationing, had decisive impact on the
lives of people and their political thinking.
Men and women who can vote now have a
new awareness of what their life was like in
the past, and what it might be in the future.
Tinder of Politics
So politics during this war first became
a game of making promises. This time
they were not only promises of "Homes for
Heroes." The stakes had gone up. The
promises this time were White Papers of
strategy for a great new war against what
Sir William Beveridge calls the giant social
evils of Want, Disease, Idleness, Ignorance,
and Squalor.
Even the realistic and sober-sided Mr.
Churchill was moved to sponsor a four-
years' program, which he first announced
on March 23, 1943, and which was designed
to cover in five or six large measures all
the problems of social insurance, unem-
ployment, agriculture, public health, educa-
tion, and the physical reconstruction of a
heavily bombed nation. The measures he
then envisaged moved slowly to concrete
legislation. Some were frozen in pre-elec-
tion uncertainty — as to where the credit or
the blame should lie inside the coalition
make-up. As time has gone on, others have
broken through the stage of generalization
to draft, enactment, or even to administra-
tion.*
For there have been political leaders, in-
side and outside the present government,
convinced that the public will not continue
to accept gladly endless delays of reform,
getting no further than Royal Commissions
and White Papers. They know that Britain
has been churned from bottom to top in
the last five years. They know that Bever-
idge has become almost a common noun in
the English language. It stands for the
desire of the common men and women in
Britain to achieve the same miracles in
ordering their peacetime lives that they
have achieved in fighting through a bitter,
often hopeless, war — to a triumphant close.
It stands for full employment and for social
security. It stands for hope.
This development in popular thinking
about the future is probably the hard core
of the "bloodless revolution"; something
which will survive both the end of the war
* Status this spring of half a dozen moves and
measures :
ENACTED: Town and Country Planning Act
(1943), bringing the whole of England, Scotland and
Wales under planning authorities. Recent measures
provide for early large scale erection of prefabricated
houses; and for reinstitution of the local programs
of housing authorities and voluntary enterprise.
Education Act (1944), hailed as most substantial ad-
vance since the Fisher act of 1921. (See page 206.)
IN PROCESS: National Health Service Bill. (See
page 212.) Social Security — government bill covers
much of Beveridge Plan; goes beyond its provisions
for old age. A first instalment introduces universal
allowances for children.
ADMINISTRATION: Town and Country Plan-
ning Ministry established in 1942; Ministry of Na-
tional Insurance in 1944, under Sir William Jowett
(hitherto Minister without portfolio). A new gov-
ernment measure vests in the Board of Trade di-
rectives as to location of industry.
and any postwar hunger for stability and
for return to accustomed ways.
Basic Trends and Clashes
The development is one which thus far,
however, has produced no sudden or drastic
changes in the formula of power inside
British politics. It is hard to see that it has
altered as yet the determination of the
Colonel Blimps to turn the clock back to
where it stood when that man Hitler upset
everything. "I have not the slightest
doubt," said the Conservative Member for
Croyden in the House of Commons, "that
when we awake from our dream, which
will be about three months after the ter-
mination of hostilities, three quarters of the
stuff we have been talking about so loosely
will go overboard."
It may similarly be argued that political
procrastination in the domestic field has
not decreased the possibility of explosive
working class pressure in Britain once the
discipline of foreign war has been lifted.
You can find men in London, and even in
Croydon, who think that liberation in
Europe is releasing forces which mav be
hard to hold in check. If they should lead
to violent changes on a continent-wide
,
British Information Services
ELLEN WILKINSON
"Wee Ellen," Labour M.P., is parliamentary
secretary to the ministry of home security
scale, these might vault the English Chan-
nel which Napoleon, and Hitler after him,
failed to cross.
At the present time, there is little ground
for crediting either a reactionary capitalist
group or any proletarian party with enough
strength to interrupt the slow but steady
evolution of popular British thinking. The
trend is socialistic* but the political form
this may take is as hard to predict as the
party make-up of the next government. But
all signs point towards the finding of at
* Traditionally, the brand of socialism of th<
British Labour Party has comprehended nationaliza
tion of mines, electric power, utilities, transportation
and other common services — with areas of industrial
production and distribution left open to private initia
live. These coupled with public housing, the insur
ances and social services, and the extension of democ
racy were points in its prospectus of "An England
Worth Fighting For" even in the last World War.
least temporary common ground in ideas,
among men with wholly divergent back-
grounds who yet share the conviction that
promises made during the war and by the
war will have to be fulfilled.
Nor is it possible to predict the speed at
which this trend may keep up, or the point
at which changes in thinking may pass over
into large scale changes in ways of life and
livelihood. At some point, it is bound to
challenge property rights, for example, more
gravely than any of the wartime controls.
Thereupon, there will be opposition, and
powerful opposition. In ideas, the change
is already well advanced and it is a fair
guess that they will color all British politics
for many years to come. Beveridge, him-
self, recently summed up what is certainly
the mood, if not the program, of a vast
majority of his fellow-countrymen:
"Whether private ownership of means of
production to be operated by others is a
good economic device or not, it must be
judged as a device. It is not an essential
citizen liberty in Britain, because it is noi
and never has been enjoyed by more than a
very small proportion of the British people."
Party Straws in the Wind
Partisan consequences of the war are the
hardest to predict. There has been no gen-
eral election in Great Britain since 1935, ten
years ago. Since then the world has changed
so greatly that public interest in. a House
of Commons vote on any question is now
possibly the greatest act of faith .in democ-
racy that history has ever known. At the
same time, happenstance by-elections can
scarcely show the way the wind is really
blowing, for the parties in the coalition do
not compete in contesting them; the army
does not vote, and its leaders and its men
are not yet standing for office in any great
numbers.
Like the United States, Great Britain has
developed new techniques for sampling
public opinion, including opinion polls.
During 1944, for example, the British Insti-
tute of Public Opinion reported in percent-
ages what most observers already felt to be a
general satisfaction with the coalition as a
wartime measure and a slowly growing dis-
position to return to party rule at some
. later time.
In one sample polled just a year ago, 86
percent approved of Mr. Churchill as
Prime Minister, with only 10 percent dis-
approving of him, and 4 percent unable
to make up their minds. Another sample —
well before D-day — revealed no hurry to
hold another general election: 24 percent
favoring six months after Germany's defeat;
36 percent a full year afterwards. In a
third, 41 percent voted for a continuation
of coalition government after the war. Most
observers would agree that by now a ma-
jority favor a traditional party cabinet with
a recognized opposition.
Clues to the future can be found, also, in
reports of the Mass Observation Movement.
Its most ambitious study of how people
look forward to the peace, called "The
Journey Home," reported an apparently
widespread willingness to accept continua-
tion of wartime controls as long as they
(Continued on page 258)
224
SURVEY GRAPHIC
VI. SELF-GOVERNMENT WITHIN THE BRITISH COMMONWEALTH
Photos from the Canadian Wartime Information Board
Many strains are blended in the peoples living both north and south of the Canadian-USA border. Thus these British Col-
umbian miners in their workers' education class include two Englishmen, a Scotsman, a Czech, two native-born Canadians
Northern Neighbor
As unscathed by invasion as the USA, Canada will enter the postwar world with in-
creased national stature, with new ties linking her to this country as well as to Britain.
CANADA, WHICH ENTERED THE FIRST WORLD
War as a glorified dependency of Great
Britain, emerged from it to become a mem-
ber of the League of Nations and an au-
tonomous nation within the British Com-
monwealth.
Meanwhile, she had tripled her exports
and doubled her imports, multiplied her
manufacturing plant, and discovered with
surprise that she could finance her own war
expenditures. She had graduated from the
status of a colony into that of a "small
power." As with many another stripling,
fighting had exercised her energies and
helped her growth.
i
Wartime Achievements
The end of the second World War will
leave Canada — in all but population — if not
quite a "great power" then what might be
called a "middle-class power." She has be-
come the fourth war producer among the
United Nations. She has once again tripled
her export trade and increased her national
income by 225 percent. She is on the way
to becoming a creditor country; whereas
she was formerly in debt to Great Britain,
MAY 1945
JOHN MacCORMAC
Britain is now in debt to her. As a fighting
nation as well as a war workshop her per
capita achievement has been impressive. A
whole Canadian army has been fighting in
western Europe. To be sure, it includes
Polish and British units in its ranks, but
it could have been self-sufficient had there
— By a Canadian, now in London, who
has spent most of the war years in the
United States. He has made a special
study of relations north and south of the
border.
Mr. MacCormac began his distin-
guished journalistic career as reporter
and then as London correspondent for
various Canadian papers. In 1936, he
joined the London staff of The New
York Times, and later represented that
paper in Vienna, Montreal, and Wash-
ington.
His books include: "Canada: Ameri-
ca's Problem" (1940); "America and
World Mastery" (1942); "This Time
for Keeps" (1943).
not been also a Canadian corps on the
Italian front.
A Canadian navy of cruisers, destroyers,
and corvettes has convoyed a third of all
the ships which crossed the Atlantic during
this war. If the 200,000 Canadian airmen
in the Royal Air Force, the Royal Canadian
Air Force, and in Canada itself were as-
sembled into a single body, Canada would
probably rank as the fourth air-power
among the United Nations.
Because 70 percent of her total war pro-
duction has gone outside Canada to the
other United Nations, Canada has become
the second exporting nation of the world.
Since she is so large a surplus producer of
war goods, she is the only nation outside
the United States and Britain to be repre-
sented on the Combined Boards which
since Pearl Harbor have allocated most of
the raw materials and production of the
anti-Axis world.
These are high achievements for a coun-
try of fewer than twelve million people.
They are, of course, wartime achievements.
They were born of Canada's extensive na-
tural resources, her high degree of mech-
225
The ancient mid-continent ocean bed, now the flat and fertile prairies of Canada and the USA, is "the bread basket of the
world." Canadian farmers, reaching wartime peaks of production, are growing a half billion bushels of wheat annuall)
anization and talent for industrial organ-
ization, but born before their time, amid
the shock of war. The production was real,
but the demand was artificial. Canada's in-
dustrial growth since 1940, therefore, repre-
sents for Canada as much a problem as an
opportunity. Canada has been carried fur-
ther along the road from an agricultural
to an industrial economy, but the new
diversification of her economy has not made
her less dependent on foreign trade, and
the postwar job of beating swords into
plowshares will be complicated for her by
worldwide economic factors over which she
herself can exercise only small control.
Canada can prosper in a wartime world
with its special demand for the products
of her ocean-guarded economy, and she
Where corn grew a few months ago, Canada now gathers a grim harvest of howitzer
shells for the United Nations. This Quebec plant is one of the Empire's largest
annually
could prosper in a world where economic
as well as military peace obtained, where
trade was free and markets eager. But in
an uneasy era like that from 1929 to 1935,
what with import quotas, exchange restric-
tions, and "bilateralism," Canada's economy
tends to shrink. Her national wealth, for
instance, increased only 2 percent between
1933 and 1940 and even in 1940 was still
far below the level of 1929, the last year
of general prosperity.
The French Canadians
These hazards are faced by any country
which is a large surplus producer of a
comparatively few world commodities. But
Canada has complications peculiar to Can-
ada. For most nations, war is at least tem-
porarily a uniting influence, but world wars
tend to tear Canada apart. Many Canadians
thought it unwise to fight alongside Brit-
ain at a time when the United States was
not participating in the conflict. In so think-
ing they were motivated not only by North
American isolationism but the specific con-
viction that Canada has a great and grow-
ing identity of interest with the United
States. American entry into the war, there-
fore, came as a great relief to Canadians,
especially to Mackenzie King, the most
North American minded of Canadian
prime ministers.
A third of Canada's population, however,
firmly opposes her participation in extra-
American wars, whether or not the United
States is also a protagonist. Her "French
Canadians," although they helped keep
Canada British by resisting the American
invaders of 1776 and 1812, are neither
French nor English in their emotional at-
tachments; they are purely and narrowly
226
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Machine-age teamwork in the great Fairchild bomber plant in Montreal. Crews of mechanics, electricians, painters,
test engineers, and other experts take over the Bolingbrokes as each ship reaches the final stages of assembly
Canadian. They acquiesced without enthu-
siasm in Canada's participation in the first
World War; they resisted conscription for
overseas service when it was imposed in
1917 by a coalition government specially
elected for the purpose. In this war, history
repeated itself. Canadian participation was
again grudgingly accepted and conscription
bitterly fought.
French Canadians are the Sinn Feiners
of the. North American continent, its most
compact group of wholehearted isolation-
• ists. They countenance the British connec-
tion insofar as it guarantees their retention
of the linguistic, legal, and religious priv-
ileges whose original grant they owed to
Britain, but they dislike it when it involves
them in "imperialist" wars. They disap-
prove of the United States and dislike the
idea of becoming American. In the eyes of
the French Canadian Catholic hierarchy,
the United States represents materialism,
worldliness, and an alien but pervasive cul-
ture. What French Canada hopes is that
in another fifty years — by reason of a sur-
vival rate two and a half times as high as
that of English speaking Canada — it will
be able to shape Canadian policy to its own
liking. The United States might then find
north of her something like Argentina.
Forces for Unity
It is not likely that this will happen. The
unhappy memories, the burden of war and
reconstruction costs, and consequent lower
living standards which the war will leave
in its wake should permit Canada to add
as many British immigrants to her popula-
tion as she can absorb. An expansion of
the home market by such means has be-
come almost an economic necessity if she is
to make use in peace of her war-enlarged
industrial plant and she may decide to kill
two birds with one stone. Canada's French
Canadian problem is a hard one but is
within her own power to solve. The policy
of her present government has been to
ignore it hoping — unlike Mr. Micawber —
that something would not turn up. But
that hope has been disappointed by this
war as by the last. Those who urge grasp-
ing the nettle firmly have been justified by
the fact that conscription has been imposed
and French Canada — despite the headlines
in some American newspapers — has not re-
volted. (Continued on page 250)
A housewife turns her spinning wheel in rural Quebec, where French-Canadians cling
to their individualism, growing their own food, making their cloth and their clothes
MAY 1945
227
Partners
in the South Pacific
Australia and New Zealand, outposts
of Western civilization, share with the
USA a pioneer tradition, and are eager
to be leaders in their part of the globe.
ALLAN NEVINS
Australian News and Information Bureau
Sunburned, rangy, and tough, the "Aussie" is akin
to the GI in adventurousness and democratic ideals
AUSTRALIA AND NEW ZEALAND ARE NATIONS
with a natural fascination for Americans.
They closely resemble the United States in
their youth, their adventurousness, their
frontier traditions, and their devotion to
democratic ideals.
They differ sharply from America in
other respects. They have been bolder in
social experiment; they give their govern-
ments a larger role in economic affairs; they
pay more attention to labor; and they act
more drastically to ensure a rough equality.
The reasons for some of these differences
are rooted in history; for others, in the geo-
graphic environment.
The combination of resemblances and
contrasts makes both of these countries ex-
ceedingly interesting to the American visi-
tor— and they have had hundreds of thou-
sands of visitors since Pearl Harbor.
The remarkable war record of the two
lands has added not a little to their appeal.
New Zealand's Service Stripes
New Zealand is justly proud of the fact
that it has mobilized a larger proportion of
its manpower for armed service than any
other of the United Nations. One man out
of every two of military age, or one out of
every four of the whole male population,
has given full time duty to the army, navy,
or air forces.
A New Zealand cruiser, the Achilles,
helped sink the Graf Spec off the River
Plate in 1939. The swift New Zealand
garrisoning of the Fiji Islands denied that
important base to the Japanese. As for the
New Zealand expeditionary force in North
Africa and Greece, the whole world has
heard of their feats. They fought in Attica
and Crete; they were the first to reach the
garrison of Tobruk; they broke the en-
circling German line at Mersa Matruh; and
with two British armored divisions, they
made up the Tenth Corps which at El
Alamein, in Churchill's words, hurled itself
like a thunderbolt through the gap to finish
Rommel and his arrogant army.
Meanwhile, 100,000 New Zealand women
enrolled in the auxiliary services.
Australians rallied to the war with less
celerity but equal vigor. In the first two
years of war, putting 438,000 men under
arms and 200,000 men and women into de-
fense factories, they thought they had done
well. But after Pearl Harbor, Prime Min-
ister John Curtin told them: "You haven'f
really got started yet." The facts that can
be cited today prove that he was right.
The Men with Turned-Up Hats
Out of a total population of 7,100,000, no
fewer than 900,000 Australian men have
been enlisted. These troops have served in
Syria, Greece, and North Africa; in India,
Malaya, and the Dutch East Indies; and on
a dozen islands of the South Seas. A year
ago they had suffered some 83,000 casual-
ties. (If we had suffered casualties on the
same scale our figure would have been
— By the Professor of American History,
Columbia University, who in 1934-35
occupied the Sir George Watson Chair
of American History, Literature and
Institutions, in Great Britain, and later
was Harmsworth Professor at Oxford.
Twice a Pulitzer prize winner ("Grover
Cleveland, a Study of Courage," 1932;
"Hamilton Fish: the Inner History of
the Grant Administration," 1936) he has
promoted closer mutual understanding
during World War II, through "Amer-
ica, the History of a Free People,"
originally published in England, and "A
Short History of Britain" (in collabora-
tion with ]. B. Brebner) published here.
With experience as an editorial writer
on the old New York World, the New
York Sun and The Nation; a long shelf
of books to his credit, and the general
editorship of the American Political
Leaders Series, his special franchise for
interpreting the South Pacific dominions
comes of six months "down under" from
which he recently returned.
1,500,000.) The men with the turned-up
hats, sunburned, rangy, and tough, who
sang "Waltzing Matilda" as they fought,
had held Tobruk for seven months. They
had battled before Singapore, dug in at
Port Moresby, and occupied the Ramu Val-
ley in northern New Guinea. Australian
airmen had helped raid Germany. The
Australian light cruiser Perth, after running
the gauntlet with convoys to Malta, had
sunk with all hands while holding off the
Japanese in the Java sea. The sloop Yarra
had gone to certain destruction to lay down
a smokescreen between Allied ships and a
great Japanese fleet. And the financial cost
of the war down to June, 1944, had reached
1880 for every man, woman, and child
in Australia.
The Home Front in the South Seas
Both of these countries have submitted to
economic and social controls decidedly more
drastic than those in the United States.
Taxation in Australia ($1,400,000,000 for
the fiscal year 1943-44) is as heavy on low
incomes as in America, and much heavier
on middle and high incomes. Control of
manpower extends to the hiring and dis-
missal of practically all labor. Credit and
investment are under strict supervision, and
no money may be put into non-essential in-
dustries. Price controls are more rigid than
in the United States.
In New Zealand, for example — which has
strained every sinew to ship supplies to
Great Britain and help provide for Ameri-
can forces — the cost of food rose in the first
two war years only 9.5 percent, then fell
back to 8.5 percent; and was held there.
In both countries, machines and materials
are subject to stringent priority schedules.
In both, the sale of houses and farms is per-
mitted only at "reasonable" prices as de-
termined by local boards, preventing all
realty speculation and inflation.
For Australia and New Zealand, the sec-
ond World War marks, as they are well
aware, a great turning point in their na-
tional destinies. Heavy as was the impress
228
SURVEY GRAPHIC
which the last conflict laid upon their life,
this new struggle is affecting them much
more sharply. They stand face to face with
great changes in their internal economies;
in their attitudes toward Great Britain and
the rest of the Empire-Commonwealth; and
in their position in the Pacific world. The
war has powerfully stimulated manufac-
turing in the two dominions, and brought
secondary and even tertiary industries into
unexpected vigor.
It has diminished the spirit of colonialism,
though perhaps not the basic loyalty of the
people to the Motherland.
Naturally enough, the splendid war rec-
ords of the two countries has given them
greater maturity and self-confidence. And
above all, the war has made Australians and
New Zealanders conscious of a new position
in the Pacific: a position in which they
must face perils previously ignored, assume
responsibilities once shirked, and find
friendships and protections to which they
were once indifferent.
We may add that they have for the first
time learned that they must be comrades
and partners. Those are sadly mistaken
who suppose that since Australia and New
Zealand are both British dominions, both
peopled by the same stock, and both in
the South Pacific, they have maintained a
close relationship. It is true that they are
but 1,300 miles apart. It is true that they
have common problems and a common out-
look. But until the last four years they
had been rivals rather than allies.
The New Zealanders, drawn largely from
British middle-class folk, have always felt
a certain social superiority to the rougher
Australians. The Australians have always
been more independent of the British con-
nection than their neighbors. In trade af-
fairs the two lands used to quarrel, and
sometime even waged mild trade wars. For
years the two of them could not agree on
means of establishing the vital Sydney-
Auckland air service. The New Zealand
government constantly consulted London;
the Australian government did the same;
but the two seldom consulted one another.
Now the war has wrought a healthful
transformation. Since 1939 their govern-
ments have been in constant touch. They
have formed close trade connections, and
have improved their communications. After
long discussions in which Peter Fraser and
Walter Nash represented New Zealand,
and John Curtin and Herbert Vere Evatt
stood for Australia, the two dominions a
couple of years ago agreed on a forthright
(some have said a bumptious) statement of
Pacific and world policy. Their old isola-
tion from each other was certainly fatuous.
In a region as dangerous as the Pacific in
recent years, it might have become suicidal.
It is well ended for them and for the inter-
ests of democracy in this part of the globe.
Australia — Small Continent
Of the two lands, Australia has a much
more variegated economic development, a
more complex social structure, and a more
active and colorful political life than her
associate. This is partly because her popu-
lation (7,100,000) is between four and five
times as great as New Zealand's 1,600,000
people. It is partly because Australia is a
continent of roughly the same area as the
United States, while New Zealand is only
about as large as England and Scotland
combined. It is partly because Australia is
by half a century the older, having re-
ceived her first colonists before the eight-
eenth century ended. And finally, it is
partly because Australia has a greater range
of natural resources than New Zealand, and
particularly of those minerals upon which
heavy industry depends.
The visitor to New Zealand feels at once
that the land, for all its beauty, interest, and
distinction, is small, isolated, and essentially
rural. The visitor to Australia, landing at
cities — Sydney, Melbourne, Adelaide, Perth,
Brisbane — which need not shrink from
comparison with any of their size in the
United States, feels at once that he is in a
large country of great potential wealth, al-
ready well industrialized, and with an ur-
ban and even metropolitan civilization.
The industries of the two countries differ
both in type and organization.
Manufacturing in New Zealand has been
almost entirely concerned with the proc-
essing of agricultural products: wool, meats,
butter, and cheese. Australian manufac-
turing, on the other hand, has covered a
sufficient range of products to meet most
of the wants of the country. This industrial
development is the more creditable in that
most of it is the result of home investment.
Before the war, Australian enterprise and
capital were responsible for the production
Australian News and Information Bureau
H.M.A.S. Bataan slides down the ways in
an Australian shipbuilding yard. Her name
is "a tribute to our American Allies"
of clothing, furniture, textiles, leather, pot-
tery, glassware, cutlery, cement, woodwork,
and other wares in ample supply. With
British and American aid, the country had
developed the manufacture of automobiles,
railroad cars, rubber, chemicals, tobacco
and a good deal of machinery. In New Zea-
land the factories are chiefly small inde-
pendent units, for the population cannot
support large plants. But in Australia very
large corporations exist. One, the Broken
Hill Proprietary or "BHP," ranks as one
of the most powerful business agencies in
the world.
Indeed, the story of BHP is the best
single evidence of what Australian enter-
prise can accomplish in the industrial
sphere. The corporation gained its initial
capital from the fabulously rich silver-lead
mines at Broken Hill. In 1900 it took con-
trol of the valuable iron ore deposits at
Iron Knob in South Australia, and thirteen
years later began to develop iron and steel
works at Newcastle, a hundred miles north
of Sydney. BHP owns great bodies of
coking coal, and large limestone quarries.
It has built what is said to be the larg-
est single steel mill in the British Empire;
at any rate, the mill which turns out the
most comprehensive range of products. It
moves its raw materials in its own ships.
It holds a large share in the chief Austra-
lian industries based on steel: the manu-
facture of machinery, wheels, pipes, nails,
wire and wire-ropes, galvanized iron, and
other wares. Along with the Imperial
Chemical Industries, it controls chemical
manufacturing. Before the war it under-
took, in conjunction with General Motors-
Holden, Ltd., an airplane manufactory
which has proved invaluable to the Com-
monwealth. Among the 27,000 Australian
factories which operated in 1939-40 with
588,000 workers, the BHP enterprises con-
stitute a veritable colossus.
Since the onset of the war, Australian in-
dustry has^ not only expanded but become
decidedly more complex. War demands at
once stimulated all the metallurgic plants.
New materials, including ferro-manganese
and magnesium, have been produced, and
aluminum manufacture is now proposed.
Modern machine tools, few and crude be-
fore the war, are made in considerable quan-
tities and with great accuracy, so that the
large munitions industry is now mainly
home-tooled. Even such specialized prod-
ucts as optical glass and optical instruments
are now satisfactorily made. The country
turns out medium tanks and armored cars;
warplanes of the Beaufort type, with Aus-
tralian engines; destroyers and monitors;
and large freighters. Australia makes field
artillery, mortars, anti-tank guns and anti-
aircraft guns of multiple types, searchlights,
other electrical equipment, and all sort of
small arms. The Australian textile and
food industries have been extended to help
supply American forces in the Pacific. The
chemical industry has taken on great vigor.
New Zealand — Big Island
New Zealand has witnessed the same
change on a more limited scale. Before the
war her automobile works imported half-
finished or finished parts and assembled
MAY 1945
229
a
Women of the Land Service help raise New Zealand's bumper wartime crop of wool-
New Zealand Legation, Washington
make blankets and battle dress for GI's and Australasians on many fighting fronts
them; now they carry on the preliminary
processes as well. The government railway
workshops used to make all the rolling-
stock, including locomotives, for the rail-
roads, which are state-owned. Today, they
have undertaken much general machine
work. War plants are turning out Bren
gun-carriers, mortars, airplane and tank
parts, and huge quantities of bombs, shells,
and mines — a creditable feat when we con-
sider that all iron and steel have to be im-
ported. The manufacture of clothing and
boots has heavily increased. American
and Australian forces benefited by the steady
stream of blouses, socks, jerseys, blankets.
We can no longer think of New Zealand
a.s merely "rural," for her factory hands in
the fourth year of war numbered 117,200,
and her factory products were then worth
$624,000,000.
This sharp industrial expansion presents
Australia and New Zealand with a whole
series of questions of internal policy:
How much of it can and should be re-
tained when peace comes?
To what extent should the government
furnish tariff protection or more direct
subsidies?
What relation should the new tariffs bear
to the Ottawa Agreements and imperial
trade policy?
Is the greatly expanded industry to be
free, or largely state-controlled?
What relation is it to bear to agriculture?
Are tariffs to be matched by a continu-
ance of farm price-guarantees (which both
Australia and New Zealand have found in-
dispensable to production during the war)?
These are complex problems. They are
already being hotly debated. Australia, in
particular, may face shifts of economic an
political balance comparable with those
which took place in the United States after
the Civil War.
This much is certain: that much of the
industrial growth will prove permanent.
In both countries, but particularly Australia,
some of the new plants will survive un-
aided. After all, the Australian iron, steel,
food, rough-textile, and farm-implement in-
dustries were able to face any competition
on a free-trade basis before the war. Other
industries will survive if temporary tariff
assistance is given them; particularly if the
Australian pound continues undervalued,
and the Australian wage level remains
lower than the prevailing British and Amer-
ican levels.
Some of the new war industries will
doubtless be fostered by the Australian and
New Zealand governments as a matter of
defense. Australia will probably wish to
keep her chemical, optical, and machine-
tool plants running even at the cost of state
subsidies; New Zealand to keep the basis
of her new heavy industries.
Pearl Harbor taught them that attack
may be sudden; industrial preparedness,
vital.
As for tariffs, the Ottawa Agreements
have been popular in both dominions; but
the conviction has grown that Empire trade
is not enough. Australasia is as anxious as
the United States to provide full employ-
ment and maintain a high living standard.
(The prewar New Zealand standard was as
good as any in the world, and perhaps, all
factors considered, was the best in the
world; but the Australian standard was be-
low that of the United States, Canada, and
Great Britain.)
Both countries are keenly concerned to
find export markets. They look to the
teeming peoples of Asia as potential out-
lets. But above all, they hope for interna-
tional action to build an expanding world
economy. They have been as ready as any
other lands to collaborate in this effort. Only
if it fails will they be likely to favor high
tariffs and a renewal of the system of im-
perial preference which was set up partly
in retaliation for our own Smoot-Hawley
act.
Labor in the Two Dominions
This also is certain: that the drastic in-
ternal changes wrought by the war have
not diminished but rather increased the
interest of both Australia and New Zea-
land in progressive social legislation. Lab
governments are in power in Canberra anc
Wellington alike.
Australia has maintained, with lapses, an
advanced governmental position. Her
handling of the depression had some very
statesmanlike features. New Zealand was
less fortunate. A long period of apathy
and even reaction did not end until 1935;
but since then, first under Michael Savage
and then under Peter Fraser, she has march-
ed steadily forward.
The official goal of labor in the two do-
minions— socialization of production, dis-
tribution, and exchange — is of course sought
by a policy of gradualism. What the two
countries are most proud of is a familiar se
230
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Australian News and Information Bureau
Port Pirie, South Australia. A sprawling smelter of "BHP", one of the most powerful business agencies on earth
of liberal measures: pensions and insurance
schemes; wage-fixing tribunals; arbitration
of industrial disputes; free schools; family
endowment plans; advanced measures for
child care and mother care; and state
monetary controls. Australia has a pet ex-
periment in compulsory voting; New Zea-
land one in the broadcasting of parliamen-
tary debates.
Both lands are proud of the way in which
other countries, after initial derision, have
accepted most of their undertakings. A hun-
dred evidences (such as the recent political
science conference in Canberra) might be
cited for the view that both countries will
move forward with state controls for the
general welfare.
But the most crying need in the two
dominions (as in Britain) is for an upward
shift in the school-leaving age. Actual
illiteracy is almost unknown. The New
Zealand army authorities found but one
illiterate; he came from an island off the
coast, and they were astonished that even
one existed! But too large a proportion of
Australasian children stop their education
before reaching the secondary school. They
plunge into active life with minds untrain-
ed and ambitions unawakened. They fur-
nish the dismaying array of workingmen
who have only two interests beyond their
day's work: beer and the racetracks. They
contribute to the impression of seeming
cultural mediocrity that many Americans
have found so depressing. Happily, the
movement for laws and financial provision
to keep youths in school to fifteen or six-
teen is growing. The war has proved the
value of skills, and demonstrated the need
for a much larger body of men trained to
supervisory work.
(Continued on page 252)
New Zealand Legation, Washington
In spite of wartime industrial expansion. New Zealand is chiefly occupied with growing and processing farm products
MAY 1945
231
The tragedy of erosion in a South African valley. Here once rich farm land, near Hofmeyr, has been ruined by
overgrazing and burning of the mountain slopes. The soil's porosity was destroyed, and runoff and gullying resulted
LAND— and the Union of South Africa
Neither diamonds nor gold can make up for soil erosion or racial trouble.
Only land conservation can yield enough footholds for livelihood and life.
HUGH H. BENNETT
ALL TOO OFTEN, THE LAST NATURAL RESOURCE
which a nation decides to protect is soil,
although that is wholly indispensable to the
life of its people. In the Union of South
Africa, happily, there is promise that some-
thing positive is going to be done about it.
Last year, when I went there to consult
with officials of the Union Government on
soil erosion, I had been given to understand
the dominion's problem was a dangerous
one, and getting worse. I knew, too, that
a special drought committee had made a
searching study of the Union's land situa-
tion as far back as 1923 and had issued a
major report warning of the seriousness of
erosion.
Traveling over the country twenty-one
years later, I soon learned how many, and
how much, South Africans were concerned
about the widespread damage which had
gone on for two decades, and the toll it
had exacted of millions of people.
Everywhere I went — and I ranged over
a very large share of the country — people
eagerly inquired whether American experi-
ence had anything to offer in the way of
remedies for what was literally "eating the
heart out of the land." There was a notice-
able impatience for action; complaints that
"There is much talk but little done" to
— By the chief, Soil Conservation Serv-
ice, U. S. Department of Agriculture —
invited last year to bring to bear on the
new frontiers of an ancient continent
what we have learned in recapturing our
own natural resources. His is a variant
from other regional articles in this num-
ber— an exhibit of scientific interplay,
American and British.
Along with Mr. Bennett's federal
service since 1903, have gone kindred
exploratory expeditions to Alaska, the
West Indies, the Great Plains drought
area, to the Canal Zone and Cuba, Cen-
tral and South America. He bore a
major part (1941-42) in the Pan Ameri-
can Conservation Commission.
From another angle, he throws new
light on the dream for "peace on earth."
On every continent, what is done, er
left undone, with the "earth beneath"
becomes of prime significance in under-
pinning the peace. For example, critics
of Britain's wartime policy in India are
often unaware how at the same time she
has helped hold in leash a drive for a
"white man's Africa up to the Equator"
— a drive due in no small part to popu-
lation pressures and denuded acreage.
arrest the speed of erosion. Others lamented
that the country had fallen into the habit
of appointing commissions "to study our
problems, write reports, print and distribute
them, and then forget the whole thing."
"South Africa in Danger"
Nonetheless, the country was not without
its own prophets. A stirring motion picture
of uncontrolled erosion — "South Africa in
Danger" — was being shown all over. This
had been filmed by C. J. J. van Rensburg
of the Division of Soil and Veld Conserva-
tion— who knows every nook and corner of
the Union and has done much to awaken
people to a menace which had grown pro-
gressively worse since the Twenties, when
the Drought Investigation Committee had
driven home:
— "That soil erosion is extending rapidly
over many parts of the Union.
— "That, besides slooting [gullying] there is
a great deal of surface erosion, both by
water and wind, taking place.
— "That the soil of the Union, our most
valuable asset, irreplaceable and definitely
limited in amount, is being removed in
enormous quantities annually.
232
SURVEY GRAPHIC
— "That a great part of this soil and valu-
able plant food is lost forever ....
—"That great damage is done by the
eroded material silting up reservoirs and
that soil erosion causes greater irregularity
in the flow of our rivers, thereby increas-
ing the cost of irrigation work ....
-"That soil erosion is causing a marked
decrease in the underground water supply
of the Union, and thereby increases the
difficulty of watering stock ....
— "That soil erosion has a cumulative char-
acter which . . . accelerates its rate. . . .
-"That prompt action is therefore impera-
tive."
Meanwhile, agricultural experiment sta-
tions in South Africa had acquired much
practical information about effective anti-
erosion measures, especially in combating
widespread damage to range land through
improper stocking. Notwithstanding these
efforts to better conditions — chiefly educa-
tional— I soon discovered the existence of
two sinister situations I had hoped not to
rind. These were: active erosion on almost
all agricultural land; and all but nothing
done to stop the damage.
The Sin of Sheet Erosion
It seems strange that agricultural spe-
cialists traveling widely about the world
have seldom reported adequately on the
extent, location, quality, and condition of
productive areas. Fingers of warning have
often been pointed at China as the world's
outstanding example of horrible land de-
bauchery, whereas the earth virtually every-
where is handicapped by countless tracts
of erosion-impoverished land.
Perhaps this is accounted for by a com-
mon lack of understanding of the disguised
violence of much erosion, its deterrent ef-
fect on agricultural production, and even
more on health and human welfare.
Anybody who looks about him can read-
ily enough recognize erosion at work in
yawning gullies. Some of them are hun-
dreds of feet deep; and a glance shows
why such lands cannot be cultivated any
further. What many people don't see, how-
ever— and therefore don't understand — is
the effect of what is called "sheet erosion,"
a less spectacular form which has gnawed
away the foundation substance for millions
of the world's people.
The reason why so many people are un-
aware of its disastrous effects is that they
do not distinguish "topsoil" from "subsoil."
It is high time that human beings be in-
formed, from school days on, that topsoil
is the productive surface layer of all land,
generally no thicker than 8 to 12 inches.
Subsoil is the material lying immediately
beneath it — poorer, less retentive of rain-
fall, more difficult to till, and, to use a less
familiar term, more erodible. Every rain
heavy enough to cause water to run down-
hill across unprotected slopes removes a
thin layer of topsoil. This is carried away
in suspension, as so much "mud" in the run
off. The process may affect large areas so
uniformly, so gradually, that even farmers
fail to recognize what is happening and
accordingly do nothing about it.
MAY 1945
This erosion process is not just a tech-
nical item of hydraulics or a simple matter
of the mechanics of farming. People don't
go out and wilfully destroy their farm lands
by swapping good soil for poor. Neverthe-
less, failure to recognize the deadly meaning
of erosion and the utter necessity of stop-
ping it is, I think, not only the most ignor-
ed but the most upsetting sin of man. It
has been generally overlooked across the
centuries — left out of our serious economic
and social considerations, out of our con-
ferences and discussions, national and inter-
national. Yet it probably lies closer to the
roots of human want, fear, and strife than
all other causes.
There are two other things most people,
South Africans included, have not clearly
understood:
( 1 ) that food comes from productive
land and nowhere else; and
(2) that productive land around the
world is already scarce and getting scarcer.
Bare Footholds for Livelihood
In many places throughout South Africa
I found that much formerly good land had
literally washed — shall I say — from beneath
dense concentrations of natives.
Thus, one very large area in Natal that
I examined in detail presented the pitiful
spectacle of completely devastated land, with
both soil and subsoil washed off down to
bedrock, and the people generally stranded.
Some were going considerable distances
from their huts on the wrecked land to find
diminutive parcels of ground for growing
corn — their staff of life. Some men were
trekking hundreds of miles to work in the
mines of the Rand district about Johan-
nesburg. Many of these people were not
just undernourished, they were underfed.
What makes the problem even more diffi-
cult is that good land to which they might
be moved is getting scarcer all the time.
What gives 'it a silver lining of hope is that
the wind and water erosion which causes it
could be controlled rather easily.
Many of these wrecked areas are on
"labor farms." The land on such tracts is
turned over to natives by the owners to do
with as they please, without rental or
charge, other than that sometime during
the year they must contribute half their
time in labor on the owner's nearby or re-
mote farm.
Thus, part of South Africa's irreplace-
able resource of productive soil is actually
being used, per se, as a medium of payment
for farm work. The native, knowing noth-
ing of modern methods of soil conserva-
tion, habit-formed to ancient ways of waste-
ful farming, allows the soil to wash off —
often, in reality, more rapidly than he could
dispose of it by loading dirt on a truck and
hauling it off to a dump.
In another locality — the area between Pie-
tersburg and the Drakensberg highlands
in northern Transvaal — we found a solid
block of more than 100,000 acres of good
land, formerly used by natives and Euro-
peans, which had been literally stripped
of its topsoil. Here, as in thousands of other
places, nothing whatever was being done to
hold the soil against wind and water.
Cultivation generally is performed with-
out regard for the contour or soil-building
crops. Animal manures and cornstalks are
used for fuel; and every vestige of crop
residue left in fields is grazed down to the
bare surface of the ground, leaving the
soil exposed to the lash of wind and water.
Present yields of corn on such land range
all the way from nothing to about 3 bushels
per acre — not enough to sustain life.
From Free State to the Great Karoo
In the Orange Free State we traveled over
200 miles along main highways without sec-
ing so much as a single field in which any
kind of soil protection or soil-building ro-
tation was being practiced. And this was in
a region where good land is suffering ex-
tensively from erosion.
Far to the south, toward Capetown, de-
structive erosion is under way over prac-
tically the entire regional wheat belt. Form-
erly the best wheat lands of the Union,
A wornout farm in Natal, where thousands of once fertile acres have been washed
down to bare rock. Natives travel miles to find soil for their garden patches
233
many of them have had to be abandoned
because the soil had been so thinned down
over the basal rock that it was no longer
deep enough to plow. The wastage in re-
maining fields is faster than ever.
Over a large part of the Great Karoo, a
shrub-covered region lying between dry or
desert country to the west and the eastern
section, with its higher rainfall, erosion is
fast spreading disaster over millions of acres.
This region is famed for the easy fortunes
that once were made here in sheep raising.
Only where the land has been wisely pro-
tected is it good sheep country today.
Never before have I seen more land mis-
management than on the hills and moun-
tain slopes of the Karoo. These highlands
have been burned so repeatedly and over-
grazed so long that the natural sponginess
of the ground has been practically destroyed.
Rain formerly soaked into retentive vege-
tation. Now it runs off as from a metal
roof, spreading sheets of torrential flow
over the nearby flat lands. Thus the top-
soil has been swept from a vast area where,
to begin with, it had only shallow depth
over rock.
As speedily as possible the highlands of
the Karoo — as well as most of the other
hill and mountainous areas of central and
eastern South Africa — should be acquired
by the government, fenced and protected
against fires, and grazed under the most
careful restrictions. Some areas should be
planted to trees. It is still not too late to
bring back some degree of former well-
being to the region.
In general, bad conditions of erosion are
so prevalent that there must be put into ef-
fect, without more delay, a really vigorous
national soil conservation program, if South
Africa is to survive in any sound agricul-
tural sense. About half of the virgin fertility
of the land has been lost — and the rate of
erosion is increasing. Three or four more
decades of doing nothing (beyond offering
farmers payments for this or that) will see
the southern half of the continent fading
from the scene as the seat of a vast com-
munity. There may still be diamonds to
mine, and gold there* but these have no
nutritional value.
Erosion Control
Control of erosion calls for the treatment
of land according to its adaptability and
needs through the use of scientifically ap-
plied measures. There are no short cuts
about the job. No two farms are exactly
alike so that formulas, like those used to
build small dams on almost any stream, are
of no avail in this complicated task which
is to control water and wind on land of
complex soil and topography. Most farmers
do not have the special training needed for
installing, for example, efficient water con-
trol systems or a good enough layout of
wind-resistant strips of vegetation.
Individual farmers can be required to
abide by certain practical rules in the ope-
ration of their farms — such as burning the
carcasses of animals that have died of con-
tagious diseases. But proposals to force them
to control erosion in an over-all way amount
to little more than nonsense. In countless
instances — generally, in fact — they do not
know what to do; they need technical as-
sistance. This assistance the government
should provide as its rightful share of the
job of keeping land permanently produc-
tive for the permanent welfare of the na-
tion. It may not be safe to bet heavily that
other nations will always be willing to sell
off their irreplaceable soil productivity in
the form of food crops for export.
The job of erosion control is not so com-
plicated, however, as to be in any sense
impracticable. As a matter of fact, it is
easier, cheaper, more remunerative, to farm
with conservation measures than by the
ordinary wasteful ways. It takes less gaso-
line and less time, for example, to plow
across slopes on the level — on the contour —
than to plow up-and-down slopes; and it is
also easier on animals and men to plow
on the level. Moreover, per-acre yields are
increased with conservation farming, and
this means more income to the producer.
I pointed out to members of the staff of
the South African Department of Agricul-
ture, Native Affairs, and others interested
in conservation matters, that their job
should prove considerably easier of accom-
plishment than ours has been in the United
States. Smoother slopes prevail and there
is greater variety of useful, soil-improving,
and soil-holding grasses available under al-
most all conditions of land, slope, and rain-
fall.
South African Demonstrations
Traveling about, studying the country in
detail, brought us into contact with occa-
sional farmers who had sought and made
good use of the advice of South Africa's
capable technicians. On their lands we
found excellent examples of erosion con-
trol on field and range.
One Transvaal farmer — Dr. Hans Maren-
sky — has contour-planted on a rather large
scale and obtained excellent results in grow-
ing citrus fruit, avocadoes, and bananas,
with conservation farming. By returning
to grass and indigenous growths those
worthless slopes that had been abandoned
because of erosion, he has not only re-
stored the land to a condition favorable for
grazing but has brought back to life
springs and streamlets that had gone dry.
And the water thus held back from the
heavy flood-flows coming off eroding land
is now being used downstream for stock
water and for the production of feed need-
ed to carry animals over the dry period of
late winter.
In Swaziland, we saw some highly suc-
cessful work done with contour-embank-
ments and even more of this in Basutoland,
where the farmers are mostly Negroes.
Specialists, some of whom had spent con-
siderable time studying our methods in the
United States, had returned to Basutoland
and helped the natives start an extensive
program of soil and water conservation
work which already has pushed corn yields
up from around 3 bushels to 12 to 15 an
acre.
I asked one of the Basuto chiefs how his
people like this sort of work. He said:
"We were scared of it at first; we didn't
understand. Now we have seen the good
of it and consider it a blessing. It not only
prevents the formation of dongas [gullies]
but gives us more to eat."
So I said to my South African co-work-
ers: "Look! You've been talking about un-
solvable, moderately difficult, and inter-
mediate problems of erosion while, here,
stretched out before us are 10,000 acres
in a solid block where Europeans and
natives, helping one another, have com-
pleted a splendid job of modern soil conser-
vation. If they can do it, why not you
South Africans?"
From the Ground Up
On my arrival in the Union, I had let
it be known how much I preferred to base
any suggestions on outdoor studies of the
land rather than on bulletins, reports, or
discussions about tables, whether round or
square. My proposal was accepted and I
was invited to speak out in any critical way
I wished.
This I did, and it helped us to develop
and present at least the framework of a
plan for going ahead with a comprehensive,
national program for the conservation and
wise use of South Africa's agricultural lands
This plan cannot be given here, but it was
based to a considerable degree on the na-
tional soil conservation program which has
proved its worth in the United States.
If adopted, this plan will succeed and it
will help solve, also, some exceedingly diffi-
cult human problems — some of them so
tough that most people have tended to look
at them and leave them alone, or branc
off into a lot of academic, political, or im
practical theorizing.
The most fundamental characteristic in
the whole social economy of South Africa
is its dwindling agricultural productivity.
The great masses of people — the eight or
ten millions of Negroes — live on and by thi
land, and yet in some provinces they cannoi
even own land. The matter of land owner-
ship could be arranged politically, but the
productive soil, now eroding away so rapid
ly over most of the country, cannot
handled politically or in any other wa
after it's gone.
Already there is acute need to move thou
sands of people from wornout land to Ian
where there is a chance to grow something.
Resettlement of this kind, necessary as it is
in the numerous impoverished localities, is
difficult under any circumstances. Reason-
ably good land available for setttlement is
already scarce in most sections because the
land impoverishment and wreckage by un-
bridled erosion has been going on for too
many years.
This problem of land for people indeed
is a tough one — so tough it is heading the
country steadily toward an impossible situa-
tion. There will have to be a reckoning
sometime, and that may not be as far off
as those who trifle and delay with so dan-
gerous a matter seem to think. For there is
a tendency to let things drift in the hope
that the situation cannot get any worse
and may somehow get better. This attitude
is pure delusion. Clear-thinking people in
South Africa understand that the so-called
insolvable problems themselves are not just
drifting; they know they are getting stead-
ily worse.
234
SURVEY GRAPHIC
I advised my South African friends, with
every persuasion at my command, that they
should at least save their remaining area of
productive land. That alone might go a
long way toward solving their most im-
mediate, troublesome and dangerous eco-
nomic difficulties; might avoid a lot of
political difficulties.
There is a relatively small but mounting
number of South Africans who know that
the life of the nation depends on saving its
agricultural lands. Diamonds and gold are
precious things to have — and they have
them — but they understand that the coun-
try has on its hands, also, plenty of deep-
seated, smoldering social and racial trouble,
a good deal of which is unnecessary.
South Africa could not possibly do any-
thing that would help the country so much
as to put idle people to work rebuilding
and stabilizing its land resources. This
would improve land sorely in need of pro-
tection, and it would help utilize and con-
serve a great part of the nation's human
resources. The immediate benefits to the
people engaged in such a program would be
outweighed only by the advantages that
would accrue from such work itself across
the long span of the future. The social and
economic health of the Union of South
Africa in the years to come is certain to be
conditioned, in a most vital way, by the
health of the nation's agriculture, of the
millions who try to live by it today, the
other millions that will seek the same liveli-
hood for many tomorrows.
If the years ahead are to be years in
which the nation steadily increases its im-
portations of food and fiber to compensate
for the dwindling productivity of its own
land, and if at home there is increasing de-
pendency by all on the gold and diamond
mines for their livelihood, the years ahead
will be years of mounting trouble.
Looking Ahead
I cannot believe the Union of South
Africa will forsake agriculture. Something
worthwhile and on a wide scale is bound
to be done about erosion. Of course, some-
thing has already been done here and there
— enough to prove its practicability. A num-
ber of Conservation Areas already have been
established under conservation laws. The
Drakensberg Area in Natal comprises 3,000
square miles of severely eroded land along
the Tugele and Mooi Rivers. The pressing
thing now is to adopt a nationwide plan.
The call is for action.
You can neither keep land productive
nor improve impoverished land except by
action out on the land: by applying such
proven measures as contour cultivation,
water retardation and conservation, strip
cropping and terracing; by such measures
as rotation of crops with soil-building
legumes and additions of animal manure
and compost; by retiring steep slopes to the
production of trees and grass, and so on.
In my last talk with newspapermen be-
fore I left the country, I couldn't resist say-
ing: "If this nation doesn't awaken to its
land responsibilities within the next two
or three decades you will have lost the
fertility of your soil — and then God help
you!"
Native girls learn to use conservation methods in the school garden near Herschel
South African Negroes reclaim gullies by planting to grass, with a cover of brush
A Transvaal field where terracing and contour plowing effectively control erosion
MAY 1945
235
The Common Stream
of Justice
Murals by Boardman Robinson,
Department of Justice Building,
Washington, D. C.
CONSTITUTION
VII. FACING AHEAD
Things of the Spirit
Britons and Americans are the same kind of people — in language, principles, values.
And though we quarrel easily, our united front is the world's best hope of peace.
HENRY STEELE COMMAGER
"THESE TWO GREAT ORGANIZATIONS OF THE
English-speaking democracies, the British
Empire and the United States, will have to
be somewhat mixed up together in some of
their affairs for mutual and general ad-
vantage. For my part, looking out upon
the future, I do not view the process with
any misgivings. No one can stop it. Like
the Mississippi, it just keeps rolling along.
Let it roll. Let it roll on full flood, inex-
orable, irresistible, to broader lands and
better days."
So, Churchill, celebrating the destroyer-
bases deal, and his observations caused mis-
givings only among those who mistook
for prophecy what was actually history. For
in fact these two great organizations, Britain
and America, have always been mixed up
in their affairs — and usually for mutual
and general advantage. They have been
mixed up in population, for English- Welsh-
Scotch-Irish is still the largest ingredient in
our society; they have been mixed up in
their language, law, economy; they have
been mixed up in politics, diplomacy, wars.
Sometimes we think of the two great
English - speaking democracies as two
branches with a common trunk and com-
mon roots. There is much truth in this
notion, but actually the relations between
them are at once less connative and more
intimate.
The Atlantic Community
Walter Lippmann has recently reminded
us that throughout our history we have
been part of the Atlantic community, and
that Britain has been the major partner in
that community. We were able to maintain
the Monroe Doctrine because Britain sup-
ported that doctrine instead of allying her-
self with its opponents. We were able to
enjoy the advantages of isolation because
a friendly Britannia ruled the waves. We
were able to buttress democracy in 1917
and again in 1941 because Britain stood
ready to fight the opening rounds of the
battle. There has been, in short, for over
a century an unformulated but real com-
munity of interest between the United
States and Britain.
It may readily be admitted that this com-
munity of interest was rooted in reality,
not in sentiment; that it was, in fact, on
both sides an enlightened self-interest. But
if we go behind this facile generalization
and ask how it happens that British and
American self-interest dictates mutual sup-
port and interdependence, we come closer
to arriving at real understanding.
For self-interest, surely, it may be sug-
gested, should have dictated close coopera-
tion between Germany and France, Russia
and Finland, China and Japan. How does
it happen that British and American self-
interest both point in the same direction,
eventuate in the same policies? How does
it happen that these two nations trust each
other?
Why, to be specific, was America so con-
fident for so long that Britain would hold
out against Nazi might, and why did the
prospect of Britain's collapse strike terror
into American hearts and move Americans
to convulsive efforts of aid?
Why, in turn, was Churchill able to pre-
dict so confidently that in God's good time
the New World would step forth to the
rescue and liberation of the Old?
"Our Kind of People"
The answer is easy, but nonetheless il-
luminating. It is because America does not
fear a strong Britain, nor Britain a strong
America; because, on the contrary, each
people has confidence in the other. They
know that they subscribe to the same prin-
ciples, respect the same standards, cherish
the same values, resent the same indignities,
pursue the same ends.
In the last analysis each can say of the
other, "They are our kind of people."
How does this happen? It is not merely
a matter of common origins: it may be
observed that many Americans are not of
British origin, and that between Spain and
the nations of Latin America there is no
such interdependence. It is not just a matter
of a common language. England and Ire-
land have a common language, so do
Portugal and Brazil, while French and
Italian, Dutch and German, are not hope-
lessly dissimilar. The explanation goes deep
into the roots of history and experience and
character.
Let us look first at this matter of values,
— By a gifted writer and teacher of
American history, a member of the
faculty of Columbia University, who in
1942-43 lectured at Cambridge. He spent
last summer in England, also, for the
U. S. War Department, and is a member
of its Committee on the History of the
War.
Professor Commager's recent books
include such yeasty and incisive volumes
as "The Heritage of America" (in
collaboration with Allan Kevins) and
"Majority Rule and Minority Rights."
because it is fundamental. And what wt
see at once is that over a period of centuries
the British have valued, above all, the dig-
nity of the individual. The individual — his
rights, privileges, and duties — is the core
of the state and of society. Here, first in
the modern world, the principle triumphed
that the state exists for man, not man for
the state; that the supreme authority is not
government but the conscience of man.
Here, first, princes and rulers were required
to respect a law higher than their own
will, the "law of Nature and Nature's
God," a law which was part of the moral
order of the universe and which was known
to the reason and conscience of individual
man. Here first was formulated the prin-
ciple that obedience is owing to rulers only
as long as their rule does not violate justice
and virtue, and that revolution is a legal
as well as a moral right.
Individual Rights
There are germs of this principle even
in Magna Carta, but it was fully developed
only with the Puritan Revolution, and can
be found, in imperishable form, in the
writings of Hooker and Sidney and Milton
and Locke.
It was carried to America by Pilgrim and
Puritan colonists, and by their successors,
and was eloquently restated in the Declar-
ation of Independence. But its triumph here
did not involve its rejection in Britain: it
remained, rather, at the basis of the British
system of government and politics, as of
the American. And this passion for the
dignity of the individual and the vindica-
tion of individual rights has pervaded both
British and American philosophy and char-
acter.
Britons, as we know, "never, never,
never, shall, be slaves." Not only will they
not themselves submit to slavery but in the
long run they will not tolerate slavery as an
institution. We read in the famous Cart-
wright case of 1569 that "in the Eleventh
of Elizabeth, one Cartwright brought a
slave from Russia and would scourge him,
for which he was questioned; and it was
resolved, that England was too pure an air
for Slaves to breathe in." A century later,
Lord Mansfield ruled, in the name of the
King's Bench, that as soon as a slave set his
foot on the soil of the British Isles he be-
came free. In 1807, Parliament abolished
the slave trade in British ships and colonies.
Here, in America, we tolerated slavery on
our own soil for two centuries. Yet here, too,
slavery was ever on the defensive. The
author of the Declaration of Independence
237
recognized its fundamental incompatibility'
with democracy, and "trembled" when he
recalled that "God is just." All character-
istically American philosophy was unalter-
ably opposed to the institution, always called
"peculiar," while its apologists had to fall
back on Greek philosophy for what they
thought a defense.
Political Morality
Closely allied with this principle of the
worth of the individual, has been the con-
cept of the moral character of government
and politics. To the British, as to Amer-
icans, neither the state nor government is
ever an end in itself, but a means to an end
and that end a moral one. It is to achieve
certain ends — "life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness," as Jefferson phrased it, that
"governments are instituted among men";
and he added that they derive only their
"just" powers from the consent of the gov-
erned.
The principle was not a new one with
Jefferson, or with Americans; it was taken
from Locke, who in turn was expressing
merely the sense of the matter familiar to
Englishmen of the seventeenth century. To
this day both British and Americans are
peculiarly inclined to 'associate morals with
politics and, what is perhaps more surpris-
ing, to inject morals into international re-
lations.
It is undoubtedly in the realm of politics
that Britain has made her most significant
— and her most direct — contributions. It is
just here, however, that Americans are
least inclined to recognize their indebted-
ness, for they accentuate differences, and
take contributions for granted.
Yet the common cause in which we are
now engaged should warn us not to take
our political institutions for granted; they
are not taken for granted elsewhere in
the world. And the manner in which we
are fighting that common cause should in-
struct us that differences are fortuitous, sim-
ilarities fundamental. For it must be clear,
by now, that the distinctions between "lim-
ited monarchy" and "republic," a "rigid"
and a "flexible" constitution, a centralized
and a federal system, a Cabinet and a
Presidential administration, are neither very
real nor very important; while the similari-
ties of the rule of law, the protection of
individual rights, democracy, freedom, and
morality, are fundamental. One reason
(probably the basic reason) why the British
and American machines have worked to-
gether so smoothly and effectively during
this war is that they were already running
on the same gauge.
What, more specifically, are some of the
British contributions to the principles and
practices of democratic politics?
There is, first, the principle of constitu-
tionalism, of government under law. The
British have managed to achieve this with
an unwritten constitution — a tribute to their
self-reliance and self-confidence, their in-
tegrity, their talent for compromise and ac-
commodation. Americans, beginning with
a new nation and confronted with the task
of bringing numerous semi-independent
states into a union, of necessity had re-
course to a written constitution. But gov-
ernment under law, in accordance with
basic principles and familiar practices, ob-
tains equally in both countries.
A second great contribution is what we
now call democracy. Most Americans are
inclined to suppose that democracy is native
to America, born of the forest and the
prairie. So, in a sense, it is; but its ancestry
is clearly English. Its basic principle — that
men make government, that men can con-
trol government for their own ends — is ex-
plicit in the whole body of Puritan thought
of seventeenth century England, and was
transplanted to America by the British, not
by the French or the Spaniards or even by
the Dutch or the Swedes. And if it be ob-
served that modern democracy requires a
continuous broadening of the concept o/
"men," it may be noted that that process
went on almost as rapidly in Britain as in
America in the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries.
Liberty under Law
A third, and characteristically British,
contribution has been the reconciliation of
liberty and order. This is the fundamental
problem of statesmanship, and of all prob-
lems the most difficult: How to maintain a
government strong enough to fulfill all
those responsibilities which government
must assume, and at the same time preserve
unimpaired the liberties of the individual.
Where the emphasis is too much on order,
the tendency is towards statism and totali-
tarianism; where the emphasis is too much
on individual liberties, the tendency is to-
wards anarchy or the exploitation of the
weak by the strong. The solution of this
problem is, of course, to grant to govern-
ment limited and specific powers and to
reserve areas of liberty into which govern-
ment may not intrude. In the modern
world it is the English-speaking nations
that have most successfully met this issue.
The British, to be sure, have not limited
their government in any formal way, as
have Americans. Theoretically, Parliament
is omnipotent; actually, Parliament exercises
its power as discreetly as does the American
British Combine
Sulgrave Manor, George Washington's ancestral home in Oxfordshire, was presented by British subscribers to the peoples of Britain
and America in 1914 in celebration of the hundred years' peace between the two countries. Here on February 22, 1943 the ^Kings'
Royal Rifle Corps — which fought Americans in the Revolutionary War — and U. S. troops laid wreaths before the bust of Washington
238
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Congress, and with even greater respon-
siveness to the public will. And in both
Britain and America, Bills of Rights pro-
tect the essential personal liberties of the
individual against the tyranny of govern-
ment or the insolence of officials.
The reconciliation of liberty and order
is neither an abstract nor an antiquarian
question. In our own day it has presented
itself chiefly as a problem of the relation
of government to the economic order. Be-
cause modern industrialism and war led to
widespread insecurity, men and women in
Germany, Italy, Spain, and elsewhere
turned in desperation to leaders who prom-
ised at least jobs, willingly bartering per-
sonal liberties for economic security.
Progress by Evolution
In Britain, where the problem was scarce-
ly less acute, there was never for a moment
any danger of the sacrifice of liberties or
justice for "order." With that genius for
compromise and accommodation, for
achieving modern ends by ancient and
familiar means, for progress through evolu-
tion rather than revolution, which has for
the last century characterized the British
people, they put their economic and social
system in order without disturbing their
liberties.
They found, as had the Scandinavian
peoples, the middle way; they managed to
curb the evils of laissez-faire without crush-
ing private initiative, to regulate business
without regimenting it, to assure basic
security in jobs and medical care and edu-
cation to all citizens without sacrificing per-
sonal liberties. And this achievement was
not Britain's alone; it was an achievement
in which Australia and New Zealand (and
to a lesser degree Canada) shared.
America, faced with substantially the
same problems in our own day, has bor-
rowed much from British experience and
will doubtless borrow more. But more
significant than particular examples — the
Beveridge plan, or housing reform, or land
utilization — is the underlying spirit of con-
cession and compromise, the underlying
method of evolution rather than revolution.
This is a spirit which animates British
and Americans alike, and which has ani-
mated them throughout their history. It is
significant that the two-party system, the
most efficacious system yet devised for poli-
tical compromise and balance, is to be found
alone in the English-speaking nations. In-
deed, how successful both Britain and
America have been in reconciling liberty
and order may be suggested by the fact
that while other countries have, in the
words of Jefferson, witnessed "infuriated
man seeking through blood and slaughter
his long-lost liberty" neither the British nor
the American people have had recourse to
revolution for three hundred years.
The Spirit of '76
But, it will be asked, what of the Amer-
ican Revolution? The question suggests
another English contribution, and one of
peculiar significance for the present. For
there are four relevant considerations that
we shall do well to remember in connection
with the American Revolution.
Harris and Ewing
Men of an American air force group presented the English town of Thetford with a
plaque, honoring it as the birthplace of Thomas Paine. They named one of their
planes for the great American patriot and inscribed on it his famous statement.
With the pilots is J. Frank Dobie, author of the new book, "A Texan in England"
First, in the phrase of one of our most
learned historians, it was "the freest of
peoples that was the first to rebel." The
solemn charges hurled against George III
in the Declaration of Independence should
not blind us to the fact that the British
colonial policy of the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries was incomparably the
most enlightened and liberal in the world.
It was because, under British rule, Amer-
icans had for so long been accustomed to
freedom that they resented so fiercely any
attempt to infringe upon their autonomy.
Second, the principles for which Amer-
icans contended were not new and revolu-
tionary, but old and conservative. Ameri-
cans claimed the "rights of Englishmen"
under the British Constitution; and they
argued, soundly enough, that it was the
glory of the British Constitution that, prop-
erly interpreted and applied, it protected
them in these rights. It should be added
that a powerful element in British politics
recognized the validity of this argument
and, in the words of Pitt, rejoiced that
America had resisted.
Third, it should be remembered that the
American solution to the problem of feder-
alism was based pretty largely upon the
experience of the old Empire — an Empire
in which authority had been distributed
among governments. Here, as in so many
places, American debt to the British genius
for political statecraft is a large one.
And, fourth, we may note that within a
generation after the completion of the
American Revolution, Britain had adopted
(or should we say readopted?) those basic
principles of imperial and colonial admin-
istration for which Americans had fought;
and throughout the nineteenth century
British imperial and colonial policy con-
tinued to be more enlightened than that of
any other world power.
Pattern for World Organization
All this is important because it suggests
perhaps the most valuable contribution
which Britain had to make to modern pol-
itics. That is to the solution of the problem
of international organization. For in the
British Commonwealth of Nations we have
the largest and most successful international
organization in history. It is not a new
creation but one deeply rooted in history
and experience; it is not a blueprint or a
formula but an organic and dynamic insti-
tution. It is well for us to remember that
while, during the 1930's, the ties that bound
nations together — treaties, agreements, com-
pacts, leagues — snapped, the British Com-
monwealth, bound together chiefly by the
ties of common sentiment, understanding,
and interest, held firm. The League of
Nations failed, notwithstanding all the
sanctions theoretically available to it; the
Commonwealth acted swiftly, effectively,
without recourse to any but moral sanc-
tions. •
Many Americans fail to appreciate the
significance of the British Commonwealth
to the problem of world order and peace.
That significance lies not alone in the size,
the power, the resources, the dignity, of the
Commonwealth system; it lies rather in the
principles which animate that system. For
here is a pattern for the kind of world
organization which we must have if it is to
be effective — an organization built not on
blueprints or treaties, alone, but on com-
mon ideals, habits, and values.
Some Americans, even some well-inten-
tioned ones, appear to think that the way
to build a new world order is to start out
MAY 1945
239
by smashing the only going concern which
we now have, or by opposing every effort
to strengthen it. They are distressed, per-
haps at the failure to reach an agreement
on India; they recall with sorrow the woes
of Ireland; they question the right of Bri-
tain to control the entrance to the Medi-
terranean; they are genuinely pained at
the sight of so much of one color on the
map of the world. Cherishing the principle
of self-determination, they fail to realize
that this is, in fact, the animating principle
of the British Commonwealth. Fearful of
imperialism, they identify the word Empire
with old-fashioned imperialism and fail to
realize that for Britain imperialism has en-
tailed as much responsibility as profit.
Heritage
One other British — and American — char-
acteristic or practice, closely associated with
politics, deserves mention, one which we
take so completely for granted that we fail
to appreciate its significance. That is the
habit of private associations, organizations,
and enterprises. This habit is a natural
product of the individualism of the English-
speaking peoples, of that freedom of action
and self-assurance which comes from secur-
ity and liberty.
Confronted with some practical problem,
inspired by some ambition, the English and
Americans do not turn instinctively to their
government, but to their fellow-citizens.
That astute French observer, de Tocque-
ville, noted this a century ago, and it is as
true today as it was when de Tocqueville
interpreted it as an essential ingredient of
democracy in America. In the English-
speaking countries, more than in any others,
education, charity, community services,
churches, hospitals, business organizations,
literary, scientific and artistic societies, libra-
ries, reform movements begin as private
associations. It is interesting that even those
organizations looking to the furtherance of
Anglo-American understanding have been
almost entirely private — the Rhodes Foun-
dation, the Pilgrim Trust, the English
Speaking Union, Books Across the Sea,
and others. This is all part of the "grass
roots" quality of English and American
democracy, part of the faith in individual
dignity and authority, part of the freedom
of enterprise under government. It is not
to be found in Germany or Russia or
France or Spain or even in the Scandi-
navian countries on anything like the same
scale; it is distinctively English and Amer-
ican.
What shall we say of other British con-
tributions? They are, for the most part,
too obvious to justify celebration. It is per-
haps hackneyed to recall that Britain is the
Mother Country, and that from her we
have drawn more fully for spiritual suste-
nance than from any other source. It may
be important to add that this is true for
those of non-British stock as well as ior
those who boast Mayflower ancestry. There
are millions of Americans of German an-
cestry, millions of Italian, of Polish, of
Russian, of Scandinavian. Yet the historian
would have some difficulty in determining
what our characteristically American in-
stitutions owe to Germany, Italy, Poland,
Russia, or the Scandinavian countries.
Our language is English, and all of
Henry L. Mencken's researches have dis-
covered astonishingly few contributions
from the non-English elements. And the
English, in return, have responded to our
American language, enriching — only the
pedantic will say vulgarizing — their own
tongue from our fiction and our films.
Our literature is English: Milton and
Wordsworth and Tennyson, Dickens and
Thackeray and Trollope, Wells and Ben-
nett and Galsworthy, are our authors, and
contemporary British novelists crowd our
best-seller lists. Again, the British recipro-
cate: it is Steinbeck and Hemingway and
Wolfe that they admire, often in preference
to their own writers. Even in the realm of
humor — perhaps the ultimate test — the in-
terchange is easy and illuminating: Ameri-
cans rejoice in W. W. Jacobs and Margery
Sharp; the British delight in Dorothy Park-
er, Ogden Nash and James Thurber, in The
New Yorker as well as in Punch.
Our law, too, is largely English — not
only the common law, but equity and
agency, and contracts and bailments, and
admiralty as well, always with important
American modifications.
Our educational machinery differs mark-
edly, but both peoples reveal the same
passion for popular education, and each has
borrowed heavily from the other.
We indulge in different sports. The
British play the game for the game's sake,
Americans play to win. But we share a
common sense of sportsmanship, a sports-
manship inextricably allied with certain
standards of honor and fair play.
The Habit of Bickering
We are, in short, notwithstanding super-
ficial differences of accent, of idiom, of
dress, of diet, of habit and conduct, the same
kind of people. How does it happen then
that we so often quarrel? How does it
(Continued on page 264)
FROM THIS CREEK
THE PILGRIM FATHERS
FIRST LEFT ENGLAND III tBD9
IN SEARCH OF RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
THE GRANITE TOP STOME WAS
TAKEN FROM PLYMOUTH I ROCK, MASS.,
f AND PRESENTED 'BY THE
SULCRAVE INSTITUTION OF U.S.A.
THIS MEMORIAL WAS ERECTED
BY THE ANGLO-AMERICAN SOCIETY
or HULL.
1934.
British Information Services
A replica of John Paul Jones' flag, which went down
with his ship in combat with H.M.S. Serapis in 1779,
was presented to the U. S. Naval Academy by the women
of Yorkshire. This carved plaque accompanied the gift
British I niorniHtitin Services
A stone in Plymouth, last port touched by the Pilgrim
Fathers on their voyage to America, records their cour-
age. This memorial at Itnmingham Creek, on England's
east coast, honors their earlier flight to Holland
240
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Press Association
"Men of good will* must unite and organize." Delegates to the San Francisco conference listening to President Truman's radio address
American Choices
The call on the USA — not for words or sentiment, but for constructive decisions
on such practical problems as trade, credit, shipping, as oil, islands and markets.
WALTER MILLIS
WE STAND AT THE CLIMAX OF A SECOND
great war which we have waged side by
side with British arms, and in which
British lands have provided, more plainly
than ever before, indispensable bastions of
our own security both on the east and on
the west. Today there is hardly anyone —
outside of a few erratic and irresponsible
voices — who would deny the fundamental
significance of that relationship to the
future of the United States as well as to
the world at large.
We stand also at the climax of a long
history which gradually, irregularly, and
yet with the underlying inevitability of
historic process, has woven the destinies and
policies of the two powers ever more closely
together.
It began, if one likes, with the Mon-
roe Doctrine; it continued with British
policy during the Civil War. If anything it
was strengthened by the Venezuela incident
in 1895 — the last even seemingly serious
issue between the two peoples — and it was
evident at Manila Bay. It was an important
theme in Theodore Roosevelt's diplomacy;
was clear to all in World War I and was
dramatically confirmed at the time of the
Washington Conference in 1922.
That settlement brought the end of the
Anglo-Japanese alliance, brought Great
— By a southerner who began his jour-
nalistic career on the Baltimore News,
moved on to the New York Sun, and has
been since 1924 an editorial and staff
writer for the New York Herald Tribune.
His special field of interest and of writ-
ing is international relations.
A frequent contributor to magazines,
Mr. Milli.s has written several books,
among them "The Road to War" (1935)
and "Why Europe Fights" (1940). The
former was an incisive, widely read
analysis of events and forces converging
on America's entry into World War I;
the latter, an eloquent projection of
issues at stake in World War II.
Britain's historic acceptance of naval parity
with the United States; and also, the
transfer of the American fleet to the Pacific,
thus leaving our Atlantic seaboard to be
defended by the Royal Navy while we, in
effect, assumed responsibility for the safety
of the great British territories in the other
ocean.
But to recognize the importance of an
international relationship is not the same
thing, unfortunately, as to define the bases
upon which it is to rest or to accept the
implications which they involve. It was, or
should have been, plain enough after World
War I and the Washington Conference that
our relations with Great Britain were cen-
tral to the destinies of both countries and
to the whole structure of international
affairs. But neither country drew the nec-
essary deductions from this fact, or suffi-
ciently adjusted its policies to them. One
of the fundamental causes of the great
tragedy of the inter-war years lay in the
extent to which Anglo-American relations
were allowed, as it were, to go by default.
That default was permitted to paralyze de-
velopment of a rational international society.
Where We Failed
It may be left to British observers to note
examples of this in the policy of their own
country; an American can point to many
examples in the courses followed by the
United States. Our rejection of the League
Covenant in 1920 summarily removed
American influence from European prob-
lems to which Great Britain was peculiarly
exposed, thus helping to cripple her in the
political field. A naval rivalry, which after
1922 simply made no sense, was allowed to
poison the atmosphere (and probably to
facilitate Japan's upbuilding of her arma-
ments) down to the end of the decade. Our
MAY 1945
241
tariff policy put an onerous burden on
British economic recovery, -aggravated by
our insistence upon the repayment of war
debts, which compelled the maintenance of
a disastrously unsound international finan-
cial structure. Also, our somewhat grandi-
ose dreams of a great merchant marine
were a source of irritation and alarm at
the beginning; actually, they were realized
to only a very modest extent, but even
that put an added pressure upon one of
Britain's most vital industries.
While Anglo-American cooperation was
obviously and almost explicitly the corner-
stone of our foreign policy, we failed to
build upon it. Even after new war dangers
began to accumulate, cooperation was still
erratic and uncertain. In the handling of
the Manchurian crisis in 1931 or the crisis
over oil sanctions against Italy in 1935-36,
Britain may have proved a reluctant part-
ner; but it cannot be denied that the United
States was a most unreliable one. Although
we ourselves were the principal authors of
the defense structure in the Pacific, we
failed to foresee what it really implied or
to concert in time those measures of full
naval coordination between Hawaii, Singa-
pore, and Manila which were so clearly
required. And the disasters of Pearl Har-
bor, the Gulf of Siam, and Bataan were
the due result. We cannot afford to fall for
a second time into any such chapter of
errors.
For most of these choices there was a
great deal to be said at the time, and each
matter could still be argued indefinitely.
The point is that although each issue deeply
affected Anglo-American relations, and
these lay at the heart of any sound Amer-
ican foreign policy, decisions were made
on particular policies, pursued without any
consistent grasp of the central issue.
Whether they were right or not in detail,
they added up to a whole which was
lamentable.
We can see now that the naval rivalry
of the Twenties made no sense; even
though one must admit today that the
American naval men were technically right
in their insistence upon the expensive long-
radius cruiser types of which the British
objected and which were a chief bone of
contention.
Similarly, while we may have been right
in insisting upon the funding of the war
debts, the policy made no sense so long
as it was pursued without any consideration
of its effects upon the economy of Europe,
in particular of the strains which it might
impose upon the nation with which our
own destinies were so intimately and una-
voidably linked.
The Choices America Must Make
That is the kind of mistake which we
cannot afford to repeat. That is why it is
so essential for American opinion (I do
not presume to speak for the British) to
look now more closely and thoughtfully
into our actual relationship with the other
great English-speaking commonwealth, and
try to define as consciously and precisely as
may be the bases upon which it is to rest.
That is a problem which presents itself, as
it were, on two levels.
(1) The broad question of fundamental
national policy;
(2) The much more detailed and per-
haps more difficult practical questions in-
volved in implementing whatever funda-
mental orientation we may adopt.
Broadly, a number of possible alternatives
appear to open before us, though it may be
doubted whether, as a nation, we will actu-
ally enjoy as much freedom of choice in
the matter as we are inclined to imagine.
A retreat into a complete and irresponsible
isolationism hardly lies any longer within
the realm of the politically possible. Nor,
it seems to me, does the opposite extreme of
an ironclad Anglo-American federal union.
The peoples are certainly not ready for
that as yet, nor would such a structure fit
easily into the requirements of the general
international organization we are trying to
establish. It would upset the balances both
in Europe and in the Americas. It would
present the British with all the old dilem-
mas between their position first, as a Euro-
pean power; and second, as a rather small,
peripheral member of an oceanic combina-
tion. And it would present the United
States with all its old dilemmas between
the relative security of the Western Hem-
isphere and the responsibilities of world
empire. Moreover, it would have a dan-
gerous tendency, at least, to sow the seeds
of an ultimate clash between the Anglo-
American and the Soviet giants.
Short of these extremes, however, a
rather more practical choice presents itself.
While the general international organiza-
tion, as it is now projected, will of course
impose very real obligations and limitations
upon its members, they still will be of a
rather loose character. Within their frame-
work the United States, while living up to
all its duties, could still pursue an otherwise
completely independent and opportunistic
course. We could fight for raw material
sources or trade advantage in a purely
egotistic spirit; we could play Russia against
Britain or Britain against Russia as occasion
might seem to serve, in the accepted manner
of the past. Even as a member of an inter-
national society we could still pursue a
detached and narrowly nationalistic course.
The danger that the United States will
tend to resort to such a course seems to
many a much greater danger than that of
an open relapse into the professed non-
cooperation and isolationism that we
adopted after 1920.
If the American people have really
learned the lesson that they cannot stand
alone in this world, then we will have to
go somewhat further than Dumbarton Oaks
or San Francisco. We will have to find a
rather wider and firmer base for a con-
tinuing national policy than the Oaks plan
provided. We will have to find some means
for developing the larger kind of inter-
national cooperation which must some day
be infused into the general organization if
it is to serve the great ends for which it
is being designed.
Theoretically, no doubt, we might make
our relations either with Russia or with
Great Britain the starting point for such
a development. Practically, of course, there
is no question which would offer the most
fruitful approach. Geography, language,
culture, political and economic structure,
and the steady trend of historical process
all combine to point to a firm and con-
scious policy of Anglo-American cooper-
ation— always, needless to say, within the
framework of the general international or-
ganization-— as the soundest possible begin-
ning toward building a really stable and
peaceful international society.
Bases of Cooperation
To make Anglo-American cooperation
the foundation of our policy in the new
world might ultimately produce some form »
of that "common citizenship" which Mr.
Churchill once gracefully envisaged, but it
need not involve a political union. Nor
should it require a military alliance. One
fervently hopes, indeed, that the general
organization will eliminate all lesser mili-
tary alliances from the world as useless
anachronisms. But it would, of course,
definitely and absolutely exclude any idea
of war between the American and British
commonwealths, and therewith exclude all
questions of armament competition or of
rivalry in securing bases and strategic posi-
tions directed against each other. Moreover,
while it would not be a military alliance,
it would accept as fundamental the prin-
ciple which Walter Hines Page once ex-
pressed by saying that the American and
British navies should "always shoot the
same language."
It would, also, exclude economic war-
fare between the two peoples. Doubtless it
is too much to hope that all points of
economic conflict or competitive interest
ever could be eliminated; indeed, it might
not be desirable to eliminate them even if
that were possible. But effective Anglo-
American cooperation would certainly ex-
clude any idea of deliberate trade wars, and
would estop either partner from pursuing
financial or commercial policies involving
really destructive pressures upon the econ-
omy of the other.
Finally, it seems to me that a policy of
conscious cooperation would involve certain
political postulates. Each partner would
have to be willing to exercise a reasonable
restraint in interfering — even to the extent
of gratuitous advice — in the domestic affairs
of the other or in those external questions
of peculiar importance to the other. The
United States is not well equipped to settle
Britain's Indian or colonial problems, just
as the British Commonwealth is not well
equipped to pass judgment upon our im-
migration or racial problems or our policies
in the Caribbean and South America.
There are some points, today, perhaps of
only potential difficulty, at which each must
recognize the interest of the other and ex-
clude purely unilateral solutions. The ulti-
mate fate of Hong Kong, together with
British policy toward China in general, ob-
viously affects American policy very closely.
But the ultimate disposition of the islands
taken from the Japanese by American arms
(many of them British possessions) obvi-
ously affects the interest alike of the United
Kingdom and of Australia, New Zealand,
and Canada even more intimately. At such
points, both peoples must recognize that
242
SURVEY GRAPHIC
only mutually and freely agreed solutions
are permissible. Neither can assume to dic-
tate to the other.
Hopeful Beginnings
Such are the terms, or some of the terms,
at any rate, on which we must make our
decision on the first and fundamental level.
If the American people decide, by and
large, to base their policy in the coining
world upon Anglo-American cooperation,
they will provide themselves with an his-
torically strong platform on which to work
toward the larger international cooperation
which still is in only too rudimentary a
stage.
They will be able to conserve many, no
doubt, of the very hopeful beginnings which
the two peoples have already worked out
under the stress of the war. One thinks of
•General Eisenhower's astonishing mixed
"We shall need an abiding faith in the people,
the kind of faith and courage Franklin Delano
Roosevelt always had . . . We have learned
to fight with other nations in common de-
fense of our freedom. We must learn to live
(and trade) with other nations for our mutual
good ... so that there may be increased
production, increased employment and better
standards of living throughout the world."
— Message to Congress, April 16
Anglo-American-army-navy-air force — an
achievement wholly unparalleled in the his-
tory of modern war. One thinks of the
combined Chiefs of Staff, one thinks of the
Shipping Pool, and all the other elaborate
mechanisms which have actually married
two economies to the one end of producing
victory.
One thinks, also, of the international con-
ferences which created UNRRA, the Dum-
barton Oaks report, and the Bretton Woods
report — each of them a beginning in in-
ternational cooperation of a very practical
kind, each impossible without the founda-
tion of Anglo-American cooperation. One
thinks of Moscow, Teheran, Yalta and San
Francisco.
And one thinks of a great many more in-
formal arrangements and contacts and
avenues of mutual support. British and
American newspapermen work together,
and the official information departments of
each country have learned how to work
with the press of the other. British and
American engineers and technicians have
worked together on as many great projects,
perhaps, as have the soldiers. And so on
through many other kinds of human en-
deavor.
Much of all this existed, in a far less
•developed way, during the first World
War. And yet virtually all was tossed away
in the subsequent tide of reaction and war-
weariness and in the curiously senseless
mood of hostility which followed it in the
early postwar years. Most would agree today
that, if we had been less casual about those
beginnings of international cooperation be-
tween the United States and Great Britain
a quarter century ago, we would be much
farther along the road to a general inter-
national cooperation today.
It is important that our new war-forged
Anglo-American friendship be conscious
and continuous, that we decide to utilize
the wartime instruments of international
unity rather than let things happen, that
we think about them as developing tech-
niques of a general peace.
Similar instrumentalities and organs of
international cooperation, on many planes
other than the formal one of diplomatic
intercourse, have begun to appear in our
relations with Russia, but in nothing like
so mature a form as they have already as-
sumed in relations between the United
Courtesy The New York Times
PRESIDENT HARRY S. TRUMAN
Drawn from life by S. J. Woolf
States and the British Commonwealth. It
is for precisely that reason that we should
be at pains to conserve them where they
now exist, in order that they should stand
as patterns in the future growth of a gen-
uine and working international society.
The Price to Be Paid
There is, of course, a price to be paid
for such gains. There are some serious
difficulties in the way of a policy of Anglo-
American cooperation, and to enjoy its
benefits we shall have to meet the cost in
the thought and effort needed to surmount
those difficulties.
Here one is on what I have called the
second level of the problem, that concern-
ing the practical, day-to-day details of im-
plementing the basic attitude. I have already
suggested that cooperation carries its pol-
itical implications; to fulfill them in prac-
tice may not be easy. One can say glibly
enough that each power should leave it
to the other to work out its own major
problems. The unfortunate fact is that
where British and American nationals
have been in contact there has been too
little readiness to accept that tolerant view.
The British are inclined to regard us as
meddlesome busybodies, always prompt to
dictate solutions for primarily British
dilemmas concerning which we never offer
to take the slightest responsibility. And
Americans are inclined to see the British,
particularly in India and Burma, as cling-
ing to the trappings and perquisites of an
anachronistic empire in which the United
States can have no interest.
There was something a little alarming in
the extent to which some American troops
in the India-Burma theater managed to
convince themselves that they were simply
being sacrificed to restore an outworn
British rule in which they find no inspira-
tion. There was something disturbing in the
reported reluctance of the American navy
in the Pacific to accept with enthusiasm
British cooperation in the war against
Japan, and in the idea in some American
quarters that while we are going to beat
the Japanese, it would be up to the British
'•We represent the overwhelming majority of
of all mankind . . . We must prevent, if
human mind, heart and hope can prevent it,
the repetition of the disaster from which the
entire world will suffer for years to come."
— Broadcast to San Francisco, April 25
"We must . . . build an abiding peace, rooted
in justice and in law. We can build (it) only
by ... working with our Allies in peace as
we have in war."
— Broadcast on Nazi Surrender, May S
and Dutch to recover their own former pos-
sessions if they want to, but no part of
America's business.
Some Americans apparently are con-
vinced that the answer for this situation
lies in the extension of a supposedly more
enlightened, more liberal, American in-
fluence over the darker places of the Brit-
ish and Dutch Empires. To myself, I
confess, this seems a dangerously unrealis-
tic attitude. That American influence, if
it came down to cases, would actually be
any more enlightened or liberal than the
British seems at best a very dubious propo-
sition; but at all events, the whole ap-
proach appears to be a mistaken one.
American troops are actually in Burma for
the same reason that they have been in
Germany, Iceland or Guadalcanal — be-
cause the security and welfare of the
United States demand their presence there.
They did not go to Burma in the interests
of a democratic crusade; they could not
be withdrawn merely because we happened
to dislike certain aspects of British colonial
policy. While British policy may have an
obvious bearing upon their work it can
only be a secondary one.
• If a policy of Anglo-American coopera-
tion is adopted at all, it can only be adopt-
ed because it is to the basic and vital
interest of both great peoples. If both
start from that firm foundation of mutual
need each can assist the other, perhaps,
in its political problems by friendly, "fam-
ily" discussion. They are unlikely to do
so unless the foundation is clearly recog-
nized and accepted.
MAY 1945
243
Such views, however, are far from uni-
versal in the United States; and their con-
verse may be less than universal among
the British peoples. The fact that there is
a resultant residuum of real political dif-
ference, which cannot be exorcised simply
by polite hymns to Anglo-American unity,
is a fact which must be faced.
Two Sides of the Shield
Probably the most serious difficulties in
the way of implementing a policy of co-
operation will be found in the economic
field.
Many Americans are suspicious that the
British Commonwealth may use our con-
tributions to the winning of the war as
props for maintaining in the peace an im-
perial economic system that might other-
wise fall apart. Our military effort, these
Americans say, is winning back British
markets and British opportunities for
economic exploitation; our lend-lease con-
tributions subsidize, directly or indirectly,
a revival of British competition against us
in Latin America and elsewhere or bol-
ster the British position in sea and air
carrying trades which our superior techni-
cal resources entitle-us to claim as our own.
To many British observers, needless to
say, the situation appears in a diametrically
opposite light. The British Common-
wealth, some of them say, sacrificed every-
thing to a war effort which the United
States entered only tardily. The British
people stood in the forefront of the bat-
tle; they took the blitz and the rocket
bombing, they sacrificed their foreign in-
vestments, they scrapped their whole ci-
vilian economy and turned every produc-
tive energy to the waging of war, while
the Americans were either still at peace
or were largely untouched by the direct
pains of the struggle.
We first profited by their blood and
then took their money; and when we were
finally catapulted by the Axis attack into
a full participation in the war, we still
enjoyed an accidental advantage. While
Britain was concentrating upon the purely
military aspects of the common effort, the
United States was allotted a major share
of those war activities which will retain
a peacetime value.
Thus, Britain built fighters, bombers,
tanks, military airfields on British soil, and
consumed her energies in the repair and
Jispersion of existing plant. Meanwhile,
for obvious and in themselves compelling
reasons of strategy and efficiency, it fell
to the United States to build vast quan-
tities of transport airplanes, trucks and mer-
chant tonnage, to install globe -girdling
transport air lines and build great air-
fields which would have a commercial use.
Safe from bombs, the immense war 'plant
we installed could be efficiently designed
and located and is therefore more readily
convertible to peacetime use.
For such reasons, many Britons feel
that while they were all but ruining their
own economy for the common cause, the
United States was profiting by the war to
secure a competitive position of absolutely
crushing strength. ,
This feeling is almost certainly exag-
gerated— as exaggerated, perhaps, as the
American feeling that the British are un-
duly exploiting the American contributions
in order to secure their own postwar posi-
tion. Actually, it is very difficult to see any-
fundamental conflict of economic interest
between the two great commonwealths, or
to see any gains that either could achieve
through a policy of ruthless trade rivalry
that would not be far outweighed by its
costs. If these mutual fears and suspicions
were all there were to it, one could say
with confidence that, while they might be
expected to give rise to various frictions
here and there, they would hardly create
any issues that could not be settled by the
ordinary processes of international give and
take and normal competitive adjustment.
"Managed Economy" vs. Individualism
Unfortunately, however, there seems to
be a deeper difficulty beneath these points
of potential conflict. It springs from the
fact that the British economy has been
so clearly developing in a different direc-
tion than has that of the United States —
or as some would put it, so much more
rapidly in the same direction. Many Amer-
icans probably do not realize how far
Great Britain has already gone toward a
"managed" economy; nor understand how
firmly convinced most shades of British
opinion have become — in face of the ap-
palling tasks of material and social re-
construction which now confront them —
that the planned controls which brought
them through the crisis of the war will
have to be maintained in large measure.
One need not explore this tendency in
detail to recognize that it is bound to add
to the difficulties of firm Anglo-American
cooperation.
In current British thought and comment
one often observes anxiety on this score —
a definite fear that the new Britain will
find it impossible to work with American
"orthodoxy," and an almost equally defi-
nite resolve to make the new Britain work
anyway, regardless of whether American
opinion accepts it or not.
The conflict manifests itself in joint
boards and conferences. For example, at
the aviation conference at Chicago the
British were working toward a world air
transport system that would be interna-
tionally "planned"; the Americans were
working for a competitive structure. The
difference in attitude sprang from an ob-
vious conflict of immediate interest; but
behind that there was also a conflict of
basic philosophy that made any com-
promise of the surface interests more dif-
ficult than it otherwise would have been.
And — another example — at the bottom
of the recent debate over the Bretton
Woods report there is, somewhat obscurely
embedded, a conflict between the British
determination no longer to be bound by
the limits of orthodox finance and the de-
sire of the American banking community
to retain both the controls and the per-
quisites of the old-style international money
market.
The issue may be stated, perhaps, a
little crudely. The United States promises
to emerge from the war with enormous
financial and economic resources and with
an economic philosophy dominated by pre-
war concepts of nationalistic competitive
enterprise. Britain promises to emerge
from the war in a condition of severe strain,
which at best probably will demand a large
degree of socialistic planning.
If the United States follows courses sim-
ilar to those adopted, under somewhat
similar conditions, after the last war — if
we erect a prohibitive tariff around our
domestic market — if at the same time we
force exports and claim a lion's share in the
"invisible" exports of the carrying trades
— if we use our capital resources to crowd
the British out of the development of the
world's oil and other raw material sources
— if, in short, we follow the usual pattern
of untrammeled nationalistic capitalism,
we will be putting the British under an in-
tolerable pressure.
And the British will respond by adopt-
ing a really totalitarian nationalism, in the
economic sense, and utilizing it to fight us
on their own terms.
One cannot doubt that the British would
like to restore, insofar as it is now possible,
an international free market on the pre-
1914 pattern. But even an approximation
of such a market will be impossible unless
the tremendous economic power of the
United States is used with a post-1939 sense
of restraint and responsibility. If it is not
so used, the British will certainly not ex-
pose themselves meekly to the "economic
blizzards" which inevitably would result.
They have no intention of accepting
after this war the decades of unemploy-
ment and stagnation which they experi-
enced after the last one. If necessary to
avoid them, they will use every uncon-
ventional device of governmental planning,
managed currency, socialistic competition,
which suggests itself.
The issue is real; again it demands
serious thought by Americans and again
it cannot be met by mere hands-across-the-
sea sentiment.
Let's Go!
A realistic working policy of Anglo-
American cooperation within the frame-
work of the general world order must
recognize these and other differences — it
must take account of them and be willing
to make the effort necessary to surmount
them. The effort would hardly seem to be
too formidable, in comparison with the
much more gigantic tasks that both the
American and the British peoples will face
in the new world.
If this calls for some readiness on the
part of Americans to see the British point
of view, for some sacrifice of short-term
advantages or some restraint in utilizing
them, that will not be simple altruism. It
will, on the contrary, represent enlightened
self-interest, an accurate understanding of
where our long-term advantage really lies.
National policies are never altruistic — or if
they ever are, they are likely to be unre-
liable and their results unfortunate.
The United States must protect its own
interests, but it must protect its real and
permanent interests, not its passing or
illusory ones.
244
Replica of St. Gaudens' famous monument in Lincoln Park, Chicago
British Combine
Lincoln's Statue Stands Unscathed in London
Thanksgiving Day Address by JOHN G. WINANT, Albert Hall, London, 1944
"The common ideals of the English-speaking peoples of the
world are not ideals from which other peoples of the world are
excluded. They are ideals which are alien in no country that loves
liberty and hates tyranny. They are ideals which are common to
all men and women of this earth who do justice, who love mercy,
and who walk humbly with God.
"In 1941, when enemy bombs destroyed the Commons Room of
the Parliament, and smashed the altar of Westminster Abbey, I
suggested that these two hits symbolized the objectives of the
dictator and the pagan. Across the street from this wreckage, by
chance the statue of Abraham Lincoln was untouched. It seemed
to me at the time that he stood there quietly waiting, certain of
support for those things for which he had lived and died, for he
loved God, he denned and represented democracy, and he hated
slavery. . . .
"Since then our soldiers have passed through England, not in
thousands but in hundreds of thousands, and crossed the Channel
with yours, and fought their way through France with yours, and
are battling within the frontiers of Germany with yours on their
way to victory.
"We are grateful that you have joined us on this day of Thanks-
giving because, through common sacrifice and a sustaining Provi-
dence, we have been able together to preserve our way of life, and
have maintained a unity of spirit which has made our nations
strong.
"Our greatest harvest has been the willing hands and the brave
hearts that have carried forward an abiding faith in freedom and
the promise of an enduring peace.
"When the strife is over and the battle done, grant us brother-
hood not for this day only, but for the years to come; hope without
despair; faith in humankind; and understanding hammered out in
these war years that will unite the nations for all times."
CLOSE-UP
(Continued from page 161)
European edition of the New York Herald
Tribune. That will be flown across the
Channel in less than two hours after leav-
ing its Paris presses.
There are obstacles to these unique op-
portunities for mass international communi-
cation. We should revise our tariff on books
— especially permitting free import of spe-
cialized British works which could hardly
be printed here. The British quota systems
for movies should be modified to meet the
postwar world, and our distributors should
admit and show every good British film.
We must modernize our copyright laws;
and our commercial radio chains should
meet the British government monopoly
with a spirit of give and take and vice
versa. We will have irritating problems of
double taxation. These are unfinished busi-
ness to be cleared up promptly if we are to
meet the call of new times.
What is significant is that after the war,
more than ever before, Englishmen and
Americans will be poring over the same
books, and seeing the same movies, and
hearing much of the same radio. We shall
be reading the same magazine stories and
identical news.
The Correspondents and Their Part
Already we read more of the same news
reports than we know. On every front the
British and American correspondents make
up one big family. More than a dozen
Americans are regular correspondents for
British newspapers; more Englishmen write
regularly for American papers, news agen-
cies or syndicates. Many American news-
papers pick up the work of correspondents
for London papers without indicating that
they were originally written by Englishmen
for English readers. That would be im-
possible with correspondents for French,
Scandinavian or any other papers on earth.
We and the English, and only we and the
English, have the same sense of news
values. That is another aspect of that com-
mon mind of which both peoples are only
beginning to be aware.
Yet if readers on both sides of the ocean
(vere more aware of this common mind,
our mutual reporting would be better than
it is. As a wartime measure, many London
newspapers have introduced, partly at the
demand of their GI readers, a regular col-
umn of American news reports which they
did not have before the war. Thus Eng-
lishmen are becoming more accustomed to
reading news about America. Nonetheless,
the amount and quality of British corre-
spondence from America is still appallingly
low (the BBC does far better than the
London papers). If, for their part, Ameri-
can correspondents are filing far more
from London, their coverage still lacks both
continuity and depth. It tends to be con-
fined to the political level; it has, in the
main, failed to interpret adequately the
deeper currents of life in wartime Britain.
This is, of course, a logical consequence of
the American newspaper's concentration on
"spot news," cabled in hasty competition,
but it is a fact, and it might be an ominous
fact.
Just as the American correspondents live
and write in London, so the London cor-
respondents seldom get far away from the
railway line that links the New York City
night clubs with Capitol Hill and the White
House in Washington. The English news-
paper reader hears little of New Hampshire
town meetings, Pittsburgh foundries, Wyo-
ming ranches or Columbia River irrigation
projects; the American correspondent knows
little, and reports less, of Birmingham,
Oxford, Plymouth and the North Riding.
No one knows either England or America
who knows only their parliaments and their
theaters. A wide open field awaits the
correspondent who gets away from the
capitals, who meets, and reports, the home-
town people — still the core of both nations.
It is possible that in the subsoil of their
gray matter, Americans are at present more
aware of the common mind of England and
America than are the English; possible,
also, that the English are, at an upper
level of consciousness, more aware of im-
mediate common interests in the world at
large. This, if true, would explain why
Americans are so easily and frankly and
sometimes hurtingly critical of British poli-
cies and politicians, and why we resent
such eccentric outbursts of criticism of
America as not long ago exploded in the
London Economist.
We should expect, as wartime exigencies
moderate, more Englishmen to express their
resentment with the frankness which made
Geoffrey Crowther of the Economist sound
so like a British edition of Colonel McCor-
mick of the Chicago Tribune when last
December he blurted out his irritation at
American smugness. It was annoying, and
surprising, coming from such a friendly and
well-informed source. Yet there can be
little doubt that, in the long run, we'll both
get on better when we move our mutual
irritations out into the sunlight.
"In the Family"
At our end, most articulate Americans
understand British politics and policies at
least as well as Californians understand,
say, Louisiana or North Dakota politics,
and we feel ourselves as free to comment
on them. For us it's all in the family —
though the British do not always under-
stand it that way. They do not appreciate
how much it means that we haven't the
same easy familiarity with the names of
men in France or China or Russia as with
the Edens and Hoares, the Scobies and
Wavells, the Beveridges and Bevinses of
England.
Neither the internal nor the external
problems of continental countries move us
as do British policies. When the Bever-
idge Plan for social insurance was issued
two years ago, we thought of it in terms
of our own social security program. Sir
William's new book on "Full Employment
in a Free Society" is as familiar to Ameri-
can newspaper readers as the "Full Em-
ployment Bill of 1945" introduced in Janu-
ary by our own Senators Murray, Wagner,
et al. Maynard Keynes is as recurrent a
name in discussions among American bank-
ers and economists as Marriner Eccles or
Beardsley Ruml.
Our cooperatives are modeled after Brit-
ish cooperatives, possibly too much so; Brit-
ish employer-worker relationships are part
of the pattern of American thinking about
labor. We even argue the Indian question
so hotly — and this the British certainly do
not understand — in part because in oui
hearts we .know it is a segment of the
world problem of race relations about which
we always, even when we are least con-
scious of it, have a guilty conscience.
Family Friction
This "family sense," unfortunately, acts
most effectively at least conscious levels.
We don't let the British in on the secret.
And it sometimes fails us at critical mo-
ments. It was a curious phenomenon, for
instance, during the tense Greek crisis,
that so much American reaction which
might have been quite helpful was ex-
pressed in lump criticism of "England."
Possibly this was in part the fault of oui
own American correspondents. The fact
is that at that very time the overwhelming
bulk of the British press, including the
London Times, was crusading passionately
against the Churchill-Scobie policy in
Greece. The terms in which American
criticism was often voiced — again in part
due to the way in which it was reported
to London — tended to irritate and hamper
Englishmen in confronting a situation
which appalled them.
We might well have realized, and said,
that General Scobie's policy was a calami-
tous continuance of the American policy
in North Africa which had been carried
on, with variations, jointly by Americans
and Englishmen in Italy. We might have
recognized that in our opposition to it we
had the mass of England with us. Instead,
too many Americans talked as if an im-
peccably liberal America were horrified at
an impenitently imperialist Britain. That
was pretty silly.
If we are liberals, we liave in England
allies who speak our language. If we are
conservatives, again we have in England
allies who speak our language. The sub-
soil of the debate is the same. We are
closer to England, in time of travel, in
habits of thought, in figures of speech, in
the tunes we hum, the slang we use, the
witticisms of daily life, than we were to
Canada when together we gave up forti-
fying that long frontier to our north. By
the same tokens, we are closer to England
today than our new states were to each
other when revolting British colonies in the
New World formed our federal Union.
If we awaken to realization of the depth
of that unity, the rest still may not be
easy. At least it will be no more difficult
than were the problems of building this
Union of ours a little more than a century
and a half ago.
246
THE ONE PEACE PLAN That Has Always Worked
You have read and listened to so much about peace that you probably feel nothing remains
to be said. Yet, realizing this surfeit of peace articles, we have chosen one for the lead
feature in the May AMERICAN MERCURY. It is that kind of article — one that simply cannot
be by-passed by editor or reader. The way to permanent peace is not via the Yalta and
San Francisco routes, not by repeating the mistakes of World Peace I, not by a League
of Nations with a new name, nor by an international police force nor a universal debating
society. Emery Reves has an idea — new in the discussion of future peace, yet tried and
tested through many centuries. This distinguished writer and thinker, author of the widely
acclaimed "Democratic Manifesto," expresses a concept so fundamental that all othei
proposed peace plans must be measured by it. Read ''The New League and the Next War."
SHALL WE RETALIATE ON WAR PRISONERS?
The entire country is shocked, horrified, at the Nazi mistreatment of prisoners of war.
Yet we hear rumors of extraordinary consideration for German prisoners in our hands.
What is the truth of the matter? Precisely how do we handle our prisoners and why? Are
they abused, mollycoddled, treated sensibly? Do they get food and privileges denied to
our civilians? What is the effect of our policy upon German soldiers in the field and upon
American prisoners in German hands? No less an authority than the Provost Marshal
General himself, the officer in charge of all prisoners, describes our policies, methods, and
results. This is the War Department report — official, authoritative, factual, detailed. Read
"The Army Reports on Prisoners of War" by Major General Archer L. Lerch.
THE AMERICAN MERCURY-for May-Now ON SALE
Are the oil wells and strategic needs in the Near East brewing a fresh cause of war?
Read The Big Three in the Near East by Andre Visson. Read Senator Ball of Min-
nesota, a frank analysis by Roscoe Drummond. East and West by Pearl Buck will
help you to understand the Orient. The Behavior of Pain by Betsey Barton is an im-
portant aid in removing the psychological barrier erected about our wounded veterans.
Claire Phillips tells her own story of her career as an American spy in the Philippines,
and Stewart H. Holbrook produces a history of Dorothea Dix who, a century ago,
waged single-handed war for humane treatment of the insane. Rollin Kirby, dean
of the American cartoonists, writes an appreciation of Low, the great British
caricaturist. Channing Pollack tells good-humoredly about The Plagiarism Racket.
There's Willard Shelton on The Wartime Press and Labor. Leona Alberts Wassersug
writes about Prostigmine — A New Wonder Drug. There's a typical Mercury story
by Marjorie Stengel. And we have George Jean Nathan and Alan Devoe, both in
fine form, and the usual departments, The Library, Check List, and Open Forum.
Altogether a vibrant, stimulating issue— varied, thought-provoking, readable.
Unpopular Truths
THE AMERICAN MERCURY is deservedly unpopular with ostriches and yes-men. That is
because it does not hesitate to tell an unpopular truth, regardless of the price in circula-
tion loss. It dares to make enemies. It has no vested interest in a point of view. It believes
in facing dangers instead of ignoring them. It believes as a fundamental creed in the cura-
tive powers of the printed page. It dares to oppose facts to prejudices no matter how deep-
seated. But for the sake of its own publishing conscience, it does not dare to distort, neglect,
or conceal the truth. THE MERCURY "calls 'em as it sees 'em."
PUBLISHER
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
247
-K
I
"THE TIME HAS COME for the free people
to sit down and do their own thinking. The
politicians cannot save us. The generals cannot
save us. Only ourselves will save us.
"THIS BOOK IS an attempt to examine the
people's need and to inquire where their benefit
lies. If the case is examined truly, an answer
must come clear and point us to a course of
action. But the inquiry must be honest and
cautious."
—so begins THE GREAT UNION, a popular
treatment of the much-discussed plan for a
federal union of the democracies. Written by
David Cort, one of the editors of LIFE, in an
easy-to-read text reinforced with many dramatic
and fitting photographs.
". . . reaches the heart, brain and the
eye." — mmjt Dorothy Canfield Fisher.
This is a plan every responsible citizen should
know. A program no one can appraise until
he truly understands it. Make your inquiry
now by reading this timely book. Ask for it at
your booksellers, or send $1 and your address
with this request: "I want to read The Great
Union," to:
FEDERAL UNION, Inc.
700 Ninth Street NW
Washington 1, D. C.
We'll Send You A Copy
BACK THE ATTACK
BUY WAR BONDS
TRAVEL IN CANADA
FBIENDS OF BRITAIN
When You Will Think Of
POST-WAR
HOLIDAYS
You Will Remember
NOVA SCOTIA
Canada's Ocean Playground
Where
British North America
Began
WISTFUL SCENIC BEAUTY — MODERN
ROADS— TEMPERATE CLIMATE— WELL
APPOINTED HOTELS — HOSPITABLE
PEOPLE.
For Particulars Write
Nova Scotia Bureau of Information
Province House, Halifax
PACIFIC BASIN AND INDIA
(Continued from page 202)
House in St. James Square, London. Half
of those present were British and half
American, and they constituted his imme-
diate staff at the start. With his charac-
teristic genial, human smile, the general
stood on a chair and began by saying he
hoped a phrase he had repeatedly heard
would never be used again at Norfolk
House. For each function at SHAEF, a
Briton and an American had paired off.
Each referred to the other as his "opposite
number." From then on, he announced,
there would be no "opposite numbers."
The staff was a team, a unit engaged
in a common task. _ They were no longer
primarily Englishmen or Americans. They
were a single group in the service not only
of their own countries but of all the
United Nations — of humanity as a whole.
It's history, now, how General "Ike"
succeeded in welding men of disparate
backgrounds into a mighty international
team.
Here lies the basis of a great hope for
the future. After V-J Day much of the
world will feel that the necessity for in-
ternational cooperation will diminish. As
a matter of fact the precise opposite will
be true. "The savage wars of peace" will
require greater statesmanship, greater mu-
tual accommodation, greater intellectual
and political insight than ever before.
Japan
Take Japan, China, and India. The gulf
between some British and some American
thinking with respect to the treatment of
Japan in defeat is as great as that which
is said to exist between sections of British
and French opinion vis-a-vis Germany. Or
broadening the base, Great Britain, the
United States, China, France, the Soviet
Union and India have some attitudes in
common, some that may conflict. All want
to see Japan's militarism permanently
crushed. There is general agreement on un-
conditional surrender; but as to what next,
attitudes vary, not so much along national
lines as accocding to political and economic
outlooks running through all the countries.
In the last analysis, answers hang on the
larger question as to how successful the
United Nations will be in creating effec-
tive international machinery for security
and economic development. Within this
framework, there is considerable divergence
as to objectives, methods and timing in the
Far East. Among the factors to be reck-
oned with are the internal economic con-
sequences of a long war; the extent of
disarmament, reparations, and economic
controls to be imposed upon Japan by the
United Nations; the ability of the Japanese
to revive their industrial strength; postwar
world economic conditions, possibilities of
Japanese access to raw materials and mar-
kets, and finally the relative economic and
military strength not only of the United
Nations security system as a whole, but of
individual nations in the Pacific area vis-
a-vis Japan's postwar industrial potential.
At the Hot Springs Conference, some
participants believed total defeat would
oblige the Japanese to reconsider the whole
range of political and social assumptions
underlying their society. They might or
might not reach conclusions that would
meet with United Nations approval. Others
thought that there was almost certain to
be hatred of the victors — and especially of
the United States and Great Britain.*
Along with this, however, there would
be a desire to understand the secret of Al-
lied success. The middle or upper class
might try to emulate the Western demo
racies; the working class copy the USSI
There was speculation that the end
the war — and with it the defeat of tfr
Japanese rulers who had so severely op
pressed the people — might be popular
certain quarters in Japan. Pre-Pearl Har-
bor strikes in several war industries wer
cited in which anti-war slogans were raisec
The evidence was thought far too slende
to count upon, but note was taken of the
potentialities of anti-fascist Japanese, who
have been captured or who have sur-
rendered in China, as supporters of peace-
ful, democratic development.
China — and the Commonwealths
Australia and New Zealand have made
a special contribution to the future of the
Pacific by signing what is known as the
Anzac Agreement — grounded on their
prewar knowledge of Japan, and under
lined by events following the attacks 01
Hong Kong, Singapore and Pearl Harbor.
In this they have done more than out-
line the kind of international structure in
which they wish to live. They have held
up an object lesson to the world.
Some Americans profess that London
is less enthusiastic than Washington to-
ward a strong, united, independent China.
They assert that fairly powerful British in-
fluences have been trying to persuade the
Foreign Office that British needs would be
better served by a "sphere of influence"
China than by a united China. Doubt-
less there is a small handful of English-
men who would prefer special privileges
in special areas, to the development of
China as a powerful modern state. Yet
for almost every Englishman who would
like to see the British regain special ad-
vantages, say in the Yangtze valley, one
could find an American who would like the
same sort of thing for American business.
An American with considerable experi-
ence in India has declared: "India is an
Anglo-American problem." This is an
oversimplification, for at a minimum it is
an Anglo-Indian-American-Chinese prob-
lem. China feels she can never be free
so long as her great sister-neighbor is still
* Readers interested in further study of such ques-
tions are referred to the chapter on "The Future of
Japan" in "Security in the Pacific" — Report of the
Hot Springs Conference, Institute of Pacific Rela-
tions. New York, 1945.
:
*
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC^
248
swathed in colonialism and Asiatics are
held up as needing tutors.
Many Westerners feel that China herself
will drag at her destiny so long as the
country is divided and antiquated privilege
cramps the development of her great natur-
al resources — and the blueprints of Sun
Yat-sen for the Chinese Republic have still
to be put to work.
As stalemate has followed stalemate in
India, the British have been regarded as
intransigent by the Chinese no less than
by the Indians.
India
Some Americans felt that their mere pres-
ence in wartime India has tended to iden-
tify American policy there with British
policy. Others, eager to see India look
to Great Britain and the United States
for economic and cultural cooperation, have
come to believe that the only great power
to which India is likely to look is Rus-
sia because of what Owen Lattimore' un-
derscores in his recent book, "Solution
in Asia." In a remarkable chapter on "Poli-
tics of Attraction," he points out that the
Soviet Union has dealt with those who
had been classified under the Tsar as
"colonial peoples," in ways which have
led Indians of many schools of thought
to feel the USSR has the most to offer in
the treatment of racial minorities, in health,
education, scientific advancement, and in-
dustrial and agricultural progress.
Americans have India very much on
their consciences. Many of them express
opinions similar to those of Tommy Atkins
in the malarial jungles of Burma when he
grouses about British imperialism. None-
theless, it is well to realize that Britain has
far greater responsibilities in Asia and the
Pacific than the United States has ever
assumed, either prior to Pearl Harbor or
since. Britain has dug deep into this vast
area. Responsible Englishmen know that
they simply cannot clear out overnight.
Progressive Americans can best aid their
own country, the subject peoples of India,
and Great Britain herself by recognizing
these British responsibilities, by acquainting
themselves with the unfolding of a more
progressive British policy (as shown in
British press comments on Zafrulla Khan's
recent London speech) and by backing
every democratic British move in the whole
Pacific area.
Under pressure from the Indian opposi-
tion and from enlightened public opinion
in the United Kingdom, the British author-
ities have shown considerable genius in the
art of conciliation. By a friendly and con-
structive attitude, Americans can aid both
the British and the Indians in making those
major compromises and readjustments for
which the whole world waits. If Sir Staf-
ford Cripps had had more latitude, Indian
leaders more statesmanship, the world
might have witnessed yet another example
of constructive British compromise.
It is to the interest not only of India and
Britain but of the United States to back
affirmative proposals advanced in the near
future by His Majesty's Government and
by responsible Indian leaders. It remains to
be seen whether a new Cripps will emerge
in a role similar to that of General Smuts
as healer in South Africa, or of Abraham
Lincoln as emancipator in the United States.
In 1942, certain highly placed Indians
advanced the idea, probably with some
official British support, that an exploratory
commission on Indian constitutional matters
should be instituted, representing the vari-
ous political parties. It was proposed, also,
that an expert United Nations advisory
committee be set up. Neither proposal has
been implemented as yet in ways which
might break the bitter deadlock.
But a reading of the recent British press
suggests that even now the British Prime
Minister may be supporting the Cabinet and
the India Office in preparing new steps.
Constructive Compromise
For years the Soviet Union had no more
virulent foe than Winston Churchill. Yet
when the very life of England and the
Empire was at stake he rose to great stature
in linking British and Soviet war aims as
identical. Churchill's former contempt for
the Bolsheviks was probably as deep-seated
as any feeling he has against the Indian
Nationalists. He bridged one seemingly im-
passable gulf, with his rare imagination
and cosmic human qualities. He could
match this by striking hands with the peo-
ple of India, by sitting down with their
leaders and enlisting their concert as some-
thing as indispensable in peace as that of
the Russians in war. The Prime Minister
has been of no mind to preside over the
liquidation of the British Empire. He
would not be doing that in such a move.
Rather, once more, he would be writing
tremendous history. Why then turn it over
to Cripps again, to Nehru, Auchinleck and
Zafrulla Kahn, or to the Generalissimo, to
Stalin or Truman? Why doesn't Mr.
Churchill do the job himself?
Indian leaders, on the other hand, may
shortly have an opportunity to demonstrate
their own political maturity. They have
reason to take British assurances with a
pinch of salt, but some among them believe
that the hallmark of Indian statesmanship
will be to forget the past and begin treating
the British as the Indians want the British
to treat them. Indian leaders may yet arise
and say to Britain: "You have promised us
freedom. We have come for it to a people
who keep their promises."
If things are allowed to drift, the peace
of the world may be endangered, for
India's industrial potential, under the spur
of the war, has become as great as her
agricultural potential.
From the point of view of conserving
Anglo-American understanding and coop-
ation, it behooves people in the United
States to become much better informed on
India's deadlock, on Britain's responsibilities
and moves. Americans have only themselves
to blame if their principal sources of in-
formation as to India are largely propa-
gandist, from one side or the other. To date
no American university has a competent
department of Indian studies with library
facilities and with personnel comparable to
those which serve international relations in
other fields. The same is true for Burma,
(Continued on page 250)
"WE FEEL at HOME
in Britain"
™, -
•;
An American soldier wrote those
words. "Do you wonder," his
letter read, "we feel at home in
Britain after we have seen the orig'
inal stars and stripes on George
Washington's armorial shield over
the door at Sulgrave Manor?"
Generations of visitors have felt
that same stirring of the pulse
when seeing, for the first time,
that ancestral home — so dear to
American hearts.
And, along the railways and
highways of Britain are countless
other places whose names awaken
thoughts of home in the minds
of these welcome visitors.
Today, in time of war, British
Railways are giving service to the
uniformed sons and daughters of
the nation which joined us once
before in the fight for democracy.
Tomorrow, those namesake cities
and towns— all Britain— will wel'
comeyou and makeyoufeelat home!
Representation in America is maintained
through cur General Traffic Manager,
T. D. Slattery, 9 Rockefeller Plaza,
20, K T.
Rooms or apartments to
rent? Advertise them in
Survey Graphic
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
249
(Continued from page 249)
Malaya, Indo-China, Thailand, and other
areas of the Pacific Basin. At huge expense,
the U. S. army and navy have been labori-
ously trying to fill in the gaps by high
pressure language teaching, by utilizing
travelers, nationals, and the relatively sub-
stantial sources of the Institute of Pacific
Relations.
But just as the Institute's studies of China
must be supplemented by wholly new
programs of university research, so Amer-
ican colleges, research institutions, and
public schools should become authentic
sources for understanding of India and
southeastern Asia, and of the needs, the
natural resources, the aims of a billion
people just across a shrunken ocean.
NORTHERN NEIGHBORS
(Continued from page 227)
In peace the conflict of aim and interest
between English and French Canadian
tends to subside. The entente is resumed,
though it is never cordial. But in peace as
in war, Canada is subject to strains caused
by the anomaly of her position as a North
American nation, on the one hand, and
member of the worldwide British Com-
monwealth on the other; as ally, friend,
neighbor, and protege of the United States
and as a young nation still attached by
ties of family, tradition, constitution, and
economic interest to her Mother Country,
Great Britain.
On behalf of the French Canadian, it
can be said that no sentimental attachment
to France complicates his loyalty to Canada.
English Canada, on the other hand, was
founded by loyal subjects of George III
who preferred a new life of hardship in
the forests of the north to acceptance of
the American Revolution. Today, less than
half Canada's population is of British de-
scent, but the descendants of the "United
Empire Loyalists" count for more than
their numbers so that, in important issues
involving "loyalty" to the Mother Country,
the word Canadian becomes almost auto-
matically synonymous with the word Brit-
ish. It was so in the last war. It was so
in 1912 when the proffer of commercial
"reciprocity" by the United States was re-
jected by Canada because some of its Amer-
ican advocates urged it as a step toward
annexation. It is still so.
The Vanishing Border
At the same time even the most ardent
Canadian imperialist finds it impossible to
look at the map without realizing that
Canada and the United States are within
the same orbit. If he had any illusions
about the matter, this war must have dis-
pelled them. It has resulted in an integra-
tion of the defenses and economies of the
two countries which has practically abol-
ished the border. Five joint committees co-
ordinate Canadian-American war activities,
whether in the fields of defense, economics
or war production. The Alaskan High-
way, 1,500 miles long, was built by United
States engineers with American labor and
dollars; so was the "Canol" project for
the exploitation of the Fort Norman oil-
fields in Canada's north. Millions of Amer-
ican dollars have been expended on the
construction of airplane routes and bases
in Canada. The United States Army has
been permitted to exercise authority over
these temporary extra-territorial installations
in a manner which to some Canadians
seemed seriously to challenge Canada's sov-
ereignty. Yet, the fact that the exercise of
this jurisdiction has given rise to no "inci-
dents" or other interruptions of Canadian-
American amity has been a striking demon-
stration of the instinctive ability of Cana-
dians and Americans to cooperate with
each other.
The facts that the United States and
Britain were close allies, and that Britain
herself had set the example by granting
bases to the United States in the West In-
dies, Bermuda, and Newfoundland, made
matters easier. No question of "disloyalty"
to Britain arose, and such an issue might
have been depended on to cause more con-
troversy than any temporary surrender of
Canada's sovereignty to the United States.
Canada's present government has seemed
to fear, rather, that Canadian sovereignty
might be compromised by too close associ-
ation with Britain. This feeling is un-
doubtedly a legacy of Canada's days of
adolescence when, in the process of becom-
ing a nation, she had to break loose from
colonial leading strings. She came formally
of age in 1931 when the Statute of West-
minster recognized her as an autonomous
nation coequal with Britain, under the
same king. Sometimes she seems not to
trust herself to hold her own in any or-
ganization of the British Commonwealth
of Nations designed to achieve a common
foreign policy. This feeling — and the fear
that it might embarrass her close relations
with the United States — led her government
to reject a proposal made last year by Lord
Halifax for the British government, and
endorsed by Australia, New Zealand, and
South Africa, that the dominions should
cooperate with the United Kingdom not
only to win wars but to prevent them.
Mr. King said "No" in the Canadian
Parliament to Lord Halifax's proposal and
he said it again at the Imperial Conference
in London in 1944. There he argued elo-
quently against any attempt to establish a
separate bloc of British nations or to limit
their freedom in dealing with peoples out-
side the Commonwealth. The unity of the
Commonwealth, he urged, must be based
on principles which could be applied uni-
versally. Canada, in particular, must ever
work to maintain a fraternal association of
the British and American peoples.
In this position, Mr. King identified him-
self with the position sometimes expressed
by the American State Department, that a
world peace organization must spring full
armed from otherwise completely indepen-
dent and uncommitted sovereign nations,
rather than be built up by the marriage of
groups of nations associated on the basis
of regionalism or racial affinity.
Yet the difficulty of reconciling effective
world organization for peace with unlim-
ited national sovereignty would seem ob-
vious. If the British Commonwealth of
Nations finds it impossible to achieve a
common foreign policy because it would
"limit their freedom," the hope that other
nations will do so would seem almost
negligible. Moreover, Canada can hardly
make full use of her unique position to
"maintain a fraternal association of the
British and American peoples" unless she
is able to influence the foreign policies of
the British government, and it is impossible
for Canada to do this while she declines
even to be consulted about the formulation
of these policies for fear of becoming for-
mally responsible for them.
Canada's refusal to cooperate balked the
hope of the British government that in
the closer integration of its Empire it could
find a source of new strength which would
enable it to deal on more equal terms with
those continental colossi — the USA and the
USSR. Later, the British tended to the
alternative policy, recommended by Field
Marshal Smuts, of seeking hegemony over
a bloc of West European nations, looking
apparently to regionalism rather than ra-
cialism for a solution of difficulties.
The CCF — and Election Possibilities
The consequences may be fateful for
Britain. For Canada, Mr. King's choice
would chart a future as. a North American
nation in ever closer association with the
United States. It is not impossible that his
Liberal Party may go out of power in the
1945 election; but it might be succeeded
by the Cooperative Commonwealth Feder-
ation, the members of which, as socialists
concerned primarily with policies of do-
mestic reform, tend to another pattern of
isolationism.
Not yet a dozen years old, the Coopera-
tive Commonwealth Federation has pros-
pered with the disintegration of the Con-
servative Party which it has replaced, to all
intents, as the major opposition party to
Mr. King's government.
The CCF is based almost entirely on the
British labor movement and its program is
constructed around a plank for the na-
tionalization of natural resources and of all
forms of public transport and public ser-
vice. Mainly it has derived its strength from
western Canada where it was born and
nurtured through the lean years of its
growth. It is the official opposition in the
provincial legislature of Brkish Columbia.
It holds the government of Saskatchewan
and, until the recent dissolution of the
Ontario legislature, it was the official op-
position in that rich industrial province.
The chances of the CCF gaining power
in the forthcoming general election would
be immeasurably improved if it had made
any inroads into eastern Canada. It is likely
to be the predominant party in western
Canada and only a complete rebuff from
the Maritime Provinces and Quebec can
prevent it from running Mr. King's liberals
a stern race at the polls. If it maintains its
hold in the West and can expend the
250
same organizational energy in the East, it
stands at least an even chance of winning
despite Quebec's apathy to its program and
personalities.
Postwar Markets
There are, however, sharp limits to Can-
ada's ability to prosper on a basis of North
Americanism or to remain in other than
close association with Great Britain. Can-
ada is still largely agricultural and Great
Britain is an indispensable market. Before
the war, Canada exported half her surplus
there. She will be seriously embarrassed
after it by the fact that she is outside the
sterling bloc, that Britain will be her debtor
and will be short of both Canadian and
American dollars. In the past Canada
turned the sterling which she received from
Britain for her wheat into American dollars
with which she bought from the United
States so widely as to be their second best
customer. The only solution suggested for
the new problem is that Canada should
become a heavy investor herself in British
securities and resell them to the USA.
What Canadians fear most is that the
postwar policies of Britain and the United
States might drift so far apart that Canada
would be forced to choose between them.
She had to do this at the Chicago Aviation
Conference where her strenuous efforts to
compromise Anglo-American differences
failed. Her choice — dictated by the fact that
like Britain she wants to rule her own air
but temporarily lacks the equipment — was
this time in line with Britain's.
It will be a more serious matter for Can-
ada if it proves impossible to organize post-
war world trade on multilateral lines as
the United States desires, and if Britain
falls back on bilateral barter and the ster-
ling bloc. Canada would be bankrupted by
the loss of the British market unless the
United States came to her aid. But it seems
unlikely that the American farm bloc would
ever permit Canada to find a market in
the United States for her wheat or meat.
These anxieties represent the defects of
the merits of the preferred position Canada
has enjoyed as a nation, growing up under
the joint protection of Britain and the
United States. Others than she would suffer
if the English speaking democracies should
fall out, but for none would the conse-
quences be so dislocating psychologically.
This is so because Canada has scarcely yet
attained a true national self-consciousness.
She is half British and half American and
the two do not yet add up to being wholly
Canadian.
Given a peaceful world and Anglo-Amer-
ican accord, however, Canada's future
should be bright. Like the United States,
invasion has not scathed her. But the war
enlarged her capacities and stimulated her
energies. Her natural resources are not var-
ied but they are so extensive that Canadians
hold many world records as producers, man-
ufacturers, and traders. She has peaceful
neighbors and room for a population three
times its present size. To the inhabitants
of many a European nation, twice devas-
tated by war in twenty-five years, Canada
may well look like a paradise of peace and
plenty.
ENGLAND'S ROAD
SOCIAL SECURITY
From the Statute of Laborers in 1349
to the Beveridge Report of 1942
By
KARL de SCHWEINITZ
"This book is cm exceptionally good one and has interest and enlightenment for all
who would know the long antecedents oi America's contemporary search for social
security. . . . Essential facts are here, explained with clarity and with regard to their
place in the total perspective, so that the book on this score is perhaps the best oi its
kind. . . . Affords the reader a continuing and immediate experience of the problem oi
poverty in England, its changing phases, and their reasons." JOURNAL OF MODERN
HISTORY.
Second printing, $3.00
Your Boot Store or
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS: PHILADELPHIA 4
THE ROYAL INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
CHATHAM HOUSE, LONDON
Recent Pamphlets
AGRARIAN PROBLEMS FROM THE BALTIC TO
THE AEGEAN $1.00
INDIA: A BIRD'S EYE VIEW By Sir Frederick Whyte .70
WELFARE IN THE BRITISH COLONIES By Dr. L. P.
Mair
INFORMATION NOTES, No. 8, THE BALKANS
READING LIST FOR RELIEF WORKERS
LOOKING FORWARD: A Series of Pamphlets on Recon-
struction
BRITAIN AND THE WORLD By H. A. Wyndham
INTERNATIONAL LAW By Norman Bentwich
WHAT IS A NATION By Harold Stannard each
1.50
.25
.35
.25
Periodicals
INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (quarterly) 5.00
THE BULLETIN OF INTERNATIONAL NEWS
(fortnightly) 5.00
CHRONOLOGY OF PRINCIPAL EVENTS (quarterly) 1.00
(write for complete list of publications)
NEW YORK PUBLICATIONS OFFICE, R.I.I.A.
542 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK 19, N. Y.
BLOOD DONORS NEEDED!
•fi RED CROSS plasma is saving the lives of hundreds of wounded
soldiers and sailors. But thousands of additional blood donors are
needed.
GIVE A PINT OF BLOOD TO SAVE A LIFE.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
251
PARTNERS IN THE PACIFIC
(Continued from page 231)
Their Position in the Pacific
If their new internal problems are exi-
gent, the Australians and New Zealanders
find their external situation even more
perplexing. Here is a combined population
of about eight and a quarter million lying
only a day or two by air from a seething,
feverish, hungry continent of a billion
Asiatics. They realize that in 1940-41 they
escaped disaster only by a narrow margin.
Australian leaders, fearing an imminent
Japanese invasion, were planning to retreat
to the Brisbane-Adelaide line, and to hold
only the southeastern third of their conti-
nent. New Zealanders hardly yet under-
stand why Japanese warships did not wreck
Auckland and Wellington. The first
American marines were greeted like
rescuers.
When news came that Gen. Douglas
MacArthur had landed, Australia had a
night of wild rejoicing. In the ensuing
months Australia became a great military
base, and New Zealand a naval base, to
meet the first desperate demands of the
Pacific war. A new era had dawned, and
no man could fail to grasp the fact.
For the first time Australasians have had
reason for uneasiness over their world posi-
tion, and for hard thinking upon their re-
sponsibilities and duties. In the years when
Asia was fairly quiescent and Japan was
Britain's ally, the dominions took but an in-
termittent and remote interest in foreign
affairs. They were not isolationist — the first
World War proved that. But Prime Minis-
ter Menzies could say that Australia had
given less study to international questions
than any other part of the Empire. The
British navy seemed powerful. So long as
air power was undeveloped, Pacific dis-
tances appeared to be a strong shield. Even
in 1938 an eminent Australian novelist
wrote that the Commonwealth had "no
pressing fear of envious neighbors." It is
true that men talked of the danger of an
empty continent and the importance of fill-
ing it; but they talked in terms of leisurely
action.
Today, all the way from Darwin to
Dunedin, a very different view obtains. Dis-
cussion of the foreign policy of Australia
and New Zealand ranges over a wide va-
riety of topics. And from the ceaseless de-
bate in parliaments, public meetings, and
the press, three main conclusions have
emerged.
The first is that the two dominions must
act energetically to increase their population.
Everyone agrees on that. Everyone agrees
that it is desirable to bring in non-British
elements, as for example the Mediterranean
peoples, to raise the population totals; and
everyone agrees that the birthrate should
be stimulated. Both Australia and New
Zealand could quadruple their present popu-
lations without overcrowding. They hope,
it may be added, for a considerable influx
of Americans who have had a chance to
measure their attractions.
The other conclusions provoke debate.
The second is that, while Australia and
New Zealand will cling to their old posi-
tions in the British Commonwealth, that is
not enough to assure them of safety. After
all, Britain was helpless to aid them in
1940-41. They must cultivate good rela-
tions with the United States and, above all,
they must help support a world organiza-
tion to maintain peace.
Along with this conclusion, the domin-
ions have reached a third conviction that
they must accept their destiny as Pacific
Powers, and insist upon a position among
the chief arbiters of Pacific policy. They
did not use to regard themselves as Pacific
nations at all. They thought of themselves
as British salients, rather alien to the
Pacific ocean and detached from the Orient.
When Asia Counts for More
Now they perceive that a new world is
emerging; that Europe will count for less,
and Asia for more than formerly; and that
they are neighbors to an area where events
decisively affecting the future of mankind
will take place. Indeed, they are more than
neighbors. Australia, fronting on both the
Indian and Pacific oceans, is definitely near
the center of the critical area.
For both sentimental and practical rea-
sons, Australasians have no intention of
weakening their British Commonwealth
ties. They cannot forget tradition, blood,
cultural affinities, economic relationships
(for Britain is much their best market),
nor the value of British sea power. But
both countries are becoming less "colon-
ial."
The New Zealanders used to be more
British than the British themselves, and still
talk of Britain as "home." Even they, how-
ever, are busy developing their own culture,
outlook, and sense of nationality. The Aus-
tralians, whose forbears included many peo-
ple with no special reason to love England,
are much further advanced toward a sepa-
rate national character. They think and
act for themselves in everything from art
to politics. Nevertheless, even in Australia
the foreign minister, Mr. Evatt, says with
general approval that the imperial bond is
"fundamental in our external policy." The
arrival of the Duke of Gloucester as the
latest governor-general aroused sincere ex-
pressions of attachment to the Crown.
Thus the Empire will continue to be cher-
ished in the South Pacific.
Self-dependence with Security
But the Empire nowadays has to be
supplemented by other protections. It is
perfectly clear to the eight million Aus-
tralasians that they can never stand alone
if the Asiatic hordes once move aggressively
against them.
The next two generations may see China
and India heavily industrialized. Who can
tell what the temper of these countries will
be? Who can predict the policy of Russia-
in-Asia fifty years hence? If a new crisis like
that of 1940-41 comes, Great Britain may
or may not be in a position to assist. The
United States may or may not be ready to
exert her power.
So it seems to thoughtful Australians and
New Zealanders that strong world organ-
ization is imperatively necessary. While
they are increasing their population and
developing their institutions, a system of
collective security can give them the safety
they require. Both countries have kept full
membership in the League of Nations, and
paid their annual dues. In both, and par-
ticularly in Australia, leaders of opinion
have not been slow to criticize Mr. Church-
ill for his apparent leaning toward regional
groupings. They want an inclusive world
organization, and they want small nations
to play a due part in it.
As for Pacific policy, both the speeches of
Australasian leaders and the Australian-
New Zealand agreement clearly indicate the
main objects of the dominions. The people
feel that the island groups which lie like a
great crescent to the north of them must
to some extent be organized for their
security. Canberra in especial takes a tren-
chant line. It holds, as Mr. Evatt has said,
that "our predominant interest must lie in
the Pacific regions"; that "Australia has a
leading part to play in those regions"; that
the Dutch Indies, Portuguese Timor,
French New Caledonia, the New Hebrides,
the Solomons, and Samoa, with Papua and
mandated New Guinea, all come "within
an extended Australian zone"; and that
while foreign sovereignty must be respected
in the appropriate areas, "it will be essen-
tial that the islands should be grouped in
the same defense zone as Australia, and
that special efforts within the zone shall
be made in relation to air transport and
economic betterment."
In short, they hold a security belt should
be created by proper international measures.
The formal accord of the two govern-
ments indicates that they expect to play a
leading role, if not the leading role, in
Organizing this insular security belt. All
parts of this regional defense zone will
have to look to Australia and New Zealand
for their major bases. The two countries
have formally declared that no change in
sovereignty in any South Pacific island
should take place without their consent.
More, they have gone on record that the
main concern of European governments in
the islands must be the welfare of the
native peoples. They plainly wish to see a
greater acceptance of the principle of trus-
teeship, and a closer collaboration of 'the
Dutch, British, French, and themselves in
promoting education, communications and
economic growth.
They welcome American commitments
in the Pacific. Most, if not all, Australasians
would be delighted if the United States
takes over the Japanese mandated islands.
The North American Invasion
Closer relations between the United
States and Australasia are certain if only
because from a quarter to a half million
young Americans will bring back from their
war service vivid memories of life in these
young lands.
252
They have milled up and down Queen
Street in Auckland, and climbed the moun-
that overlooks its beautiful harbor.
tain
tries. And beyond question these lands,
hungry for men, capital, and enterprise, will
welcome those who do come as homeseek-
They have seen the white sheep scattered
in tens of thousands over the green slopes
of the North Island, splashed with the
vivid gold of the omnipresent gorse. Some
have seen the New Zealand Alps lift their
icy pinnacles across the Canterbury Plain
where Samuel Butler had his pioneering
adventures. In Australia, they have made
purchases along stately Collins Street in
Melbourne, and admired the civic build-
ings, the art gallery, the library, and the
university that give dignity to well-planned
Adelaide. Multitudes have fallen in love
with the magnificent bay at Sydney, its
deep blue fingers running into scores of
inlets. Others have found a strange fascin-
ation in the deep eucalyptus forests, with
their shimmering leaves and scaly trunks,
or in wide plains, waving green in spring
and burned a bright yellow in midsummer.
By and large, the Americans "hit it off"
with the people of New Zealand and Aus-
tralia from the start. When Japanese in-
vasion threatened, their own troops were
overseas, and our armed forces brought a
welcome sense of security. Not only were
the newcomers met with an outgiving
friendliness; likenesses and liking were
quickly discovered on either hand.
This does not mean that annoyances
did not crop out with the North American
invasion. "We like some American ways
better than others," a prominent Australian
remarked dryly. Friction over girls, drinks,
cigarettes, and pay led Australasian and
American troops into some stiff street fight-
ing. That was, perhaps, natural enough;
so was the irritation of cities which found
their facilities overcrowded, their goods de-
pleted by ravenous, noisy Americans. But
the nearer men of the forces came to the
front lines the more they fraternized, until
in the jungles of New Guinea or on the
beaches of the Solomons they readily died
for each other.
Nor did many people at home fail to
display an appealing hospitality. Marines,
sailors, soldiers, and airmen who wanted to
to stick to pubs, cinemas, and dance-halls
could do so. But the American Red Cross,
the Australian-American and New Zealand-
American Cooperation Movement, helped
arrange for others to go to farms, cattle-
stations, and suburban households.* Thous-
ands responded. By 1944, the troops had
swept Australasian shops almost clean of
books on antipodean history and life; had
bought up all the saleable paintings.
Not a few Americans have professed a
desire to settle in the Southwest Pacific and
grow up with the country. Many will wish
to come back for visits. Certainly some of
the thousands who have married young
Australian and New Zealand women will
feel henceforth that they have two coun-
ers.
* See "Red Cross Under the Southern Cross," by
Helen Hall, Survey Graphic, January, 1944, for an
account of the part which Australians and New
Zealanders played in carrying on American Service
Clubs, and the welcome extended by these to their
own servicemen. And, on the other hand, the part
played by thousands of "adopted families" who turned
their places into "individual rest homes," to which
our servicemen returned, time and again, whenever
they got back from Guadalcanal, New Guinea, or
beyond.
Australasia on the Alert
The vigorous young democracies of the
South Pacific, to sum up, are alert to all the
challenges of the new age just dawning
upon them. For the first time, they think
of themselves as fully independent nations
with an independent set of policies. For
the first time, they are anxious to be leaders
in their own area of the globe.
Though by no means unaware of the
great potentialities of the adjacent islands
— a million square miles with many re-
sources that need only capital, labor, and
brains for profitable exploitation — they
have no aggressive designs.
Like Americans, they are intent upon
home development; and like us, they real-
ize that such development is possible only
if peace and safety can be guaranteed. They
must use foreign policy to protect their in-
ternal welfare.
Both Australia and New Zealand de-
serve well of the world. They have been
in many respects model democracies; they
are among the bravest of fighters for free-
dom; and they have already made rich
cultural gifts to civilization. Holding an
exposed position, an outwork of Western
civilization in the Orient, they warrant our
sympathy and cooperation.
HEALTH TODAY— TOMORROW
(Continued from page 212)
matter of fisticuffs in California — has shown
too many disadvantages during a quarter-
century to be made an issue in Britain. It
will be neither banned nor encouraged.
The British medical profession recognizes
officially that the administration and
finances of medical service plans are public
matters, with which physicians should be
concerned but which they should not ex-
pect to control. Laymen and physicians
agree that physicians should control profes-
sional matters. But what constitutes "con-
trol," and how define "professional?" The
BMA takes the stand that the machinery
proposed in the White Paper would subor-
dinate the profession as a whole and inter-
fere with the individual physician's exer-
cise of professional judgment concerning his
patients.
Thus, discussion will turn more on facts
than on slogans. The Labour Party says
that N.H.S. does not go far enough. It will
ginger the Conservative majority in Parli-
ament. Within the British Medical Asso-
ciation are several ginger groups, which,
like the Labour Party, declare that 80 per-
cent of the younger doctors will go with
N.H.S. all the way.
According to British custom, minority
opinion expresses itself openly and often
in the British Medical journal. In this
country, gingerful doctors and groups like
the Physicians Forum are not yet allowed
similar freedom in the Journal of the
American Medical Association.
COLUMBIA BOOKS
A Price for Peace
THE NEW EUROPE AND
WORLD MARKETS
By Antonin Basch
An important, timely study of Europe's economy
by a man thoroughly familiar with the problems
nvolved. He traces the economic events in
lurope that fostered World War II, analyzes
totalitarian economy, and stresses the necessity
:or promoting Europe's welfare through con-
certed international assistance. $2.50
Economic Stability in the
Postwar World
The second report issued by the Delegation on
Economic Depressions appointed by the Council
of the League of Nations in 1938 to present
measures that might be employed to prevent or
mitigate economic depressions. League of Na-
tions Publication 1943. II. A. 2 $3.00
Pioneers in World Order
AN AMERICAN APPRAISAL OF
THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS
Edited by Harriet E. Davis
"The really good work that went on at Geneva
was hidden from the eyes of the world by the
fantastic stuff that held the center of the stage
. . . This book will correct that impression."-
New York Herald Tribune. $2.75
Peace and Bread in Time
Of War Anniversary Edition
By Jane Addazns
The still timely plea of Miss Addams that eco-
nomic security and democracy are prerequisites
for peace. With a new introduction by John
Dewey. A King's Crown Press Publication.
$2.00
Axis Rule in Occupied Europe
By Raphael Lemkin
The actual texts of laws and decrees issued by
the Axis powers and their puppet regimes for
the government of occupied areas. Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace Publication.
$7.50
The Science of Man in
the World Crisis
Edited by Ralph Linton
"Achieves its aim of putting the knowledge
and conclusions of many specialists in the
study of man and his works into a form where
they can be drawn upon for the solution of
current problems." — New York Sun. $4.00
Publishers of
The Columbia Encyclopedia
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS
Morningside Heights, New York 27. N. Y.
(In answering advertisements pfease mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
253
Why do murderers make such
stupid mistakes?
Why does a murderer return
to the scene of the crime?
Why do undiscovered mur-
derers so often confess?
THE
UNKNOWN
MURDERER
By Theodor Reik
A psychoanalyst takes up where
detectives leave off in this fas-
cinating study of crime, both
real and literary. Brilliant, pro-
vocative — a must for mystery
fans as well as criminologists.
"A spirited and humane work"
— Thomas Mann
$3.00
Is our wartime unify
temporary?
ONE
AMERICA
OUR RACIAL AND NATIONAL
MINORITIES
Edited by
Francis J. Brown and Joseph S. Roucek
A survey of the background,
problems, cultural and national
contributions of forty-one
groups, such as Swiss, Turkish,
Latvian, etc. Thirty-three autho-
rities analyze the important mi-
nority problems stressing the
impact of various cultures on
America, and suggest practical
methods for eliminating danger-
ous prejudices and the accep-
tance of scientific racial truths.
Lists of organizations and publi-
cations, together with an exten-
sive bibliography, make this an
invaluable volume for all con-
cerned. $5.00
At all bookstores
EUROPE AND THE MEDITERRANEAN
(Continued from page 194)
soon as possible, and under circumstances
that would make her eager to support, not
undermine, Britain's postwar policies in
Europe and Africa.
The final disposal by the United Nations
of Italy's African colonies, conquered by
British and American arms, will have an
important effect on Italy's future attitude.
If the British accept United Nations trustee-
ship over these relatively arid territories, and
if the Italians are permitted to participate
in their development, then Italy may ac-
cept such a decision with equanimity as one
of several measures to liquidate, gradually,
the colonial heritage of the Western world.
Liberty and Independence
Now, in spite of Britain's acknowledged
need for the support of the Mediterranean
countries, British authorities not infre-
quently display lack of awareness of local
conditions and aspirations (due either to
poor intelligence service, or to the preval-
ence of idees fixes about these regions in
government offices and in the field).
There is also a tendency in these British
circles to disregard the wishes of popular
masses whose leaders are too easily dis-
missed as communists (in Greece, as Trot-
zkyites).
If Russia has gained influence in the
Balkans at the expense of Britain, this
has not been entirely due to geographic
proximity, or to the peculiar virtues of
Soviet propaganda. The Russians have a
more intimate understanding of Balkan
political and economic conditions, which
resemble those of Russia in 1917.
At the San Francisco conference, Britain,
necessarily playing from weakness, skilfully
strengthened her position for the immediate
future both in Europe and Asia — avoiding
a public confrontation with Russia over the
admission of Argentina, but noticeably
stiffening her attitude on the question of
Poland. In American trusteeship proposals,
the British found support for continuance
of their colonial rule, at the same time
stressing their concern for the welfare of
dependent peoples to whom they hold out
promise of self-government, if not of in-
dependence.
There were indications Britain might
hope to play the role of balancewheel be-
tween the United States and Russia. From
the short term point of view this may be a
serviceable policy. But it can well be asked
whether, in the long run, it is not against
the tide of events in Europe and Asia. For
clashes with Russia and unrest in Asiatic
colonies will not further the security Britain
urgently requires. The fundamental diffi-
culty is that Britain, cradle and guardian of
western democracy, now tends to conserva-
tism in foreign policy in the true sense of
the word, seeking to conserve the assets of
power she still possesses instead of charting
a bold course.
If Britain is to attract the Mediterranean
countries into her orbit after the war, she
must do this not by upholding outworn
men and institutions, but by boldly taking
the leadership in furthering the democrati-
zation and industrialization of backward
areas — as British Labour urged.
Britain's greatest asset in Europe is her
long tradition of civil liberty and a vig-
orous political democracy at home, strength-
ened by the unity the British have displayed
in the darkest hours of the war. This asset
has diminished each time Britain appeared
to support, on the continent, political leaders
or movements that oppose democracy —
such as Franco in Spain or the adherents
of monarchy in Greece. The rule holds
for the United States also, in Europe and
elsewhere. Many peoples looking to Amer-
ica for democratic leadership, have felt be-
trayed when they found this country main-
taining friendly relations with dictatorships.
During the war, as Mr. Churchill has
repeatedly pointed out, Britain has been
ready to support any group or country
which was fighting the Nazis. This \\3&
been our policy, too. The end of the war
will call for more subtle political differ-
entiations. Hereafter, the British govern-
ment— and ours will have to pay more heed
than exigencies of war have allowed to the
words of Thomas Wolfe:
"A wind is rising throughout the world
of free men everywhere, and they will not
be kept in bondage."
Egypt and the Arab Federation
Similar problems of rising independence
movements together with clashing creeds
and nationalisms, face Britain on the east-
ern shore of the Mediterranean, where Brit-
ain's lifeline skirts Egypt, Turkey, Palestine,
and the Arab countries of the Middle East.
Both Turkey and Egypt, whose carefully
preserved neutrality proved more helpful
than harmful to Britain, won places at the
San Francisco Conference by last-minute
declarations of war on Germany. Turkey,
which concluded alliances with Britain and
France in 1939, is again, as in the days of
the Tsars, apprehensive about Russia's in-
tentions in the eastern Mediterranean, and
may for this reason work more closely with
Britain than in the past. .
Egypt is of paramount importance to the
British because the Suez Canal is their
vital link to the Orient. The concession for
its construction, granted by Egypt to a pri-
vate company in 1889, expires in 1968, and
at that time the Egyptian government may
claim the canal as national property. In
recent years, Egyptian political leaders have
increasingly emphasized their country's
independence of action. It is highly doubt-
ful whether Britain, the United States, or
any other maritime nation will want to see
Egypt hold sole control of the Suez. Most
likely an attempt will be made to place the
canal under the administration of an inter-
national commission.
Egypt's future relations with Britain will
be affected by developments in the re-
cent movement to create a federation of
Arab states. In this movement Cairo has
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
?54
Y
played an active part. In the current war as
in the last, Britain has relied heavily on
the loyalty of the Arabs and appears to
favor such a federation. A solid Arab
front, however, might alarm and antagonize
the Zionists, jeopardizing any practicable
settlement of the future of Palestine.
Palestine has thus far taken in 120,000
Jewish refugees from Hitler's Europe. In
1939 the British issued a White Paper and
prohibited further immigration into Pales-
tine beyond a total of 75,000 to be admitted
in the next five years. This came at a time
when the war and Nazi policies of exter-
mination were to make the need for escape
excruciating. With vast numbers dislodged
from their homes and means of livelihood,
there have been advocates of the resettle-
ment of*a million or more Jews in Palestine
in the postwar years — and the transfer of
some of the resident Arab population to
Iraq or other Arab areas.
Palestine
The Foreign Ministers of the Arab States,
who drafted the constitution of the pro-
posed Arab League, were reported to have
suggested on March 10 a compromise pro-
viding for the settlement of between 200,000
and 300,000 more European Jews in Pales-
tine, with the balance between Jews and
Moslems held by 150,000 Christian Arabs.
This would permit further development of
the flourishing "homeland" established ' by
the Jews, but would in no way assuage the
demand for an adequate haven of rescue
for European refugees which is the deep
concern of all Jews — or satisfy the aspira-
tions of the Zionists for a Jewish national
state.
The British government cannot be said
to be either anti-Zionist or anti-Arab. Its
main concern is the security of Britain; it
does not want to see this salient fall to any
group which would be unable to de-
fend Palestine against Britain's enemies in
another war. Mr. Churchill, in an address
on February 27 in the House of Commons,
indicated that he would like to have the
United States take part in the Palestine
settlement — sharing with Britain both the
responsibilities that it might impose and the
criticisms it might arouse.
Judgment about the various proposals
presented depends on estimates of the fu-
ture of the Jews in Europe and elsewhere
in the world. If it is assumed that life in
Germany, Poland, Rumania, Hungary, even
after the defeat of Hitler, will be intolerable
for Jews, then the Zionist demand for a
national home in Palestine has justification
— even though the fulfillment of this de-
mand might arouse the Arab population to
the very kind of violent anti-Semitism in
the Near East that led to the tragic plight
of Jews in Europe. But if, after the war,
the United Nations succeed in creating a
sane political and economic atmosphere, then
the Jews could live on in the countries
where they have long been established.
Indeed, unless the United Nations succeed
in establishing widespread freedom, citizens
even of the Jewish national home in Pales-
tine might have little more security than
those in Central Europe.
(Continued on page 256)
(In answering
THE RELATIONS OF CANADA
AND THE UNITED STATES
Edited by James T. Shotwell
In 1932 Dr. James T. Shotwell, on behalf of the
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, organ-
ized a group of American and Canadian scholars to
study the Canadian-American interplay in its various
aspects. North Atlantic Triangle is the twenty-fifth
and final volume in the Series.
X
NORTH ATLANTIC
TRIANGLE
John Bartlet Brebner
This is not primarily a history of diplomacy or of what
are usually called international relations, but rather of
the forces underlying them. Out of the countless activi-
ties of the past the author has selected what seemed
most relevant to an understanding of a phenomenon of
today. No two nations have shared in a gigantic human
adventure more fully than the United States and Canada,
and yet it cannot be intelligible without constant refer-
ence to the bonds of tradition and to the attraction and
repulsion between them and Great Britain. During the
past fifty years the North Atlantic Triangle has become
unique in magnitude as well as in character. Presenta-
tion of so complex a relationship has involved novel
problems in historical writing.
$4.00
Recent Volumes in the Series:
CANADIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS, 1875-1911
Charles C. Tansill. $3.50
THE AMERICAN RORN IN CANADA
R. H. Coats and M. C. MacLean. $3.75
THE CANADIAN RORN IN THE UNITED STATES
Leon E. Truesdell. $3.00
THE RED RIVER VALLEY, 1811-1849
John Perry Pritchett. $2.75
Full information concerning this Series and also the monumental
ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE WORLD WAR,
also edited by James T. Shotwell and published for the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace, will be sent upon request.
"There is no other such research authority in fields which have
taken on emergent significance in these critical years." Survey
Graphic
YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS New Haven, Connecticut
advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
255
HARPER BOOKS FOR SURVEY READERS
TIME FOR
PLANNING
A S octal-Economic Theory and Program
for the 20th Century
by Lewis L. Lorwin
Formerly Economic Consultant, National Re-
lources Planning Board, Foreword by M. C.
Hedges, Director of Reiearch International
Brotherhood of Electrical Workert.
How the planning essential to social stability
and economic prosperity can help guarantee
personal freedom — haw vie can plan for free-
dom— is here authoritatively set forth. This
book answers effectively those recent writers
who assert that only "free enterprise" can
assure freedom. $3.00
THEY SEE
FOR THEMSELVES
A Documentary Approach to Intercul-
tural Education in the High School
by SPENCER BROWN
Department o/ Engliih, Fleldilon School,
fiete York.
Volume III in the Series of the Bureau for
Intercultural Education is the record of suc-
cessful experiences with dramatic productions
as a vivid means of showing the contributions
of different cultures to American life and thus
striking at the roots of race prejudice and
intolerance. "In its use, students may be
guided to develop attitudes of a truly demo-
cratic nature and to obtain a better under-
standing of themselves, their community and
the people who make up our nation." PAUL
A. WITTY, Prof, of Education, Northwestern
University. $2.00
PRACTICAL
APPLICATIONS
OF DEMOCRACY
by George D. de Huszar
Formerly of the European and Atlatic Area
Study, University of Chicago, Foreword by
Eduard C. Undeman, AW fork School of
Social Work.
A helpful book for all those who seek methods
which translate the ideals of democracy into
practical, effective democratic action. "Everyone
should read this book who is not content
merely to chatter about democracy, but who
wants to learn the practice of democracy as
an art of living." David E. Lilienthal, Chair-
man, Tennessee Valley Authority. $2.00
ECONOMIC
DEMOCRACY
AND PRIVATE
ENTERPRISE
A Study of the Relation of Economic
Groups to the Federal Government
by Michael O'Shaugnessey
author of Peace and Reconstruction
How our economic system can yield a high
standard of life for all and assure at the
same time a more democratic basis of opera-
tion. The author shows how recent Papal
Encyclicals support a more widely based
system of controls and participation in policy-
making by labor and consumers as a necessary
fulfillment of democratic claims. Of interest
to all concerned to see what "religion in
business" may mean today. To be published
June 13. $2.00
All these books available at
your bookstore and from
HARPER & BROTHERS
49 East 33rd Street, New York 16, New York
jili mow 11 Hill" Hi loini iiiiniJiiiLJiiL
EUROPE— MEDITERRANEAN
(Continued from page 255)
Oil — and a Strategic Area
If human relationships and military
strategy dominate discussion of Palestine,
oil is the principal issue at stake between
the great powers in Saudi Arabia; in Iraq
(a former League mandate which, with
British aid, became independent in 1932);
in Iran, where British and Russian troops
are now stationed but whose independence
was specifically assured at Teheran; in
Kuwait; and in the Bahrein Islands.
The United States has become increas-
ingly interested in the Middle East because
of oil, air bases, and possible postwar
markets for American goods. Britain needs
the oil of the Middle East for her navy. She
needs naval and air bases. And she has a
long tradition of friendship with Arab
rulers, romanticized by the activities of
men like T. E. Lawrence. Russia, which in
Tsarist times had a sphere of influence in
Iran, has also demanded oil concessions in
that country. Russian diplomats are active
throughout the Middle East. And the re-
vival of organized religion in the USSR
has brought about pilgrimages of Russian
Orthodox Catholics and Moslems to the
Holy Places of Jerusalem and Mecca.
None of the great powers, however, will
find much opportunity for trade in the
Middle East unless the resources of that
region can be developed and used to raise
the standard of living not only of the rul-
ing classes but of the masses of the popula-
tion. These objectives might be achieved
through the Middle East Supply Center,
originally established by Britain to aid the
prosecution of the war, and later joined
by the United States. The MESC, en-
larged by the inclusion of Russia and
France, of Jews and Arabs, could serve as
a valuable agency after the war in devel-
oping an area astir with national aspirations.
The Earth and Its Peace
' As hostilities in Europe have drawn to a
close, Britain, like other nations, enters "a
world of imponderables," to quote Mr.
Churchill, "and at every stage self-ques-
tioning arises." The main question all na-
tions have been asking themselves is how
they can achieve security after the war.
That was why all turned to San Francisco
for effective answers.
Until a strong international organization
capable of assuring the security of all na-
uons, great and small, is established, it will
be unrealistic for Americans to expect
Britain to give up her safeguards in the
rorm of special understandings, bases, or
colonies which she has laboriously acquired
through the centuries — whether in Europe,
the Mediterranean, or the Middle East.
Britain's security problem differs from
that of other nations only in degree, not in
essence. No single nation, no matter how
rich or powerful — not Britain, the United
States, or Russia — has been able to win the
war against the Axis alone. None will be
able to achieve peace and prosperity by its
own unaided efforts.
All of us face the same historic decisions.
Here in the United States, we cannot
hope to enjoy the untrammeled independ-
ence of our days of "splendid isolation."
They have been destroyed forever by mod-
ern weapons of war which pay no heed
to space. This country, like Britain, like
all other nations, must relinquish a position
of detachment which world developments
have rendered untenable. We shall be well
rewarded if, by abandoning something we
no longer possess, we all achieve a new
freedom — freedom from fear of attack.
In this war, both Britain and the United
States have discovered that security for our-
selves depends on the security of. Europe.
The real test of relationships between our
two countries with respect to that continent
will hinge on our capacity to overlook
minor divergencies and frictions for the
sake of achieving a major objective — that
of preventing another holocaust from which
neither nation could hope to escape.
AFTER DUNKIRK
(Continued from page 211)
kinds. The comprehensiveness of the plan
can be seen from the following extract:
VMedical advice and attention at home,
in the consulting room, in the hospital or
sanitorium, or wherever else is appropriate
— from the personal or family doctor to
the specialists and consultants of all kinds,
from the care of minor ailments to the
care of major diseases and disabilities. It
must include ancillary services of nursing,
of midwifery, and of other things which
ought to go with medical care."
Dental services are not included in the
scheme at present. The annual cost of the
health service is estimated at $528,000,000.
New Schools for the New Britain
Britain's educational reforms have in fact
already passed Parliament. The Education
Bill enacted in 1944 was the most compre-
hensive measure in the whole history of
education in the British Isles. It provided
for reforms expected to cost $320,000,000 a
year. The Education White Paper and
the Bill itself included:
"Raising the school leaving age up to
which education is compulsory for all to
15, from present age of 14, with the pros-
pect that it will be raised again as soon as
possible to 16;
"Complete reorganization of the present
state-run nursery, elementary and secondar
schools so that a high standard of training
will become available to all children;
"Amendment of existing law to make
religious instruction an essential element of
education;
"Introduction of compulsory part time
education during working hours for young
persons out of school up to the age of 18;
"Plans for the improvement of school
curricula, extension of university openings
and scholarships, recruitment and training
of new teachers, and so on."
The plan by no means involves the aboli-
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
256
I tion of the present British educational sys-
I tern with its emphasis on the "public
II schools" — in American terms private schools
I for the elite — but it does go a long way
II toward improving the quality of instruc-
II tion in the state-run schools, as well as
If making it possible for more children, whose
I parents are not wealthy, to obtain scholar-
It ships to the so-called "public schools" and
I the universities.
Full Employment
The last of the great White Papers is
that on full employment. In it the British
government assumes outright the historic
commitment of responsibility for maintain-
ing henceforth the chance of livelihood.
It plans to do this by a somewhat compli-
cated ensemble of measures including a
vast national economic insurance scheme;
the promotion and control of planned spend-
ing on public works to check the onset of
depression; concerted action between the
Treasury and banks to influence the vol-
ume of capital expenditure; variation of
taxation; control of prices and wages if
necessary by means of government sub-
sidies; government control of the location
of industry; and finally, a small expert
economic general staff to analyze business
trends and give early warning of any
threatened slump.
Taken altogether, these measures of so-
cial, educational, and economic reform give
a picture of a nation which has suffered
much during the war, but which has made
and is making a magnificent effort to see
to it that the struggle was worthwhile. It
is the picture of a people which has faced
courageously some, at least, of the social
weaknesses in the national structure re-
vealed by the war, and which is doing its
best under difficult circumstances to correct
these. It is clearly the picture, not of an
enfeebled nor an exhausted nation, but of
a country which despite the terrific strain
of nearly six years of war, is vigorously
setting about the equally strenuous task of
putting its house in order for peace.
AMERICAN INVASION
(Continued from page 166)
Affairs, the War Shipping Administration,
the Bureau of Economic Warfare, the Office
of War Information, the Office of Scientific
Research Development, and all the other
representatives of numerous American
agencies, lead a virtually joint existence
with their British counterparts, and with
countless related organizations.
Many of the members of these missions
have been exercising an enlightening in-
fluence. In addition to their own consider-
able duties they have put their knowledge
and talents, their experience in this country,
at the disposal of the Office of War In-
formation, the one American agency whose
job it is to interpret America to the British
civilian. They have lectured and written
and discussed. Encounters with the whole
range of English life, industrial, agricul-
tural, scientific, political, educational, have
probably given them, collectively, a more
complete picture of England, than any
group of individuals has ever before ac-
quired of a country. In so doing they have
met, as the soldier has not, people as expert
as they in their own fields, under such cir-
cumstances that each has been able to ex-
change with the other his country's total
experience in that field.
Never in its history has the American
government had such total access to the
life of another country. Some avenues are
yet perhaps incompletely explored, but we
have been freely told which gates are where
and the keys have been given us. What does
that mean? First, and above everything else,
it means that we have been accepted in
trust, in friendship, and in candor by a
people who, if it were their nature, could
regard us jealously as the usurpers of their
till lately unchallenged world position. They
have not seen us as usurpers, but as part-
ners. They know they must face things as
they are.
They want to learn what we have to
teach them but they would like us to see
that they have things to teach us as well.
There is unqualified recognition of Amer-
ica's livelier accomplishments in many
fields, and a firm resolution, not in every-
one, but in everyone who is able to match
resolve with deeds, to meet change with
change. Americans coming here have seen
the best and worst in English life, in hous-
ing, in education, in industry, in agricul-
ture. Most of what they have seen they
have been led to by the British themselves,
not always an easy thing to do when you
know you are displaying faults whose pres-
ent correction circumstances prevent.
Present correction is not easy but British
plans are laid for their future correction,
and in many of those plans Americans have
had a slight share, or perhaps not so slight.
Mutual Comprehension
Relations between American agencies and
the British have become stronger and more
extensive daily, on the most secure of all
foundations, mutual comprehension. As the
region of comprehension and knowledge,
and the number of people it encompasses,
grow, so much less will be the significance
of the surface thrust and parry. There are
people here in Britain who recognize that,
including the hundreds of wartime mem-
bers of the American Embassy, and there
certainly are great numbers in America
who recognize it, too.
Among the evidences, here, are the courses
in American history being introduced into
the schools and universities as rapidly as
teachers and funds can be found. The
British Broadcasting System, in running a
series of school broadcasts on America, has
had many other American programs — some
designed for youngsters, some for adults.
The Ministry of Education has sponsored
short teachers' courses on America, through
its local boards: there have been summer
courses and extension courses, not in Amer-
ican history, geography and politics alone,
but in fields comparatively disregarded here
but much taught in America, like sociology.
There are over six times as many
(Continued on page 258)
Dr. Henry Pratt Fairchild, Editor
DICTIONARY
- f
UI
SOCIOLOGY
THE SOCIAL structure of the world
is of primary importance today. AH
who are interested in human relations
will find this work of great value: social
workers, statesmen, students, lawyers,
teachers, librarians, research workers,
guidance counsellors, et. al.
• TYPICAL OF THE NEARLY 3,600 ENTRIES •
geophagy. The practice of eating
earth. Clay is eaten by numerous
poverty-stricken people in the ten-
ant farm areas of Alabama and
Georgia as a food substitute, pri-
marily to make up for dietary
deficiencies.
ahimsa. Thc doctrine of non.vj0ience>
as practised in India by Gandhi and
his followers in their civil disobedi-
ence campaigns. The term includes
all nonviolent forms of resistance,
but excludes rioting, which often
accompanies such campaigns.
"Represents a tremendous
amount of work by a board of
distinguished sociologists assisted
by nearly 100 contributing edi-
tors. Will be consulted frequent-
ly and with profit."
—John A. Fitch, Columbia. University.
"Definitive, really informative
and, strangely enough, read-
able!" — Child Development.
LIMITED EDITION
ORDER NOW
$6.00
PHILOSOPHICAL LIBRARY, INC., Publishers
15 E. 40th St., Dept. W, New York 16, N. Y.
Please send me copies of The Dictionary
of Sociology, at $6.00 each. I enclose payment
of $ '
NAME
ADDRESS
SEND YOUR
WASTE PAPER
TO WAR
Waste paper is our No. 1 war short-
age. Every scrap of paper you throw
away is a victory for the enemy.
Save your waste paper. Turn it in!
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
257
I he organization of
Poland under the Ger-
man occupation . . .
One of the most power-
ful documents of the war
... it portrays the in-
domitable spirit of the
one nation that has
never produced a Quis-
ling." — Gerald W.
Johnson, N. Y. Herald
Tribune.
BY JAN KARSKI
At all bookstores. $3.00
HOUGHTON MIFFLIN CO. (i
Key to a puzzling and
paradoxical nation
The
Argentine
Republic
By YSABEL F. RENNIE
Here is an arresting book
which explains contempo-
rary Argentina in terms of
her history, with complete
honesty and detachment.
Based on first-hand knowl-
edge of the country, plus
painstaking historical re-
search, it is comprehensive,
reliable, and at the same
time almost as readable as
a novel. It does more to
illuminate Argentina and her
peculiar role than anything
yet published. $4.00
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
(Continued from page 257)
British books by American writers on the
current British publishers' lists than there
are British on the lists of American pub-
lishers. At this moment there are at least
three plays by American authors running
in the West End, another by a British
author with an American soldier as its
leading character, another starring the great
American acting team — the Lunts. British
musicians are even listening with increasing
interest to American music.
Let none of this be interpreted as thel
beginning of satellitism, a retreat to the|
regions of reflected light. For the moment
more light is coming from the United
States than from this long beleaguered
island — I shall not waste the reader's time
in explaining why. No, what is really be-
ginning is the end of the long flight from
Europe which began three centuries ago. |
It may be a very long time before that is
apparent everywhere. But that is what is
happening.
WHEN THE COALITION ENDS
(Continued from page 224)
appear to be democratic and to affect every-
one equally. Along with this, it reported a
disturbing growth in frustration and cyni-
cism, and especially distrust of existing lead-
ership.
Meanwhile, a decade without elections
seems to have confused the three major
political parties almost as much as the
public. Each is confronted with at least the
threat of insubordination within its own
ranks; and for the first time in a genera-
tion, the idea of a new party was not auto-
matically dismissed in London conversation.
When it comes to postwar voting here
was the forecast this spring of a Britisher
whose non-partisan activities are in touch
with sentiment up and down the country:
That the choice of the average working
man will go to the party which, as he sizes
things up, will actually get the houses, make
sure of the jobs, and "give him a chance to
throw out his chest."
Conservatives and Liberals
Understandably enough, Winston Church-
ill is the focal point of most of the uncer-
tainty about the future of the Conservative
Party. Whether he, Anthony Eden or one of
Britain's Marshals ultimately will lead the
Tories may determine how far they will ac-
cept the Churchill four-year program as their
platform and promise to carry it out. There
are still survivors of the 1922 Committee
which was responsible for drastic economy
moves in the wake of the last World War.
Some would have liked to abandon com-
pletely the White Paper scheme of domestic
reform, leaving that to the Labour mem-
bers of the coalition, but might have found
this hard to do. They were confronting
progressive opposition in such conservatives
as R. A. Butler, Minister of Education and
chairman of the party conference, who was
responsible for the Education Act of 1944.
At the other end of the party spectrum
is Quintin Hogg's Tory Reform Com-
mittee, often called "the Young Tories"
despite the advanced middle-age of some of
its members. These have urged that the
rebuilding of a new and better Britain
should become the chief slogan of the Con-
servatives. Captain Hogg, son of Lord
Hailsham, served for two years in the army
in the Middle East; and when he says, for
example, that he "decided to take a smack
at the Government and to fly again Dis-
raeli's banner of Young England," there is
no doubt that he gets a rise from numerou
and impressive audiences.
The Liberals are seriously divided as
what they want, and have no single politic
leader in the House. However, they nc
have one formidable asset there in Sii
William Beveridge — and some political ob-
servers in London feel, that if the Liberals
can convince the public that they are Sir
William's party in more than a formal
sense, they can at least hold the balance of
power after the new elections.*
Labor and the Elections
The Labour Party is generally conceded
in London to have the largest campaign
chest for the new elections, whether this be
figured in ideas, in leaders or in cash- — and
to have all the embarrassment of its riches.
The Labour members of the coalition can
claim at least equal credit with their Tory
colleagues for what has been done to trans-
late the White Papers into concrete legisla-
tion. They must also share responsibility
for what has been left undone.
Labour will emerge from the war with
at least a dozen men who belong by achieve-
ment in the top rank of British political ad-
ministrators; it remains to be seen whether
they can or will work as well with each
other outside the coalition as in. More, the
party has an • electoral asset in popular
memories of Munich and all that followe
the Tory policy of appeasement.*
The Labour Party, also, has within it
series of left-wing pressures organized
leaders like Aneurin Bevan and Harold
Laski — fighting what they call the de
hand of trade union officialdom in the
deal wing of the Labour movement.
Besides the Young Tories, the Labou
insurgents and the group of liberals wh
call themselves the Radical Action Grou
there are other reflections of political rest-
* In mid-May, the Prime Minister rejected a sug-
gestion by Clement Attlee, deputy prime minister and
leader of the Labour Party, that the Coalition con-
tinue until autumn. Mr. Churchill's counter invita-
tion to the key Labour members to remain in his
cabinet until the end of the war with Japan was re-
jected (with only two dissenting votes) by the Labour
Party conference at Blackpool. The political fat
was in the fire. Came on May 23 the resignation of
Mr. Churchill as Prime Minister, First Lord of the
Treasury, Minister of Defense; followed by the
appointment of a "National" government to serve
under him; and dissolution of Parliament as prelude
to general elections in July.
According to Clifton Daniel! (.New York Times},
Ellen Wilkinson, like Mr. Attlee a British delegate
at San Francisco, and chairman of the Blackpool
conference (see page 224), declared it would be a
tragedy if "left governments arising throughoul
Europe "had to deal with rigid Conservative admini«-
(In
trators that alienated the best friends of Britain in
Europe in the Nineteen Thirties."
answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
258
lessness among British voters-to-be.* Thus, i
Sir Richard Acland has led his Common-
wealth Movement out of nothing to minor
party status — thanks to its freedom from
the political truce which has constrained the
Labour Party in contesting by-elections.
His movement has caught up some of the
middle-class social idealism which has
sprung from the war and which has shown
itself, perhaps, most clearly in the universi-
ties and the Church of England.
Freedom and/or Security
It is easy to set down what it is that the
people of Britain want when the war is
over, provided the statement is kept simple
enough — so simple that it runs the risk of
telling little that is significant if you stop
there.
They want freedom and security.
They want the vote and full employment.
They want democracy and a high stand-
ard of living.
But a major cause of the political cyni-
cism which seems likely to come in the
train of the war is the widespread fear that,
whatever political leaders may say, the peo-
ple will get either one thing or the other —
either freedom or security, but not both.
Freedom, the vote, and democracy the
British people have had in the past in
relatively full measure. Yet there are few
persons in Britain today who believe that,
alone, the restoration of these will solve
Britain's political or economic problems.
Security, full employment, and a high
standard of living they have not had, for a
generation, in anything like full measure.
Yet there are few persons in Britain today
who want them at the cost of freedom:
this is one lesson the war has taught.
How to assure people freedom and se-
curity at the same time, how they can
choose their way of life and their opinions
freely and at the same time keep all em-
ployed at good, productive jobs — this is the
political problem Britain shares with indus-
trial societies generally. So far in this cen-
tury, attempts to solve the problem which
have concentrated on security have become
authoritarian; those which have concen-
trated on freedom too often have gone
bankrupt or gone down to defeat in war.
Americans in London, as the war shifts
to its final stage, feel as Americans living
there in earlier generations have felt, that
British society and British politics have an
enormous head start on our own country
in seeking the solution. Such Americans
also feel — and this is something new — that
the British people will need all the head
start they have, because they have less mar-
gin of time in which to fumble with mis-
takes.
It may well be only education and politi-
cal growth which, in the long run, will
solve both sides of this tough equation with-
out eliminating either freedom or security.
But there are few thoughtful men in Lon-
don who anticipate with any confidence
that the Britons will have plenty of time to
wait upon the slow process of education.
(Continued on page 260)
* Such as the old Independent Labour Party —
which long since came under James Maxton's leader-
ship— and the new communist groups.
An Important Message About
YOUR POST-WAR POSITION
This message is for men who are seeking
ways and means of capitalizing upon
present-day opportunities and of pre-
paring for bigger, better jobs in the
post-war world.
It is only the man who is familiar with
ALL of the fundamental principles of
business and industry who is properly
equipped to assume executive responsi-
bility. There is no "ceiling" on his career
other than that which is self-imposed;
and in the years of expansion, after
Victory, his services will be in greater
demand than ever before!
Essential Knowledge
The Alexander Hamilton Institute's
well-rounded Modern Business Course
and Service, endorsed by many of the
nation's top executives, is designed to
provide subscribers with a thorough,
complete training in the four major busi-
ness functions: Production, Finance, Ac-
counting and Marketing. A working
knowledge of all of these important
divisions of business and industry is
absolutely essential to the executive of
today— and to the executive of the future!
Noted Contributors
Who are the distinguished academic,
business and industrial leaders behind
the Institute? How is the Modern Busi-
ness Course and Service brought to sub-
scribers in a convenient, time-saving
form? How will the Course and Service
specifically help you — right now, today?
These questions, and many others, are
answered in the Institute's FREE 64-page
book, "Forging Ahead in Business."
Stimulating Book
As an inspiring, informative piece of
business literature, written in the light
of recent world-wide developments,
"Forging Ahead in Business" has no
peer. Said one man who had sent for it:
"It's the most stimulating book I
have read in ten years! Most of the
stuff that business men are called
upon to read nowadays is dull and
theoretical. 'Forging Ahead in
Business" hit me right between
the eyes!"
More than 3,000,000 copies of "Forg-
ing Ahead in Business" have already
been distributed to men interested in
self-improvement. It has been described
as "a turning point in the lives of literally
thousands of men"!
Get This Book- FREE!
You are urged to send immediately
for your copy of "FORGING AHEAD
IN BUSINESS." Today's timely edition
can be of immense value to you. It dem-
onstrates how the Institute can give you
immediate help in your present position,
while preparing you for post-war op-
portunities.
There are no copies for boys or the
merely curious; but to any man of serious
purpose it is sent free and without obli-
gation.
Alexander Hamilton Institute
Dept. Vt, "'. West 23rd Street, New York 10, New York
In Canada, 54 Wellington Street, West, Toronto 1. Ont.
Please mail me, without cost, a copy of the 64-page book— "FORG-
ING AHEAD IN BUSINESS."
Name
Firm Name
Business Address.
Position
Home Address.
SAVE ALL WASTE PAPER ESPECIALLY HEAVY BROWN PAPER
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
259
. . . the most effective refu-
tation of the bureaucratic
bogey I have read."
— HEINZ EULAU
in The New Republic
REPRESENTATIVE
BUREAUCRACY
An Interpretation of the British Civil Service
By J. DONALD KINCSLEY
Deputy Executive Director, WMC; co-
author of "Public Personnel Policy
and "Strategy for Democracy"; Pro-
fessor of Government in Antioch Col-
lege.
The first comprehensive study
in any country of the '"man-
agerial revolution" in govern-
ment.
A first-hand analysis of the
relationship of bureaucracy to
social change and the pattern
of political power.
The setting is England but the
conclusions are of universal
application to the evolution of
functional government.
"A brilliant job both as a
historical study and as an
analysis of the nub-problem of
bureaucracy."
— MAX LERNER
324 pages - - $3.50
AT BOOKSTORES OR FROM
THE ANTIOCH PRESS
Yellow Springs, Ohio
WHEN THE COALITION ENDS
(Continued from page 259)
Like the V-bombs, the political hazards of
the future have sent a kind of special shud-
der down every British spine.
Rations and certainty of their continu-
ance long after final victory have made the
economic hazards of demobilization real
and pressing to almost everyone. Aloud or
to himself, many a citizen of Great Britain
must ask sometimes whether the traditional
and accepted forms of political life in his
islands are adequate to maintain peace in a
wholly new and unpredictable world. Must
ask himself, moreover, whether a Britain
which has cashed in much of its overseas
investment can continue, with nineteenth
century modes of holding and working
property, to feed some 45,000,000 people on
56,000,000 acres of land.
The urgency of these problems fosters
both the cynicism and the sense of frustra-
tration which alike crop out in the outlook
of many Britishers toward politics after the
war. In London, there has been a rash of
.books like "Guilty Men" or "Your M. P."
which have drawn as incompetent not a
few of Britain's prewar leaders and driven
home the moral. These books have been
widely read. But even people who have not
read them, have begun to talk, according
to Mass Observation and other reporters,
of "We" and "They" as political realities
no less potent for being vague.
"They," according to these findings, are
thought of as persons with power who are
not to be trusted by the mass of yearning,
insignificant men and women who make up
"We." The pronouns do not always stand
for class distinctions. "They" often include
bureaucrats along with businessmen; trade
union officials along with capitalists. The
distinction seems to register some intuitive
hunch among ordinary people that Western
industrial societies have already become
largely authoritarian — and that "They" have
the authority.
Confidence and Change
major political parties is an indication that,
now politics are again uninhibited by the
war, there may be a substantial carry-over to
peace of both confidence and readiness for
change. Old-line politicians are worried
about this "slide" to the left in each party.
It threatens the Trade Union Congress as
seriously as it does the Primrose League.
Meanwhile the social feeling of common
identity and common purpose developed in
air raid shelters, in the Home Guard, and
in munitions factories remains as real as the
tangible benefits many people learned could
be secured from wartime teamplay no less
than wartime controls. It is still too early
to predict what political shape this legacy
of the war will take, but its existence will
be one of the important facts of postwar
Britain.
BRIDGES TO THE FUTURE
(Continued from page 172)
ican people is our Declaration of Inde-
pendence, but few of those who recite ii
realize that the document as a whole con-
sists of two main parts. It is both a re-
affirmation of the rights of Englishmen
and an indictment of the king and govern-
ment of England of that day for having
violated them in the treatment of the colon-
ies. So vigorous was the denunciation of
George III that one is prone to forget the
still more fundamental fact that unless
English colonists had been schooled in free-
dom, the protest against him might have
remained unwritten. There was no declara-
tion of independence in the Germany of
that day, whose princelings hired out their
peasantry to fight in foreign wars (Hes-
sians, for example); and whose citizens
knew little or nothing of representative
government.
Seen in the long perspective of history,
the Declaration of Independence is also a
declaration of solidarity with those pioneers
of freedom in Britain who produced Magna
Carta and the Bill of Rights.
The Concern of All
Nevertheless, alongside these feelings of Now, at this juncture in the world's his-
cynicism and frustration, there is to be tory, when the freedom-loving peoples of
found in Great Britain today on nearly all the world have been- fighting a despotism
levels of life a positive conviction that what infinitely worse than anything in our own
has been accomplished in war can be past, it is high time to take stock of the
matched in peace. There is widespread heritage of freedom in which they share,
popular confidence that industrial rational-
ization can restore British production to its
former place in world trade. There is a
healthy kind of pride in what the British
people have shown they can put across
when they are pressed. There is a new and
vociferous hunger for satisfactions denied
or dreamed about during the war which,
in the peace, may add up to that effective
mass demand which is the magic self-
starter of industrial prosperity. Finally,
there is recognition that disaster, or some-
thing close to it, may sometimes be the
penalty for not taking great chances.
Pending a general election, a sense of
despair and impotence colored much of the
surface of political life in Great Britain. But
(In
what is already happening in each of the
answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHICJ
260
It is particularly important for the English-
speaking peoples who have been the out-
standing champions of freedom in this war
to achieve, after partnership in battle, a
partnership in the projection of peace.
Without such partnership, the cause of free-
dom may yet be lost in the aftermath of
war. With such partnership the future can
be secure.
Such an entente between the United
States and the British Commonwealth of
Nations would, however, be contrary to
our fundamental principles if it were ex-
clusive of other nations with similar his-
tory and outlook. This unity of purpose of
many nations was formally recognized in
the Covenant of the League of Nations. It
is now repeated in the new Constitution of
the United Nations, in which che nations
have a common meeting ground, not only
for safeguarding themselves against attack,
but for the furtherance of mutual under-
standing and welfare.
There are, however, varying degrees of
understanding, and of cooperation. We can-
not expect, for example, that nations un-
familiar with our way of life will neces-
sarily want to copy it. Those people who
are accustomed to bow to authority have a
different conception of freedom from those
who make government their servants. Only
long experience with representative govern-
ment can school people to make it work.
This widening of outlook to include
other freedom-loving nations as allies in
the common cause is by no means new to
either the British or ourselves. Only now
the opportunity is at hand to embody it
in a living international institution where
it is much more likely to develop than if
left to the hazard of circumstance.
Both Thomas Jefferson and John Locke
were widely read in the political literature
of continental thinkers. The reference in the
Declaration of Independence to "the law
of nature and of nature's God" had its roots
in Greek and scholastic philosophy and in
Roman law. The conception of "natural
law" was a powerful argument against
arbitrary rule in the countries of western
Europe, but was much less familiar in
England. There the safeguards of freedom
were worked out in the practical experience
of daily life and were embodied in such
expressions of the neighborhood as "the
common law," "trial by jury," and "repre-
sentative government."
Our Common Heritage
Both the English and the American peo-
ples have treasured these institutions as
the very basis of their political life. The
vibrant battle cry of freedom in both coun-
tries was "No taxation without representa-
tion and no arbitrary imprisonment." Thus,
the core of the resistance against George
III was to be found in English rather than
in continental history. The forerunners of
the Founding Fathers were Coke, Hamp-
den, and Cromwell in the seventeenth cen-
tury and the barons at Runnymede four
hundred years earlier.
This community of history, upon which
the ideals of both nations are built, is even
more evident in the Bill of Rights than in
our Declaration of Independence, for in
these first ten amendments to the American
Constitution we copied almost literally the
guarantees against the possible tyranny of
government which the English had finally
won in their struggle with the Stuart
kings. The omission of the Bill of Rights
from the Constitution in its first form was
certainly not due to any autocratic tenden-
cies in the Founding Fathers, but was a
tribute to their confidence that the love of
freedom was sufficiently strong in the
American people to prevent the growth of
any tendency to despotism in government.
Early American history justified this con-
fidence. The Bill of Rights, as such, lay for
a century in the background rather than in
(Continued on page 262)
Books Slanted to the Future
THE WAR ON CANCER
REINHOLD
BOOKS
By Dr. Edward Podolsky
of current
The fight against cancer can be assisted by early detec-
interest to
tion and a general knowledge of its dangers. This book
everyone.
gives us those vital facts. It is written in simple, non-
medical terms that give you the most recent findings on
T
Cancer, and how it is combatted by drugs, surgery, spe-
cial diet, radium and X-ray treatments. Protect yourself
THE ELECTRON
by understanding the nature of Cancer and how it might
MICROSCOPE
affect you.
By E. F. Burton
180 Pages Illustrated $1.75
and W. H. Kohl
SEEING THE
INVISIBLE!
The TECHNIQUE of the TERRAIN
Tells all about this phe-
nomenal new tool of science.
Maps and Their Use in the Field in Peace and War
scopic world never before
seen by man! 100 times as
By H. A. Musham
powerful as the best optical
/
microscope. 233 Pages.
Profusely illustrated. $3.85
The world today is "map-conscious," but to many, maps
are a sealed book. Not only military men but sportsmen,
THE AMAZING
hikers, country dwellers in general will find this a fasci-
PETROLEUM
nating book, opening up new understanding of the
countryside.
INDUSTRY
By V. A. Kalichevsky
228 Pages Illustrated $3.85
An interesting picture of
the world's most important
THE CITY
raw material — petroleum.
In non-technical language,
it tells simply what petro-
Its Growth — Its Decay — Its Future
leum is, how it is obtained,
what it does. 234 Pages.
Illustrated. $2.25
By Eliel Saarinen
SOILLESS
This world-renowned architect and city designer not only
GROWTH of
shows the physical and economic causes for urban decay,
but also gives a vigorous corrective plan that cries for
PLANTS
action.
By Carleton Ellis
and Miller W. Swaney
"Mr. Saarinen bravely thinks in terms of a generation
or two, and raises questions that cannot be ignored."
New York Times
Shows how you can grow
healthy, prolific plants
WITHOUT soil! This
best-seller describes all
380 Pages Illustrated by the Author $3.50
three methods of soilless
growth — water culture,
sand culture and sub-irri-
CITIES of LATIN AMERICA
gation. 160 Pages. Illus-
trated. $2.75
By Francis Violich
FATIGUE of
WORKERS
With exceptional discernment, the author discusses the
Its Relation to
cultural heritage of the colorful cities studied, their plan-
Industrial Production
ning problems, their hopes for future betterment. This
By The Committee on
thought-provoking book will go far toward increasing
Work in Industry of the
inter-American understanding and respect.
National
"Not only the city planner but the general reader
Research Council
will find the book eminently worth while."
Reveals causes of fatigue.
ARTHUR BERGHOLZ in Chicago Sunday Tribune
psychological origin of
strikes, slowdowns, waste
241 Pages Illustrated $3.50
of time. Gives underlying
reasons for the inharmony
which often exists between
management and labor. 165
NOW IN PREPARATION
Pages. $2.50
HOUSING AND CITIZENSHIP. A Study in Low-
DISCUSSIONS
Cost Housing. By Major George Herbert Gray.
ON URBANISM
Size &1/-" x 11". Profusely illustrated.
This is a report of a series
of seminars held by the
THE ART OF BUILDING CITIES. By Camillo Sitte:
translated by Lt. Charles T. Stewart, USNR.
Planning and Housing Di-
vision, School of Architec-
ture, Columbia University,
NEW CITY PATTERNS. By S. E. Sanders and A. J.
from January S through
April 23, 1943. Reprinted
Rabuck.
from PENCIL POINTS,
1943. Net, 25c
At Your Bookstore or Direct
REINHOLD PUBLISHING CORP.
330 West 42nd Street
New York 18, N.
Also publishers of Chemical Engineering Catalog, Metal
Industries Catalog, Metals and Alloys and Pencil Points.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
261
THE DOCTOR
ALONE CANT
CURE YOU
By ROLF ALEXANDER, M. D.
Brings the lever ol Modern Science and
the fulcrum oi Ancient Wisdom together
in a powerful personal philosophy which
embodies a simple, positive technique for
removing the reader's mental obstacles to
health, happiness and higher achieve-
ment. At your Book Store $2.50. or direct
post paid from
THE
OVERTON PRESS
PUBLISHERS
CARSON CITY NEVADA
ANNOUNCING:
The publication of a monograph for use
by physicians, psychiatrists, psychothera-
pists, social workers, clergymen, patients
and relatives:
ALCOHOLICS ARE SICK PEOPLE
'by Robert V. Seliger, M.D., Instructor in
Psychiatry, Johns Hpokins University Medical
tee on Alcohol Hygiene, Inc.
and Victoria Cranford, Psychotherapist and ROT-
schach Analyst, Haarlem Lodje, Catonsrille,
Md.; The Farm for Alcoholic Patients, Howard
County, Md.
edited by:
Harold S. Goodwin, Day City Editor, The Balti-
more Sun, Baltimore, Md.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. The Purpose of this Monograph's Therapy
(Treatment) .
2. Are You an Alcoholic?
3. IF You Are An Alcoholic.
4. What Really Drives You to Drink?
5. Alcoholism Doesn't Make Sense.
6. Taking The Mental Hurdles.
7. Life Without Liquor.
8. Glossary.
End covers: (Front) The Liquor Test.
(Back) Re-educational Guides.
BRIDGES TO THE FUTURE
(Continued from page 261)
Alcoholism Publications
2030 Park Avenue
Baltimore 17. Maryland
Please send me. ALCOHOLICS ARE SICK PEOPLE.
D COPIES J2.00 Cloth bound
Mime
Address
the foreground of our concern. Until a few
years ago there was no mention of the Bill
of Rights in the index or table of contents
of our school textbooks of American his-
tory. This may be construed as meaning
that it was an integral part of our thinking,
something to be taken for granted, and not
an issue to be fought over again.
These folkways of freedom of the Eng-
lish-speaking peoples are our most precious
heritage. But until now they have always
been thought of as purely domestic ques-
tions, for each nation to solve for itself.
While both the British and the American
peoples have always been ready to respond
with sympathy for the oppressed, they have
tried to avoid "interfering" in the domestic
affairs of other nations. The second World
War, however-, has at last shown us that
the cruel disregard of human rights any-
where, is a matter of concern to all; just
as much as the threat of war anywhere has
at last been seen to endanger the peace of
nations — for the one leads to the other.
Justice and Peace
This connection between domestic and
international violence is even now not ap-
preciated as fully us it should be, and those
who do appreciate it are by no means
agreed as to the steps which should be
taken to remove this poison from interna-
tional relations. International law cannot
deal with it effectively as yet, because it
has no mandate to reach beyond govern-
ments to the peoples themselves. Only by
free agreement among the United Nations
can this extension of international law take
place; and that agreement will, in turn,
depend upon the extent to which tyranny
in foreign countries constitutes a threat to
their own peace and security.
This is a problem for statesmen to pose
and for jurists to solve. It is too real a
problem to be dealt with by slogans and
declarations of principle; it must be worked
out and hammered into shape in the same
realistic way as our domestic laws are made.
There is, however, one further lesson
from history which furnishes the clue to
be followed. Oppression is chiefly to be
found in the countries of the military tradi-
tion. Militarism and bureaucracy are in-
separable. Both of them are ready instru-
ments of oppression, and the more efficient
they are, the less chance for the develop-
ment of freedom. Nowhere else is there a
stronger eulogy of them than in the writings
of Bismarck, that great forerunner of the
Nazis. While he admired the efficiency of
the civilian bureaucrats, his chief praise
was reserved for the Prussian officers be-
cause they carried out whatever orders were
given them without questioning, as blind
servants of the State. The elimination of
this military class is, therefore, one of the
first steps in the guarantee of freedom for
the common man.
If we can now succeed in this great enter-
prise of eradicating the threat of war, we
may be farther along than we think ont
the pathway to justice and the escape from
oppression. Therefore, an immediate great
task for the English-speaking people is to-
strengthen the International Organization
for Peace and Security taking shape at San
Francisco. In the building of the new struc-
ture of international relations it is fitting,,
therefore, that there should be not only a.
formal recognition of the rights of man but
also an international body charged with
safeguarding those rights everywhere.
In lasting peace we have the best of all
guarantees of international justice, and in
justice the best of all guarantees of peace.
And both of them are the essential founda-
tions for freedom from fear.
"ECONOMIC HIGH COMMAND"
(Continued from page 283)
produce goods with Whitworth thread.
To break this stalemate, the Combined
Production and Resources Board sponsored
a visit here of British experts and in turn
dispatched their opposites to London. After
many consultations we were able to lay
before industry in the two countries pro-
posals for a universal screw thread. This
was a compromise, combining characteristic
features of both. Again to oversimplify
the technicalities, the Americans proposed
to adopt the British rounded groove, the
British to accept our truncated crest!
The importance to the postwar world
of this simple change in screw threads is
incalculable. It has supplied a common
denominator for British and American ma-
chine production. We have today in the
British Isles upwards of $200,000,000 worth
of machine tools which have reinforced
British manufacturing. American and
British machines are now widely distrib-
uted over the globe. The adoption of a
common screw thread unquestionably
should help in servicing vast markets open
to both countries.
The expanding work of the boards with
UNRRA is exceedingly interesting. For
example, we had requests for such unlikely
things as Stockholm tar, hooks, cotton
twine, and sailcloth . for the Balkan fish-
ing industry.
At one point we received an urgent de-
mand for 4,000 tires to be used on vehicles
for transporting food in the Paris area. At
that moment our own truck-tire program
was swamped with ascending orders from
the military, and the War Production
Board was holding all-day sessions on the
advisability of rushing construction of new
factories. However, the request was ac-
companied by the warning that without
the tires the already stringent Paris food
ration — then down to about 1,200 calories
a day — would have to be cut even more.
At once all the national agencies con-
cerned in both countries were informed
of the tire crisis. New inventories were
taken, new assessments made, and small
quantities of our synthetics flown to the
Renault tire factory near Paris for test runs
to see what tires could be produced there.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC )
262
!|We had one heartbreaking little incident
In that connection. After we had flown in
B:he rubber it was found that there was no
Uampblack available in Paris. A supply
Iwas started by plane from London, but
|-an into bad weather, threatening further
•delays in those vital test runs. Then en-
gineers on the spot devised a workable sub-
Itiititute for lampblack. In the end, initiative
Imd energy won out. Parisian operations
thereafter certainly might have been bet-
ter. Transportation as a whole was far
Irrom ideal but it was not allowed to break
; i down.
From the foregoing it will be clear that
he Combined Boards have been concerned
:hicfly with things in short supply. The
.vorld situation as to textiles, coal, hides
land leather, and a few other items, sug-
that combined action will be required
or some time to come. The charter of the
inards expires with the defeat of Japan.
Mthough no provision has as yet been
nade, it seems evident that kindred co-
ipcrative action by Britain, the United
States, and Canada will be needed to meet
shortages for some time after the war.
This leads to a further question that
presents itself to many of us on the Com-
.lincd Boards: Can this experience in joint
planning and concerted action with re-
spect to short supplies be usefully applied
as the world moves towards an over-all
surplus?
This last is a question not susceptible
of hasty answer. It involves not only the
I whole pattern of postwar economics but
also fundamental human relationships. So
many Britons and Americans have become
acquainted in fighting together that stories
of comradeship at the front are no longer
news. That experience among servicemen
'invites the question as to whether relation-
ships on the business level have worked
«out equally well.
On the Business Level
The Combined Production and Re-
sources Board and the Combined Raw Ma-
terials Board have been housed in a single
section of the Social Security Building in
j Washington. Contacts between the work-
ling staffs are continuous, meetings are held
almost daily, sometimes several times a day.
It is true that differences in approach crop
out. Lord Strathallan may have winced at
j being called "Davy" on his second meet-
ing with a breezy American, but the in-
terplay has panned out to mutual advan-
I tage.
The British have had close-ups of Amer-
' ican production methods. The Americans
, have been impressed with the collaboration
I among British governmental agencies, with
the solidarity their representatives can
j achieve on a given point. As in football,
they allow one man to call the signals,
I while too often we Americans argue among
j ourselves. They reach a policy determina-
I tion swiftly and then swing into teamwork
I in ways which excite our envy. At the
same time British paper work is far less
voluminous than ours. We keep two type-
writers going for every one of theirs.
On the American side, the boards have
been able to perform a service not original-
ly foreseen, but of great value. By bringing
together representatives of various American
agencies, such as the State Department,
Foreign Economic Administration, War
Production Board, War, Navy, War Ship-
ping Administration, the American repre-
sentative of UNRRA, and so on, it has been
easier to crystallize American policy.
It should be clearly emphasized that the
boards function in a democratic way. They
do not "push people around." From the
outset it has been clear they could succeed
only as they won the cooperation of the
various national agencies that actually carry
out most of the work, and it naturally fol-
lowed that such cooperation could be firmly
had only by making sure that such agencies
had a part in making the decision that
affected them.
Consider the large number of American
agencies that are involved in matters af-
fecting our Allies; consider, also, the general
lack of media for working out a position
on which agencies can unite — then you
will recognize how vital such facilities af-
forded by the Combined Boards have been.
Since agreements thus developed have been
based on a pooling of facts, as well as view-
points, by all the agencies involved, they
have been reasonably sure of acceptance at
the top level of American policy-making.
War Time ABC's
Not the least of the services of the boards,
with their international contacts, has been
to interpret to American agencies the reac-
tion to American policy to be anticipated
overseas — and vice versa.
Speaking as Americans, we cannot fail
to pay tribute to the frank and complete
cooperation of our British and Canadian as-
sociates. Never, in these three years of
working together, have they failed to dis-
close anything and everything they had
that bore on a question at issue. There
have been times when we had difficulty in
seeing eye to eye but at least we have
had a meeting place where we could make
it clear to one another that "Westminster"
(Commons) would not brook, say, a fur-
ther cut in textiles, or that "the Hill"
(Congress) would not stand for action as
distinctly impolitic the other way round.
Public relations, on the international level,
have not been the least of our concerns.
In a negative way, it is worth pointing
out that lack of such mechanisms as the
Combined Boards during the first World
War led to much confusion and mutual
misunderstanding, particularly when one
Ally or another followed a course at vari-
ance with that of other nations.
The question is frequently asked why
the boards represent only American, Brit-
ish, and Canadian interests. First, we an-
swer that this is not the fact. Although
the formal membership does not include
other nations, our working relationships do.
When the boards were set up, the over-
whelming problems of supply and demand
(Continued on page 264)
SWANK 16mm Sound Film Catalog
lists and reviews over 2000 most re-
cent films SENT FREE UPON RE-
QUEST!
for SHOWINGS TO THOSE
WHO CANNOT ATTEND
PUBLIC THEATRES . . .
• MAJOR FEATURES for 1\'2 hour shows.
Recent Hollywood major productions
with your popular Hollywood stars.
• RELIGIOUS FEATURES such as the
"LAST DAYS OF POMPEII" and
other stirring dramas. Also CATHE-
DRAL SHORTS.
• ALL COLORED CAST FEATURES
With top-notch colored stars for show-
ings to colored audiences.
• COMEDY FEATURES AND SHORTS
• ANIMATED COLOR CARTOONS
• MUSICALS
Film rentals are easily arranged.
Write now!
614 NORTH SKINKER BLVD.
SAINT LOUIS, 5, MO.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
263
Social Workers
on the
Battlefronts
• Men like Red Cross Field
Director James P. Shaw,
former head of Neighborhood
House in Erie, Pa., who was
awarded the Silver Star for
bravery in Sicily.
• Women like Helen Hall,
director of The Henry Street
Settlement, who flew thousands
of miles in the South Pacific
organizing American Red Cross
recreation centers.
• And scores of other coura-
geous social workers are im-
mortalized in this exciting
story of the American Red
Cross men and women who la-
bor overseas to keep some-
thing of the heart of home
with each fighting man.
AT
HIS
SIDE
THE AMERICAN RED CROSS
OVERSEAS IN WORLD WAR II
by
George Korson
At all bookstores
MAPS £2.75
COWARD-McCANN
2 W. 45th STREET • NEW YORK 19
(Continued from page 263)
were those bound up in these three econo-
mies. But as other countries have come
more largely into the picture, they have
been brought into the work of the boards
along the lines of their interests. Brazil,
which just has added 500,000,000 yards to
our cotton textile supply, for one. The
liberation of France, for another example,
has opened up many new questions that
only the closest cooperation with French
representatives can solve. This necessity for
a broader base has been welcomed by the
boards and has increasingly characterized
their operations. That was provided for in
their charters.
The Hope of Free Markets
We have put this question of human
relationships first in considering what light
the experience of the Combined Boards
throws on the future, because it is our
firm conviction that, unless Britons and
Americans can work together as good com-
panions, we shall have a postwar world
far different from what most of us desire.
We must ask ourselves: Do we want the
markets of that world to be free markets?
That is, markets in which individuals and
firms in one country trade with good-
neighborly individuals and firms in other
countries; in which government controls
and restrictions, tariffs and subsidies are
progressively minimized? Or do we want
a resumption of the trend of the Thirties,
which unquestionably helped bring on the
war? That is, markets in which govern-
ments represented their people and busi-
ness firms, governments traded with gov-
ernments, and in which the clash and con-
fusion of mounting economic warfare led
to trade barriers, subsidies, blocked cur-
rencies, barter, suspicion, and fear?
We should be less than truthful if we
failed to report that there are strong
reasons why such a trend might be re-
sumed— and thus lose us the peace. Here
is urgent reason why the lessons learned
from Combined Board operations should be
applied to finding ways and means for a
gradual return to the system of free mar-
kets, which to many of us is the world's
best hope in lessening those economic fric-
tions that ignite wars.
In this endeavor, it is essential that Brit-
ain, Canada, and the United States con-
tinue to act together. The Economic Intel-
ligence Service of the League of Nations
has shown in its study, "The Network of
World Trade" (Princeton University
Press), that the so-called Anglo-American
group of nations represents approximately
one half the world's merchandise trade and
more than one half the world's material
resources. This group, which includes
Latin America and the British Common-
wealth, can influence the whole pattern
of world economy. By united action, we
believe it can lead the nations of the world
toward free markets.
That certainly is the great hope we have
seen before us on the Combined Boards,
even as we have handled such homely items
as hooks and sailcloth for Balkan fisher-
THINGS OF THE SPIRIT
(Continued from page 240)
happen that criticizing America was long a
normal form of self-indulgence by British
travelers, that "twisting the lion's tail" is
still a favorite pastime of American poli-
ticians? How does it happen that we in-
dulge in so much mutual recrimination —
and that we are so sensitive to it?
It may be admitted that Americans quar-
rel more easily, and more frequently, with
Britain than with any other country; but
for a century and a quarter they have not
fought with her, and whenever quarrels
become dangerously acrimonious spokes-
men on both sides of the water hasten to
announce that "war is unthinkable."
Moreover, the long tradition — the habit—
of bickering and wrangling is not altogether
a bad one, nor is the explanation too dis-
couraging. For one thing, it may be said,
that ease of communication invites wrang-
ling; we are, in the hackneyed phrase of
Bernard Shaw, "two people divided only
by a common language." Americans are
upset over a tactless phrase in an English
book; the British by a rude editorial in ao
American newspaper. We do not know
what is said of us in French or Italian or
Swedish books and newspapers, nor, for
that matter, do we much care. But each
of us cares greatly for the good opinion of
the other. British and American sensitive-
ness here is a tribute to the high regard we
have for each other.
And the very fact that there is so much
mutual criticism is testimony to the stand-
ards which we set for each other. British
policy in India arouses widespread disap-
proval in America, but French policy in
Syria, Dutch policy in Java, Spanish policy
in Morocco, go all but unnoticed. So the
American attitude toward the Negro
arouses greater interest — and concern — in
Britain than do comparable problems in
Central America or even in South Africa
and India. This sort of thing, to be sure,
can be unpleasant and provoking. But it
is better than indifference.
Essential Unity
We can explain this tendency towards
mutual recrimination; we can discount its
importance; we can even discover in it cer-
tain virtues. But we should not indulge
ourselves in it too recklessly, or place too
great a strain upon mutual understanding
and good nature.
The cooperation of the English speaking
peoples is essential to the future peace and
prosperity of the world, and no peoples eve
adopted a policy of cooperation under mor
favorable auspices. The firm basis fo
Anglo-American understanding and coope
ation has already been laid — by nature, by
experience, by history. We have a common
language, literature, and law; we subscribe
to common principles, cherish common val-
ues, confess a common faith. In the great-
est crisis of history we have presented a
united front. Let us maintain that united
front for the tasks that lie ahead.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
264
PALESTINE
(Continued from page 198)
had been shelved on a technicality. Quickly
(approved thereafter, the children began to
[appear in Istanbul at the rate of about 100
a week, by train from Bulgaria. But pas-
sage by sea was called for if their rescue
was to be speeded.
This brought me in touch with the
young Palestinians who were operating
the small rescue ships which were to make
their way from the Balkans into the Bos-
jporus and from the Greek Islands across
the Aegean Sea to ports adjacent to the
city of Smyrna. Ranging from twenty
[to thirty-five years of age, no risks were
I too perilous for these young Palestinians to
take. When a daring venture into the
enemy territory was required, "the boys,"
as we called them, were the ones to volun-
teer. They did the job and brought out
information from the Balkans of incal-
culable value to the Allies, at the same time
that they learned the movements of fugi-
tives there. They placed representatives
in charge of their undercover operations
and maintained a courier service.
While, as a representative of my gov-
ernment, I could not concur with some
of the informal techniques they employed,
clearly, in a life and death struggle where
minutes counted, rules had to be overlooked
or broken by just such young zealots. I
developed a great fondness for the boys,
and resolved to help them as much as
feasible. They had been negotiating with
Turkish, Rumanian, and Bulgarian boat
owners who demanded large sums for
the use of their tubs to transport victims
across the Black Sea — an average of about
$150 for each individual. Human salvage
came high in those days in the Middle
East. Death was much cheaper.
A Bridge of Ships
It was after months of such negotiations,
marked by heartbreaking delays, that the
young operators phoned me from Istanbul
to say that a Bulgarian ship, the 55 Milfo,
was en route from Constanza, Rumania.
It had no papers and the passengers had
neither Turkish transit visas nor Pales-
tine entrance permits. Here was the first
test. Would the little bridge of ships
that I had authorized and helped the boys
to charter, be turned back to their Nazi
captors for want of safe harbor in Turkey?
Or would they follow the Struma to the
bottom of the Black Sea?
Here the British Embassy intervened ag-
gressively with the Turkish authorities in
their behalf but to no avail. Finally the
tide was turned by strong representations
to the Turkish Foreign Minister by the
American Ambassador, Laurence A. Stein-
hardt. Permission was granted for the
Mil/(a to land on the Asiatic side of Is-
tanbul; and special trains were detailed by
the Turkish police to take the passengers
directly through Syria to Palestine. They
were not permitted to remain in Turkey.
This was the first of the illegal ships to
gain entrance and bring refugees to safety.
Eight others followed; but one of them.
the 55 Mejkura, was torpedoed by a
Nazi submarine and only six of its 305
passengers reached shore. When this news
was first flashed to me at Ankara, I
phoned the boys in Ista.ibul to keep the
small boats going without let-up. As I
learned later, they had been in a blue
funk. The sinking of the Meffara was
an act of war. In response to a cable
to Washington, John Pehle at once re-
plied supporting my decision, provided that
the refugees themselves knew the risks and
were willing to take them. Representatives
of the relief organizations, and especially
the American Jewish Joint Distribution
Committee which supplied almost all of
the funds for these operations, together
with the Jewish Agency of Palestine, also
subscribed to this view. Thereafter, numer-
ous other ships completed the voyages suc-
cessfully, bringing in thousands.
Nevertheless, my nights were filled with
restless dreams. I would wake suddenly
with a start and see lines of shadowy chil-
dren deploying to the rescue trains under
the direction of Turkish police. Like the
reality, they were spindle-legged, emaciated
little orphans, clutching in their skinny
arms the cloth bundles that made up their
possessions. With their distended bellies,
vacant stares, lined faces, the thought of
them caused an inner ache.
As time wore on I saw hundreds of them
as they emerged from the Balkans; saw
WINS WRITING SUCCESS
THOUGH CRIPPLED WITH ARTHRITIS
"When I became almost crippled with arthritis, N.I. A. training
proved its value. I began acting as local correspondent for two
papers. Then I started a publication of my own. 'The Beekeeper'
became a reality and a success. Were I physically able, I would crawl
to the top of the house and shout the merits of N.I.A. Training." —
Elmer Carroll, Route 3, Box 540, Lansing, Michigan.
How do you KNOW you can't WRITE?
Have you ever tried?
Have you ever attempted even the least bit of training, under competent guidance?
Or have you been sitting back, as it is so easy to do, waiting for the day to come when
you will awaken, all of a sudden, to the discovery, "I am a writer"?
If the latter course is the one of your choosing, you probably never icj'H write.
Lawyers must be law clerks. Doctors must be internes. Engineers must be draftsmen.
We all know that, in our time, the egg does come before the chicken.
It is seldom that anyone becomes a writer until he (or she) has been writing for some
time. That is why so many authors and writers spring up out of the newspaper business.
The day-to-day necessity of writing — of gathering material about which to write — devel-
ops their talent, their insight, their background and their confidence as nothing else
could.
That is why Newspaper Institute of America bases its writing instruction on journal-
ism— continuous writing — the training that has produced so many successful authors.
Learn to write by writing
NEWSPAPER Institute training is based on the New York Copy Desk Method. It starts and
keeps you writing in your own home, on your own time. Week by week you receive
actual assignments, just as if you were right at work on a great metropolitan daily. Your
writing is individually corrected and constructively criticized. Thoroughly experienced, practi-
cal, active writers are responsible for this instruction. Under such sympathetic guidance, you
will find that (instead of vainly trying to copy some one else's writing tricks) you are rapidly
developing your own distinctive, self-flavored style — undergoing
an experience that has a thrill to it and which at the same time
develops in you the power to make your feelings articulate.
Many people who should be writing become awe-struck by fabulous
stories about millionaire authors and, therefore, give little thought
to the $25, $50 and $100 or more than can often be earned from
material that takes little time to write— stories, articles on busi-
ness, travels, books, current events, sports, homemaking, local and
club activities, etc. — things that can easily be turned out in leisure
hours, and often on the impulse of the moment.
A chance to test yourself
Our unique Writing Aptitude Test tells whether you possess the
fundamental qualities necessary to successful writing — acute obser-
vation, dramatic instinct, creative imagination, etc. You'll enjoy
taking this test. The coupon will bring it, without obligation.
Newspaper Institute of America, One Park Avenue, New York 16,
N. Y. (Founded 1925)
NOTICE TO
CANADIANS
Newspaper Institute's
operations in Canada
have been approved by
the Foreign Exchange
Control Board, and to
facilitate all financial
transactions, a special
permit has been as-
signed to their account
with The Canadian Bank
of Commerce, Montreal.
Newspaper Institute of America,
One Park Ave., New York 16, N. Y.
Send me, without cost or obligation, your Writing Aptitude Test and further
information about writing for profit, as promised in Survey Graphic, May.
Mr.
| Mrs.
I Miss
Address
(All correspondence confidential. No salesman will call on you.) 86-E-365
C-opyriglit 1945 Newspaper Institute of America
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
265
ASSURANCE
"His Majesty's Government view with
favour the establishment in Palestine of a
national home for the Jewish people, and
will use their best endeavours to facilitate
the achievement of this object, it being
clearly understood that nothing shall be
done which may prejudice the civil and
religious rights of existing non- Jewish com-
munities in Palestine, or the rights and
political status enjoyed by Jews in any
other country."
— Declaration for British Government, World
War I — by Arthur James Balfour, Foreign
Secretary, 1917.
"Whereas recognition has thereby been
given to the historical connection of the
Jewish people with Palestine and to the
grounds for reconstituting their national
home in that country . . .
"Article 2. The Mandatory shall be re-
sponsible for placing the country under
such political, administrative and economic
conditions as will secure the establishment
of the Jewish national home, as laid down
in the preamble, and the development of
self-governing institutions, and also for
safeguarding the civil and religious rights
of all the inhabitants of Palestine, irrespec-
tive of race and religion.
"Article 6. The Administration of Pales-
tine, while ensuring that the rights and po-
sition of other sections of the population
are not prejudiced, shall facilitate Jewish
immigration under suitable conditions . . ."
— From MANDATE entrusting Great Britain
with administration — by Supreme Council, Al-
lied and Associated Powers, 1920; later
adopted by the League of Nations.
"Resolved by the Senate and the House of
Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled, that the
United States of America favors the estab-
lishment in Palestine of a national home
for the Jewish people ..."
— Joint Resolution, American Congress, 1922.
"... I know how long and ardently the
Jewish people have worked and prayed
for the establishment of Palestine as a free
and democratic Jewish Commonwealth. I
am convinced the American people give
their support to this aim." (October 15,
1944)
". . . That position I have not changed
and shall continue to seek to bring about
its earliest realization." (March 16, 1945)
— Statements by Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
them leave Istanbul by the special trains
which took them across the Syrian border
to loving care in Palestine. While the older
people deserved (and received) all the help
we could provide, we wanted passionately
to succor these children.
Children — Especially
Looking at a clod, you can imagine the
Earth; looking at one child's face, you can
see the face of mankind. I shall never for-
get the first boy who was brought to me
in a small apartment in Istanbul by Chaim
Barlas of the Jewish Agency. Bits of his
story have been told. It was genuine.
He had been walking for five years.
When he was eight, the Nazi police had
murdered his mother and father in front
of his eyes. Child as he was, he outwitted
them and ran away, clutching his little
sister by the hand. She was later caught
and trampled by the Gestapo, but he ran
into a house, jumped into a barrel of water
in the cellar, and hid there all night with
only his head sticking out.
It was afterward that he started walking.
Once he walked right into a concentration
camp and stayed there for a while, but as
the Nazis didn't have any record of him,
he slipped out, kept on walking and finally
reached the Slovakian border. The under-
ground movement helped him get into
Hungary, and there he joined a group of
children shepherded by a guide provided
by the underground. Once he was so tired
that he sank from exhaustion, unable to
take another step; they had to carry him.
He was jittery on getting to Istanbul
and talked so fast I could hardly under-
stand him. At one point he showed me a
picture of a beautiful girl of nineteen.
"She was our leader," he exclaimed, his
eyes lighting up. "She did many brave
things to save us."
"And where is she now? I should like
to talk with her."
"She was hung," he said tersely. "The
Germans caught her and hung her. We
saw them do it. She was brave even
through that."
"You still carry her picture with you?"
"We all do," he told me. "Each of us
carries it in a pocket near our hearts. It
makes us feel better. She is our heroine."
Meanwhile, what was in store for such
children who had fed on bullets instead of
butter, who had forgotten how to smile,
how to play? Earlier I had had encour-
agement on that score in a talk with Sir
William Matthews in Cairo. As director
of MERRA— the Middle East Relief and
Rehabilitation Association — now under
UNRRA, this Britisher had been responsi-
ble for setting up refugee camps in Egypt.
"It is a mistake," he said, "to think that
these young folk who have lived many
psychic deaths will be abnormal citizens.
On the contrary, I have observed them as
they revive and recapture normal health.
Theirs is a fierce devotion to the ideal and
to the reality of liberty. I am convinced
that they will be some of the great free-
dom-loving citizens of the world."
Palestine Re- Visited
These words still echoed in my ears
when I again visited Palestine and saw
some of these same children in the various
Jewish Agricultural Colonies. The vacant
stare had left their eyes. No longer de-
jected, they looked up. The stick-like legs
had developed a bit of sturdiness. Bent
shoulders were straightening up and swol-
len bellies shrinking. The fruitful sun of
Palestine was erasing not only the pallor
but the creases from their little faces. In-
stead of walking haltingly behind some
police protector, as they had done in Istan-
bul, they knew what it was to run free.
On my way back to the United States,
I had accepted the invitation of Palestinian
leaders to visit their country again, and
I was eager to see children from Trans-
dniestria I had put on the train at Istanbul.
One must understand the heated nation-
alism manifested in Palestine in the midst
of concentrated colonization and racial ten-
sions. On arrival in Jerusalem in October,
I found that a curfew had been instituted
as a result of the attempt by young Jew-
ish zealots to kill the outgoing High Com-
missioner, Sir Harold MacMichael. And
on my departure, while waiting for a plane
at Lydda for Cairo, I met an American
intelligence officer who spoke with appre-
hension. As he saw things: "A small group
of youngsters here are full of fire and not
afraid of the consequences. They will not
tolerate partition and will fight it out first."
Early in November Lord Moyne, British
Resident Minister in the Middle East, was
assassinated in Cairo by two young Pales-
tinian extremists, who later confessed and
were executed. A man who warrants Prime
Minister Churchill's esteem, no one could
blame Lord Moyne himself for the policy
of Great Britain in repudiating the prom-
ise of Lord Balfour in 1917. His regime,
however, as Colonial Minister in 1941-42
fell in the five-year span for enforcement
of the White Paper issued in 1939.
Nothing is more foreign to the insti
of Americans than resort to assassinati
whatever the cause. We should bear
mind, however, that these youths had been
to hard schoolmasters — not to the ancient
assassins who once scourged the Near
East but to such official blindness as had
let the Struma and other ships go down.
Terror and wholesale slaughter had been
seen by young eyes, if through glass darkly.
It was reassuring to recall those other
young eyes of the Palestinian boys in Istan-
bul, who collectively faced death to sa'
life — not to take it.
me,
-42
ent
*
H
PERFORMANCE
Seven Findings: Royal Commission, 1937
(i) The large import of Jewish capital
into Palestine has had a general fructi-
fying effect on the economic life of the
whole country.
(ii) The expansion of Arab industry
and citriculture has been largely fi-
nanced by the capital thus obtained,
(iii) Jewish example has done much to
improve Arab cultivation, especially of
citrus.
(iv) Owing to Jewish development and
enterprise the employment of Aiab
labour has increased in urban areas,
particularly in the ports.
(v) The reclamation and anti-malaria
work undertaken in Jewish "colonies"
have benefited all Arabs in the neigh-
bourhood.
(vi) Institutions, founded with Jewish
funds primarily to serve the National
Home, have also served the Arab popu-
lation ....
(vii) The general beneficent effect of
Jewish immigration on Arab welfare is
illustrated by the fact that the increase
in the Arab population is most marked
in urban areas affected by Jewish de-
velopment ....
266
Constructive Leadership
The merit of Palestine, as I saw it, is
that it is demonstrating the self-respect of its
people. In Palestine the Jew holds his head
up and looks forward; and it is of such
a man, the antithesis of direct actionists,
that I shall now write.
This was David Ben Gurion, chairman
of the executive committee of the Jewish
Agency. He himself is a robust fighter —
but in his own ways.
Bushy white hair shot out at a tangent
from his high forehead. Brilliant, blue-
white eyes seemed to peer at far horizons.
He answered my questions with both ana-
lytical incisiveness and fervor: "The Jews
of Palestine want 500,000 refugees. We
stand ready to welcome them. No other
place with these qualifications exists."
As he talked, seemingly insuperable ob-
stacles and economic disadvantages held no
discouragement. They were treated as prob-
lems to be overcome. Here was a nation
in the making, as new in spirit, as he put
it, as it is old in history — begging for more
immigrants. Their economy is built on the
basis of receiving more and more. This need
seemed to me to be Palestine's greatest as-
set. These workers would have difficulties
elsewhere. Here they are freely and swiftly
incorporated into the Palestinian society.
With swift strokes, David Ben Gurion
sketched his own realistic dream. A parched
Palestine had become a green Palestine.
Obviously it is not a rich country. One can
see that from its barrenness and lack of
water, but alongside the emptiness there
are places which have been deftly cultivat-
ed. With work, knowledge and love, the
earth responds. No less than four hun-
dred thousand acres have been developed
as in California with fruit crops.
In my talks with him, Ben Gurion in-
sisted that there is sufficient land cultivat-
able to feed from three to four million
people in Palestine, and that this acreage
can even be doubled later. Anyone who
has studied this Middle East knows that
its industrial possibilities have not as yet
been touched. To his mind, Palestine can
supply much of that region with manufac-
tured products — and he pointed out that it
is -already sending textiles, chemicals, phar-
maceuticals, metals, machinery to India.
Mt. Scopus to the Dead Sea
The study of Dr. Judah Magnes, presi-
dent of the Hebrew University, is on its
roof overlooking Mount Scopus. The eve-
ning he took me there the old city lay
like an etching in the fading daylight.
Above us, one star shone eloquently; near-
by, electric lights bordered the irregular
silhouette of the university buildings. From
there, ancient walls led down between
Gethsemane and the Mount of Olives. Be-
fore me was the site of the original Tem-
ple of Solomon and below in the vague
distance the barely perceptible shadow of
the Dead Sea. You could not help being
caught in the magic of it all; help sensing
the continuity from the ancient past to what
the future holds. . . . And, at sixty-eight,
Dr. Magnes himself has all the zeal of
his youth in the United States.
The next morning, we toured the uni-
versity which he describes "as only a great
beginning." A new shrine of Hebrew learn-
ing, it has become, also, a salient of ap-
plied science thrust out in the Middle East.
In the laboratories, students were absorbed
in fascinating experiments, some of them
working with instruments which, due to
war restrictions, were put together with
wire, adhesive tape, even rubber bands.
My special interest was excited by the
department of geology where specimens of
soils throughout the Middle East and rock
dug up from vast depths have revealed
endless possibilities for development.
The needs of the university are urgent,
especially for a medical center to train eager
students from the Balkans to the Persian
Gulf, a project indorsed by leading uni-
versities in the United States. The expand-
ing work of the Rothschild-Hadassah Uni-
versity Hospital, which has served civilians
and the Allied armies in a score of ways,
is housed in a modern structure. Here, for
a second time, I visited its founder, Hen-
rietta Szold, who at eighty-four was to
succumb to pneumonia last February. She
was frail even then, recovering from an
earlier attack, but her noble, many-faceted
mind was as clear as Gabriel's horn. She
showed me a book of sketches by one of the
"You Must Have Spent Years on Shorthand91
I Learned in 6 WEEKS!
You, too, can master SPEEDWRITING, the modern shorthand, in one-quarter
the time required by symbol systems. It is far easier and more accurate to write
and transcribe. Tens of thousands of shorthand writers have been freed from the
drudgery of old-fashioned methods of learning and writing shorthand through the
marvelous SPEEDWRITING system. It has no signs or symbols but uses the
familiar letters of the alphabet. It eliminate* the strain of taking dictation and it
easy to read back.
SPEEDWRITERS are employed in the better jobs all over the country. Prepare
now for one of these jobs — and for the post-war opportunities that await you
just ahead!
YOU CAN QUALIFY AS A FAST, ACCURATE SHORTHAND WRITER
IN 72 HOURS OF HOME STUDY BY THIS FAMOUS METHOD.
TRADE MARK.REO U.S. PAT.OFF.
With no interference with your present work, with no sacrifice of your hours of
recreation, you can master this easy, natural modern shorthand in six weeks of
home study. You can take longer if you wish; many have learned Speedwriting in
less time. Over 100,000 have studied Speedwriting at home in their spare hours.
The cost is only a small fraction of what you would expect to pay. Speedwriting is
nationally recognized and highly endorsed by educators and
business leaders. It has been used for over twenty years in
leading corporations and Civil Service. Mail coupon below for
illustrated booklet. No cost, no obligation ; no salesman will call.
FREE!
FASCINATING NEW
ILLUSTRATED BOOKLET
Gives you full informa-
tion about Speedwriting,
and includes easy lesson
that will have you writ-
ing typical business sen-
tences in shorthand in a
few minutes!
School of Speedwriting
55 West 42 Street
N. Y. 18
SCHOOL OF SPEEDWRITING,
Dept. 3505, 55 Wett 42 Street, New York 18, N. Y.
MAIL THIS COUPON TODAY
School of Speedwriting, Dept. 3505
55 West 42 Street, New York 18, N. Y.
Please send me without obligation or expense your new
Illustrated booklet containing full information on Speed,
writing — The Modern Shorthand ; Mao your easy. Inter-
esting demonstration lesson.
Name
Address
Clt:
and State ,
(Include P.O. Zone No., if anyi
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC j
267
IE75 6ET WE ADMIRAL
Official U. S. Navy Photo
Admiral Halsey has his eye on a fine
white horse called Shirayuki.
Some time ago, at a press conference,
he expressed the hope that one day soon
he could ride it.
The chap now in Shirayuki's saddle
is Japan's Emperor— Hirohito.
He is the ruler of as arrogant, treach-
erous, and vicious a bunch of would-be
despots as this earth has ever seen.
Well, it's high time we finished this
whole business. High time we got the
Emperor off his high horse, and gave
Admiral Halsey his ride.
The best way for us at home to have
a hand in this clean-up is to support the
7th War Loan.
It's the biggest loan yet. It's two loans
in one. Last year, by this time, you had
been asked twice to buy extra bonds.
Your personal quota is big — bigger
than ever before. So big you may feel
you can't afford it.
But we can afford it — if American
sons, brothers, husbands can cheerfully
afford to die.
ALLOVTFOZ
7U£ MIGHT* 7* WAR LOAN
Inserted by
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.
Publishers of Survey Graphic
and Survey Mid-Monthly
Til's is on official U. S. Treasury
advertisement — prepared under auspices
of Treasury Department and War
Advertising Council
young refugees from Transdniestria I
had last seen in Istanbul. [See page 196.]
She herself was working from her sick bed
to bring 20,000 more children to Palestine.
My visits to the agricultural colonies
were with Charles Passman of the Amer-
ican Jewish Joint Distribution Committee.
Located in arid sections of Palestine, each
has a different agricultural and social prob-
lem; each has its own formula and some
of the techniques worked out have been
adopted in other parts of the world.
Thence to the Dead Sea which lies in
the deepest canyon in the world — 1,300 feet
below ordinary sea level. Trans-Jordania
looms on its far side, mysterious and stark.
As our road wound through weird con-
tours of the surrounding mountains, the
air became hotter; the pressure on the ears
more noticeable. The water is rich in min-
erals and a project of the Palestinians is
now underway for distilling them.
The distance to the Mediterranean Sea
is about forty miles, and in his book,
"Palestine — Land of Promise," Walter
Lowdermilk of the U. S. Department of
Agriculture stirred Americans with plans
for cutting a great tunnel to carry twenty
tons of water a second down from one sea
level to the other. The cheap electric
power which should be available would
support industries of great productive value.
Oil now comes by pipeline from the Mo-
sul fields to a refinery at Haifa. Later,
in Jerusalem, I met James B. Hays, for-
merly of the Tennesssee Valley Authority,
who was enthusiastically prosecuting studies
for a large scale irrigation program.
Born of an age-old dream which ani-
mated a Zionist Congress fifty years ago,
the modern movement began to take shape
after the turn of the century. It has been
carried forward by Zionist organizations
throughout the world, under such leaders
as Chaim Weizmann in Britain, Stephen
S. Wise, and the late Justice Louis D.
Brandeis in the United States. It has sur-
vived and taken new forms through the
faith and driving force of leaders inside
and outside of Palestine, who have sur-
mounted discouragements and barriers.
To date the Palestinian economy has been
artificial in the sense that financing has
had to come largely from outside sources;
but in one way or another, that has been
true for other pioneering countries in their
initial stages. With people enough and
tools enough, Palestine will become self-
sustaining and sound, with electric power
and higher standards of living for its in-
habitants— Arabs and Jews alike.
With this prospect, coupled with per-
formance to back it up, it has been nat-
ural that Palestinian Jews should chafe
at restrictive policies on the part of their
protectors. Like the Irish Republicans,
with whom England had to reckon after
the last war, the Jewish "homelanders"
are predominantly Europeans and as such
they are out of joint with a colonial policy
which, persistently, has placed administra-
tors there who have failed to understand
the temper of these new subjects.
Proportionately, in spite of the blitz,
Britain itself has harbored more Jewish
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
268
refugees in the course of the war than the
United States. The British in Jerusalem,
however, are not the British in London.
More specifically, there are too many run-
of-the-mill officials who have had their
training in ruling native peoples. For their
part, Jewish leaders consider such petty
officials as a rank indignity; fiery Jew-
ish youths simply will not accept them.
At that, I found the Palestinians not
anti-British but anti-White Paper. This
they regard as a temporary aberration —
one of those proverbial "British blunders,"
differing only in size from the appeasement
of Hitler in the Thirties and what came of
it in the Forties. Belief in Britain's po-
litical and moral genius continues to be
sustained by David Ben Gurion and others.
In some quarters, hopes are high that
at the war's end, as an offset to Arab
pressures, the British will remember the
contributions Palestinians have made to
British fortunes in World War II. Take
the services of General Frederick H. Kisch
once political head of the Jewish Agenc
for Palestine and a trustee of the Hebrev
Institute of Technology in Haifa, wl
was killed in action in Tunisia in 1943
When General Montgomery was
against it first in stopping Rommel and the
in pushing his powerful mechanized arr
back through North Africa to the sea, th
British water supply was a critical elemer
in the campaign. Then chief engineer
the British 8th Army, General Kisch pro
posed a pipeline. He was promptly aske
where the material was to come frorj
Kisch volunteered: "I'll get it for you fro
Palestine." He got it. This pipeline, ru
out 600 miles into the desert from Ale
andria, played signal part in the outcome
Under the Mandate
I have given my impressions of the
tality, the optimism, and the seething fer
ment in Palestine. As a result there ar
over twenty Jewish political parties strug-
gling for recognition and control — each with
a crusading fervor that its solution is the
right one. These range from the violent
course espoused by the extreme Revision-
ists (who themselves have broken into sev-
eral fragments) to the conciliatory program
sponsored by the University's president.
Pacifist and gallant citizen of the world,
Dr. Magnes is as firm in his belief that a
rapprochement can be arrived at on a basis
of parity with the Arabs, as the Revision-
ists are convinced that only a show of
militant power will settle the issue.
The Jewish Agency for Palestine, a mech-
anism set up by the British government,
operates a little left of center, attempt-
ing to win and maintain the good will of
the various governments with which it must
deal. At the same time, its philosophy
envisages both a free and independent com-
monwealth and a predominant Jewish
population. The extreme Revisionists rate
the Jewish Agency's policy as conservative
if not reactionary. The agency looks upon
Dr. Magnes' program in about the same
light as one of appeasement.
With his unswerving integrity, Dr. Mag-
nes continues to command the highest re-
spcct personally from all factions — from
government leaders to youthful zealots.
Here in the United States, many influen-
tial American Jews long stood aloof or op-
posed the Zionist movement lest the drive
for such a Jewish Homeland augment anti-
Semitism. Moreover, they saw the future
of the Jews throughout the world as citi-
zens of governments in which they would
participate under freedom. The rise of Hit-
ler and the spread of frightfulness tended
to undermine confidence in that position.
Had there been no Palestine, they now
realize how many fugitives saved from
fascist extermination would, like the Struma
passengers, have had nowhere to go.
Arabs and Jews
Zionist plans must be scanned against the
racial landscape that encompasses them —
the million Arabs in Palestine itself; the
new Arab Federation, formed at Cairo and
represented at San Francisco — and the
whole Mohammedan world. These factors
indicate that neither Britain, America, or
Palestinian Jewry, will have undisputed say
as to boundaries, population movements,
and the political future of Palestine. The
Arabs appraise the British position as weak-
ened in the Middle East, and are especially
alive to impending challenge by Russia.
Arab effendis (landowners) in Palestine
have opposed steps to develop trade union-
ism or to lift standards of living. On
the other hand, the Arab masses were
aroused in 1936 to terrorize the Jews by
halting traffic and causing bloodshed. None-
theless, it was in these same mid-Thirties
that fifteen new Zionist colonies were estab-
lished in Galilee and Tel Aviv was built.
Population of Palestine
(In thousands)
Moslems .
Jews
Christians
Other r .
Total
1922
(Census)
589
84
71
752
1942
(Official Est.)
995
485
127
13
1,620
Increase
406
401
56
5
86
Approximations (1945): Moslems 1,050,000; Jews
600,000; Christians 150,000.
Obviously, there are Arabs, fearful that
Palestine may become non-Arabic, who are
anti-Zionist; and political leaders among
them who have fished in troubled waters
with the ancient baits and hooks of race
prejudice. Minor frictions are bound to
crop out in the churning process of settle-
ment in an old setting, with newcomers
from a score of countries. Since the days
of the Prophet, Mohammedan peoples have
not been anti-Jewish. Much that I saw
convinced me that the majority of those in
Palestine bear no malice toward the Jews.
Rather, many of them recognize that
living conditions among their fellows have
definitely improved as a by-product of the
development of the Jewish program — alike
in terms of livelihood, health, and useful-
ness. With the result, that Arab immigra-
tion to Palestine from the hinterland has
mounted.* If Ben Gurion's estimates hold
— that the absorptive capacity of the coun-
// You Want Someone to Do Your Thinking for You
Don't Read "WORLD EVENTS"
a 3,000-word tri-weekly letter in which SCOTT NEARING analyzes what
is happening and challenges you to do your own thinking. #2.00 per year.
Introductory offer to new subscribers, 10 issues for $1.00.
WORLD EVENTS, DEPT. SC, 125 FIFTH ST., N. E., WASHINGTON 2, D. C.
try is from three to four millions — there
will be no population pressure in and of
itself to dislodge the hundreds of thousands
of Arabs whose ancestors have dwelt here.
On a wider canvas, postwar regional
planning throughout the entire Middle East
for the conservation and development of
natural resources, together with agricul-
tural, educational and industrial advance-
ment, would change the whole social
climate of this part of the world. The new
"green pastures" of Palestine would no
longer have the same lure to impoverished
Arabs outside its borders. And within the
country itself, popular education and shared
prosperity should make for better relations.
So far as suzerainty goes, Palestine is
only a small segment of the Near and
Middle East open to the dreams of Arab
youth. So far as freedom of religion goes,
of all peoples the Jews prize tolerance.
•Government figures set this at 20,000 in twenty
years. Non-government figures (including illicit en-
tries) are calculated at three to five times that total
British and Americans
To my way of thinking, Britain, the
United States, and Soviet Russia together
can in the long run break any deadlock
or correct any major blunder in dealing
with minorities in the postwar world. Thus,
as things stand, Britain can go on holding
the reins as the new Palestine finds itself;
but only with convinced American support,
for political unrest from the Black Sea to
the Potomac is unquestionably loosening
the grip the British once held over the dis-
puted Bible land. Events hang on whether
the British recognize that both their in-
terests and their principles call for open-
handedness toward a rising, self-governing
people who seek control of their own
destinies. More, this would forever lay the
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
269
charge that London employed the Arabs as
an excuse and not a reason for its course.
A Palestinian Commonwealth can become
a potential force for peace and orderly de-
velopment in the Mediterranean basin.
After all, the British mandate of 1920 was
a provisional arrangement. The Balfour
pledge, made back in 1917 in another world
war in which the United States and Great
Britain fought as Allies, still stands. Ap-
proved by the United States, adopted by
the League of Nations, I cannot conceive
that Britain will continue to stick to a
contrary policy framed, in days of appease-
ment, in the much disputed White Paper
of 1939. Nor that, with the close of World
War II, the nations which united in a
struggle for freedom and security, will
leave the first victims of Nazi aggression,
alone without a land of their own.
Man's struggle for liberty against im-
ponderable forces provides us with some of
history's most stirring pages. The David
and Goliath legend has become part of the
folklore of English speaking peoples. Pal-
estine itself is no larger than the state of
Vermont, if far more populous than that
was in our own colonial days when Ethan
Allen and his Green Mountain boys ham-
mered at a British frontier fort in the name,
if you please, of the "Great Jehovah and
the Continental Congress." One of the
glories of democracy has been our capacity
to throw consequences to the wind when
injustice becomes insufferable. The New
World would think less of Palestinians if
they accepted such a fate supinely. Their
call springs from a homeless and ageless
people who have at last found their roots
again and seek their rightful status.
WORKERS WANTED
WORKERS WANTED
WANTED: EXPERIENCED GROUP WORK-
ERS. Men and women. B'nai B'rith Youth
Organization expanding its field offices through-
out the U. S. and Canada. Positions open for
Directors and Assistant Directors. Social group
work training and experience required. Salary
commensurate with experience and job responsi-
bility. Apply BBYO Headquarters, 1746 M
Street, N.W., Washington, D. C.
WANTED: Two case workers for a Catholic pri-
vate Welfare Agency in the South, also Execu-
tive for newly organized Catholic Welfare Agency ;
excellent working conditions, 8146 Survey.
PAROLE OFFICER— Male, New York State resi-
dents. Vacancies principally in New York City.
Beginning salary $2400 plus 15% war emergency
compensation. Give age, education, experience.
David Dressier, Executive Director, Box 1679,
Albany. New York.
HEAD COUNSELOR for Jewish Children's Home.
Take responsibility for staff and children and for
planning the program. Good opportunity for
qualified person. Initial salary $2700 plus main-
tenance. 8147 Survey.
WANTED: A couple for resident position — Boys
Dormitory. Must be able to supervise school
work, recreational activities, direct the conduct
of the boys. There are housekeeping duties en-
tailed. For full details write to Superintendent,
Friendship House, 2000 Adams Avenue, Scran-
ton 9, Pa.
ACTIVITIES DIRECTOR for leisure time activi-
ties of 125 children in Jewish Children's Home.
Good opportunity for qualified person. Salary
$2400. Apply Marks Nathan Hall, 1550 South
Albany Avenue, Chicago, Illinois.
RECREATIONAL DIRECTOR for handicapped
MAN: Group Work, Settlement up-state New York.
Will train on job. Opportunity for veteran.
8151 Survey.
permanent — give experience, references. Goodwill
Industries, Dayton, Ohio.
HOMEFINDER for well-established, private chil-
dren's agency. Good salary and excellent working
conditions. Write Byron T. Hacker, Children's
Center, 1400 Whitney Avenue, New Haven Con-
necticut.
SOCIAL WORKERS equipped to practice in the
case work, group work, or health fields are of-
fered unusual opportunities in Cleveland and
Cuyahoga County, one of America's leading indus-
trial centers. For full information, wire or write
to Mrs. Anne Masterson, 1242 West Third Street,
Cleveland, Ohio.
GROUP WORK SUPERVISOR or Assistant
Headworker wanted for large settlement house
in New England. Good position with exceptional
opportunity for right person. Salary to start
$3500 or more if qualified. 8135 Survey.
TEACHER to direct Nursery School for blind
children conducted by large welfare agency in
New York City. Training and experience in pre-
school field required. Suitable salary assured.
Sept. -June; 5-day week. State qualifications.
8150 Survey.
WANTED: 2 women, 1 as Assistant Director and
1 as Girls' Supervisor, small Children's Home,
congregate building. Both positions resident.
Convenient transportation. 1650 Broadway, Beth-
lehem, Pa.
POSITIONS OPEN
IN ALASKA
EXPERIENCED FUND-RAISER to raise at least
$50,000 yearly from New York's Protestants for
interracial school serving pre-delinquent boys
Institution has strong, working board. Permanent
position. 8131 Survey.
CHILD WELFARE SERVICES
WORKERS
Salary Range: $235.00-$265.00 per month. Ap-
pointments at the minimum. Area of work :
Alaska Department of Public Welfare. Minimum
Qualifications : College 4 years Graduate Study,
1 year at recognized school of social work. Must
include courses in Child Welfare and Supervised
.Field Work in Child Welfare and Family Wel-
fare. Experience: 2 years in past 5 years of
social work, one of which must be in child
welfare. Apply: Alaska Merit System, Box 201,
Juneau, Alaska, via Air Mail, supplying minimum
qualifications.
NEW MEXICO DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC
WELFARE needs trained social workers in Pub-
lic Assistance and Child Welfare. Entrance sal-
aries $145 to $205. Applications accepted con-
tinuously. Write Merit System Council, Box
939, Santa Fe, New Mexico.
TRAINED AND EXPERIENCED Social Worker
for State Wide Organization, East. Salary $2000
with Maintenance. 8140 Survey.
CHILDREN'S AID SOCIETY in Southern City
(overnight 8 hours from New York City), has
vacancies on staff. Limited case loads not to
exceed 35. Adequate salary. Opportunity for
further professional development. 8137 Survey.
CASE WORKERS wanted by child protective
agency. School of Social Work graduates pre-
ferred, but college graduates with social sci-
ence course accepted for training. Satisfactory
salaries and personnel practices. Apply Mass.
S. P. C. C., 43 Mt. Vernon Street, Boston 8,
Mass.
CASE WORKER for adoption agency of high
standard. Requirements: Graduate degree in case
work ; experience or training in children's agency
preferred. Salary range: $2,100 to $2,700. Re-
ply to: Mrs. Elizabeth Harral Carlton, Adoption
Service Bureau, 1001 Huron Road, Cleveland 15,
Ohio.
CASE WORKERS who meet requirements of
American Association of Social Workers; CASE
AIDES who have B.A. Degree; full-time day or
night employment. American Red Cross, 529
South Wabash Avenue, Chicago 5, Illinois.
Wabash 7850.
SOCIAL WORKERS WANTED
Excellent opportunities at good salaries for
graduates of accredited schools of social work,
to work In a progressive community whose social
work future lies before It.
Ideal Climate for Year-Round Outdoor Sports.
Caseworkers, Croup Workers,
Supervisors and other Health and
Welfare Workers address all com-
munications to:
JOSEPH ANDRIOLA, Assist. Dir.
Community Welfare Council
645 A Street, San Diego 1, California
SETTLEMENT HOUSE in New Jersey metropoli-
tan area requires research associate to conduct a
neighborhood survey. Salary from $3000. 8145
Survey.
WE OFFER EMPLOYERS AND CANDIDATES
in all fields of social work everywhere an en-
tirely new, unique medium for finding just the
right person or position. Because screening tech-
niques have been streamlined, commissions and
registration fees eliminated, and placement fees
reduced to a flat $25.00, the widest selection
current conditions permit is attracted. Why leave
any stones unturned? Perhaps the very person
you would most like to get in touch with is also
reading this ad. Write for details. Central
Registry Service, 109 South Stanwood, Columbus
9, Ohio.
CASEWORK SUPERVISOR AND CASEWORKER NEEDED FOR
CHALLENGING ASSIGNMENTS IN MERCED AGENCY
Portland, Maine, Family Agency and Children's Agency, members of F.W.A.A. and C.W.L.A.,
are now in process of merging. The Family department in the resulting merger requires a
strong casework supervisor and competent caseworker. Excellent salaries.
At present the Children's program is highly developed with full staff. The Family caseload
is down to minimum, offering an unusual opportunity to develop gradually both program
and staff.
Supervisor must have graduate degree in social work plus family casework and supervisory
experience of high order. Caseworker must have graduate degree, preferably supplemented
Write Miss Janice Bowen, Executive Director, Children's Service Bureau, 187 Middle Street,
Portland 3, Maine.
WORKERS WANTED
CASE WORKER WANTED— Mid-western Child
Placing Agency desires two workers : — one to
work with children in an institution and one as a
foster home finder. Salaries according to training
and experience. Challenging opportunity. 8143
Survey.
WANTED: Caseworkers with training and/or ex-
perience for Massachusetts family agency giving
services to armed forces and veterans. Salary
commensurate with training and experience. Give
details. 8139 Survey.
SITUATIONS WANTED
POSITION with progressive social or labor organi-
zation desired. Knowledge of organizational make-
up ; office management and detail ; public relations
and fund-raising; research, educational programs,
literature. New York City preferred. 8141
Survey.
MAN, Master's Degree in Social Work. Experi-
ence : administration, research, community rela-
tions, family welfare, group work, institutions;
linguist ; desires administrative, research or super-
visory position. 8134 Survey.
MAN (36) trained and experienced worker; men-
tally and physically handicapped group and fam-
ily work ; public schools ; desires administrative
position in institution or hospital for handicapped.
Available June 1st. 8133 Survey.
HOUSEMASTER, recreational teacher for ch
dren's home, private school, boys' club, insti
tution. Protestant, mature, available Septemb
15th. 8123 Survey.
SOCIAL WORKER, young man, ten years' exper
ence welfare work, well equipped education an
experience handling people; public speaker. No
employed large national organization, wishes lie
opportunity. New York or vicinity preferre
8097 Survey.
EXECUTIVE SECRETARY, good stenograph
si
81
able correspondent, handle personnel, purchasing
etc. Salary $50-$55. Permanent. 5 days.
Survey.
OFFICE MANAGER, Administrative Assistan
Personnel Director. 20 years' organization an
trade association experiences. Moderate salar
Postwar. 8148 Survey.
VOCATIONAL PSYCHOLOGIST
CHANGING JOBS SOON? What's your I.Q.,
personality strength, special abilities? Take sin
pie tests mailed you. Psychologist (Ph.D.) ac
vise suitable jobs, courses, future. Refund if dis
satisfied. Free information. Vocational Guidanc
Clinic, 52 Lincoln Avenue, Highland Park, N.
EMPLOYMENT AGENCY
GERTRUDE R. STEIN, INC,
AGENCY, 64 West 48th Street, Nev
York. Wise. 7-4961. A professional
bureau specializing in fund-raising, group
work, institutional, casework and med-
ical social work positions.
COFFEE
"IT IS RICH, full-bodied, flavorsome and strong
— a combination I had looked for in vain," writes
an Ohio customer. Send $1.00 for trial 2 pounds
of this superb coffee. Specify grind. Richard H.
Toeplitz, Suite 205, 342 Madison Avenue, .New
York 17.
"POWHATAN" INDIAN PIPE
SEND a dollar bill for genuine "Powhatan" hand-
made Indian clay smoking pipe, replica famous
original Virginia antique, two king stems, his-
toric booklet, directions, enjoyment, and care.
Rustic container, postage prepaid. PAMPLIN
PIPE CO., Richmond, Virginia.
RATES
Classified Advertising
Display 33c per line
Non-displar 8c per word
Minimum Charge . . »1.50 per insertion
Discounts . . 1O% on six insertions
15% on twelve insertions
CASH WITH ORDER
SURVEY GRAPHIC
112 E. 19th Street New York 3, N. Y.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
270
RESORTS
MAINE
LANE'S ISLAND
As you plan your summer vacation,
may we send information about
Rockaway Inn, Vinalhaven, Maine, cottage.
NORTH CAROLINA
WOODLAND COTTAGES: High in the moun-
tains of Western Carolina. Quiet, clean and com-
fortable. Equipped for Housekeeping. For infor-
mation address: Miss Martha Armstrong, Wood-
land Cottages, Spruce Pine, North Carolina.
NEW YORK CITY
SPRING
and
SUMMER
Comfort in
Big-City Living
Large, airy, outside rooms. Terraced
roofs facing 10-acre park. Observation
dining room. Pool and gymnasium.
Rate #8.50 up, weekly — meals optional.
A Residence Out for men and women.
CHRISTODORA HOUSE
601 East 9th Street, New York
LETTER SERVICES
MULTICRAPHINC
MIMEOGRAPHING
ADDRESSING
FILLING-IN
FOLDING
METERING
COMPLETE MAILINGS
• • *
Quick Service Letter Company
INCORPORATED
53 PARK PLACE — NEW YORK
TELEPHONE— BARCLAY 7-963S
MAPS GLOBES
CHARTS ATLASES
MODELS PICTURES
Foi better teaching and learning
in the fields of geography, his-
tory, biology and health.
Write for Catalog 20S.
Denoyer-Geppert Co.
5235 Ravenswood Avenue
Chicago 40, Illinois
BOOKPLATES
FREE CATALOG, showing several hundred beau-
tiful designs.
ANTIOCH BOOKPLATES, Box 218, Yellow Springs, Ohio
PRINTING
LET US PRINT YOUR PAMPHLETS. Send
for free circular giving terms. Haldeman-Julius
Company, Box P-1003, Girard, Kansas.
LANGUAGES
PHONOGRAPH COURSES. Mail Orders. All
Makes. Booklet G. LANGUAGE SERVICE,
Box 6, Cambridge, Mass.
29 LANGUAGES BY LINGUAPHONE. Russian,
Spanish, Portuguese — Direct conversational
method for mastering any language quickly,
easily, correctly at home. Send for FREE book.
LINGUAPHONE INSTITUTE, 50 RCA Bldg.,
New York 20. CI 7-0830.
COOPERATIVE COMMUNITY
LET'S BUILD OUR OWN CIVILIZATION.
Members wanted to plan self-reliant cooperative
community. Please reply at length. 8144 Survey.
FOR SALE
TEA ROOM, New York Finger Lakes, near col-
lege campus. Reputation built on good food in
pleasant surroundings. Box 61, Keuka Park,
New York.
ART SCHOOL
PLAN TO VACATION in quaint Boothbay Har-
bor, Maine, and paint. Anson K. Cross Art
School. Vision-training method. "Eight to
eighty." Charcoal, Oil, Water-color. Landscape,
Portrait. College credit certificate. Circular on
request. G. R. Brigham, Ph.D., Director. Also
Home Study Extension Courses.
BUY WAR BONDS
THE BOOKSHELF
WHAT BOOKS DO YOU WANT?
We quote lowest market prices. No charge for
locuuix Hard-to-Flnd and Out-of-Print Books.
All books. OLD or NEW, mailed POST-FREK.
SEARCHLIGHT BOOK COLLECTIONS
22 Eatt 17th St.. New York City
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF NURSING
shows tht part which professional nurses take in
the betterment of the world. Put it in your
library. $3.00 a year. 1790 Broadway at 58 St.,
New York 19. N. Y.
BOOKS OF POETRY AND LITERARY CRITI-
CISM—Bought and Sold. Carl Nissen, 8142
Survey.
BOOK SALE, new and used. Bargains. 35c up.
New free catalog. 6000 titles. Novels, westerns,
mysteries, non-fiction. American Lending Library,
Dept. SU, College Point. N. Y.
YOUR NAME AND ADDRESS printed on a
Gummed Label. 500 for $1.00. Box 24, Rich-
mond Hill, New York.
FOREIGN BOOKS
SCHOENHOF'S FOREIGN BOOKS, INC.
1280 Massachusetts Avenue, Dept. SV
Cambridge 38, Mass.
PROFESSIONAL SERVICES
SPECIAL ARTICLES, THESES, SPEECHES,
PAPERS. Research, revision, bibliographies, etc.
Over twenty years' experience serving busy pro-
fessional persons. Prompt service extended.
AUTHORS RESEARCH BUREAU, 516 Fifth
Avenue, New York, N. Y.
ORIGINAL SERMONS, SPEECHES, LEC-
TURES, Club Papers, professionally prepared.
Criticism, rewriting, plotting, ghostwriting of
book-length manuscripts, short-stories, feature
articles. Testimonials galore. Printed Lectures,
Sermons and Outlines also furnished. FREE
Circular. Dept. "S," Continental Writers' &
Speakers' Bureau, 210 Fifth Ave., New York,
N. Y.
HELEN GUILES, Literary Agent. Short stories,
current articles, book manuscripts and poetry ex-
pertly criticised and marketed. 131 West 69th
Street, New York City.
MANUSCRIPT TYPING, also Stenotype Report-
ing, Mimeographing. Prompt, efficient service;
reasonable rate.. ROLEN REPORTERS, 351
Pennsylvania Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y. Dickens
2-0296.
RESEARCH : Congressional Library, Government
Bureaus, etc. Questions, literary or scientific in-
vestigations, genealogy, business errands, attended
by experts. Valuable circular, lOc. Crehore, Box
2329-6, Washington 13, D. C.
WE PUBLISH, PRINT and DISTRIBUTE your
manuscripts in pamphlet and book form. Folder.
B. WILLIAM-FREDERICK PRESS: Pamphlet
Distributing Company, 313 West 35th Street,
New York 1.
SIMMONS COLLEGE
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK
Professional Education Leading to the degree of M.S.
Medical Social Work
Phychiatric Social Work
Community Work
Family and Child Welfare
Public Assistance
Social Research
Catalog will be sent on request.
18 Somerset Street Beacon Hill, Boston
THE UNIVERSITY OF BUFFALO
School of Social Work
Announces
Two Summer Sessions from
July 2nd to September 22nd
Students may continue into the Fall term. Classroom
and field work instruction as well as individualized
study programs are available. Address inquiries to
The Dean
25 Niagara Square, Buffalo 2, New York
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC.)
271
''
UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH
SCHOOL OF APPLIED SOCIAL SCIENCES
Announces the resumption of
the 2-semester academic year
1945-1946
1st semester begins September 24th, 1945.
2nd semester begins February llth, 1946.
T T T
Generic Program and Specializations in
Social Case Work
Social Group Work
Community Organization Work
Social Research
Public Welfare Administration
T T T
For information on admission and fellowships
apply
Office of the Dean
SMITH COLLEGE
SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL WORK
A Graduate Professional School Offering a Program
of Social Work Education Leading to the Degree of
Master of Social Science.
Academic Year Opens June, 1945
The Accelerated Course provides two years of
academic credits, covering two quarters of theory,
three quarters of field practice in selected social
agencies, and the writing of a thesis.
The demand is urgent for qualified social workers to
meet the complex problems of postwar rehabilitation.
SMITH COLLEGE STUDIES IN SOCIAL WORK
Contents for March, 1945
Today's War and Tomorrrow's Children
Marion B. Durfee, M.D.
Paternal Domination: Its Influence on Child Guidance Results
Dorothy Daniels Mueller
When Is it Worth While to Reopen a Case for Child Guid-
ance? Pearl Baum
Influence of Environmental Factors on the Adjustment of Epi-
leptics Paroled from a Mental Hospital Sara H. Sitkin
For further information write to
THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8
Northampton, Massachusetts
SMITH COLLEGE
SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL WORK
GRADUATE SEMINARS
July 23 to August 4
The Seminars will give particular
attention to the problems of dis-
charged veterans and their families.
ADVANCED CASE WORK, emphasizing the integration
of psychiatric, medical, and social case work treatment.
Mrs. Lucille N. Austin
SUPERVISORY METHOD IN SOCIAL CASE WORK,
as applied to current problems and community planning.
Mrs. Lucille N. Austin
PSYCHOSOMATIC MEDICINE, in connection with re-
habilitation.
Dr. Felix Deutsch
THE STATUS OF THE VETERAN, as it affects eco-
nomic and social developments.
Dr. Eveline M. Burns
For further information write to
THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8
Northampton, Massachusetts
UNIVERSITY OF LOUISVILLE
KENT SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK
Social Treatment
Medical Social Work
Community Organization di Group Work
Social Administration
Social Research
Two-year Graduate Program leading
to Master of Science in Social Work
Limited number of Fellowship! and Scholarships available.
For further information apply to:
Dean, Raymond A. Kent School of Social Work
University of Louisville
Louisville 8, Ky.
CARNEGIE INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY
Schenley Park — Pittsburgh, Pa.
Department of Social Work
Two Year Graduate Professional Curriculum — Specialization
in Case Work, Group Work, Administration, Community
Relations and Research.
Undergraduate Preprofessional Curriculum — Prepares for
graduate study and for War-Time positions of a Junior
Professional Grade.
Registration: Friday, September 28, 1945
Address inquiries to Mrs. Mary Clarke Burnett, Head, Department
of Social Work.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC^
272
DIRECTORY OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS
Social, Economic and International Planning
AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR A DEMOCRATIC
GERMANY, s hast 41st Street, New York 17,
New York. Officers: Dean Christian Gauss,
Honorary Chairman; John A. Lapp, Reinhold
Niebuhr, Dorothy Thompson, Vice-Chairmen.
Program : The distribution of factual and
interpretive material on current developments
in Germany: the mobilization of support for
genuinely democratic German groups and
movements, both in the United States and
abroad.
AMERICAN COUNCIL, INSTITUTE OF PACIFIC
RELATIONS, 1 East 54th Street, New York 22,
N. Y. Research and study organization on
the Pacific area problems as they affect
America.
Special pamphlet offer on British- American
relations: COOPERATION FOR WHAT?
U. S. & BRITISH COMMONWEALTH:
SPEAKING OF INDIA; MEET THE
ANZACS ; LABOR IN AUSTRALIA.
Complete packet . . . 40c.
Also available—popularly written pamphlets
on the Philippines. Pacific Islands, Japan,
China, U.S.5.R. Write for complete pam-
phlet list
AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE
(QUAKERS)— 20 South 12th Street, Philadel-
phia, Pennsylvania ; Clarence E. Pickett,
Executive Secretary. "Whatever concerns
human beings in distress, whatever may help
free individuals, groups and nations from
fear, hate or narrowness— these are subjects
for the Committee's consideration." Present
projects include civilian relief operations in
England, China, India and North Africa; aid
to refugees, aliens and Japanese- Americans
in the United States with overseas activities
in Switzerland, Portugal, Sweden and Hawaii;
enrollment of students and other volunteers
in world camp projects in the United States
and Mexico to improve social-industrial and
race relations; Institutes of International
Relations to promote study of religious and
economic bases for peace and post-war
reconstruction; administration of Civilian
Public Service Camps for religious consci-
entious objectors in cooperation with other
agencies.
Since 1917 AMERICAN JEWISH CONGRESS has
concerned itself with protection of rights of
Jews. Activities now embrace situation in
United States, Latin America, and Europe.
Its program includes defense against anti-
Semitic propaganda, combating economic dis-
crimination, law and legislation with a view
to strengthening democracy, political repre-
sentation on behalf of rights of Jews, and
amelioration of conditions for refugees; par-
ticipation in war program of United States;
preparation for reestablishment of Jewish
rights at end of war.
Toward this end it has set up, in cooperation
with the World Jewish Congress, an Insti-
tution of Jewish Affairs now studying facts
of Jewish life with a view to establishing;
basis on which rights may be claimed at end
of war.
Also engaged, together with World Jewish
Congress, in political negotiations with demo-
cratic governments with a view to securing
sympathetic support for post-war rights.
Has recently established Inter- American
Jewish Council for inter-American Jewish
community cooperation in behalf of post-war
Jewish reconstruction and strengthening of
democracy. 1834 Broadway, New York City.
AMERICAN RUSSIAN CULTURAL ASSOCIATION
— Devoted to strengthening cultural ties
between U. S. and U. S. S. R. Lectures,
Public Events Exhibitions, Classes, Private
Lessons in Russian given by graduates of
Russian Universities. For full information
address American Russian Cultural Ass'n.,
200 West 57th St., New York 19. N. Y.
AMERICAN SOCIETY FOR PUBLIC ADMINIS-
TRATION, 1313 East 60th Street, Chicago 37A,
Illinois. A national organization to advance
the science of public administration. All
members receive official quarterly journal
, Public Administration Review, which presents
articles on current administrative practices.
Discussion groups for members in metro-
politan areas. Membership $5.
BTVAI B'RITH —Oldest and largest national Jew-
ish service and fraternal organization whose
program embraces manifold activities in war
service, Americanism, youth welfare, war re
lief, education, community and social service
—1003 K Street, N.W., Washington, D. C
INSTITUTE OF HUMAN FELLOWSHIP, 407 Mc-
Kay Bldg. , Portland 4, Oregon. I nterna-
tional, Non Partisan, Non Racial. Organized
to teach the truths of life and open wider
the doors to human happiness. Powered by
Intellect; motored by Reason this religion of
the future affords opportunity for leaders
who seek honorable service. Official organ
of this growing organization is FREE MIND.
Sample copy for postage.
THE INTERNATIONAL CITY MANAGERS' ASSO-
CIATION, 1313 East 60 Street, Chicago 37, 111.
To aid in improving municipal administration
(1) annually issues the Municipal Year Book,
an encyclopedia of information about munici-
pal activities in the 2,042 cities in the United
States over 5,000; (2^ publishes Public Man-
agement, a monthly journal devoted to local
government; (3) issues special reports such
as "Planning for Postwar Municipal Serv-
ices," "Police and Minority Groups," "Meas-
uring Municipal Activities, "Municipal Pub-
lic Relations, ' etc. ; and (4) provides a series
of eight practical correspondence courses in
municipal government. Write for complete
list of publications and a catalogue on
training courses.
LIBRARY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS,
84 E. Randolph St., Chicago 1, Illinois.
Maintains a reference library on current
world affairs. Reading room is open to the
public. Founded in 1932 to provide reliable
unbiased information on economic, social and
political conditions in all countries since 1900.
Incorporated not for profit.
Round Table discussions on important cur-
rent questions are held for members.
For education or for butino** purpo**t UM
tk« L-l-H.
Memberships: individual $5, study groups
$25, business $100. Staff services available.
NATIONAL CONGRESS OF PARENTS AND
TEACHERS — An educational organization of
over three million men and women, working
together in 28,000 local associations to pro-
mote the welfare of children and youth.
Conduct a nation-wide program devoted to
home and school education, parent education,
health and social services. One of its major
projects is the preparation and distribution
of Parent-Teacher publications, among which
are the "National Parent-Teacher/' official
magazine, and a monthly Bulletin, both issued
on a subscription basis; Proceedings of An-
nual Meetings; Community Life in a Democ-
racy; The Parent -Teacher Organisation, Its
Origin and Development. Write: Mrs. William
A. Hastings, President, 600 South Michigan
Boulevard, Chicago 5, Illinois.
NATIONAL CONSUMERS LEAGUE, 348 Engineers'
Building, Cleveland 1 4, Ohio. A voluntary
organization founded in 1899 to awaken
consumers' responsibility for conditions under
which goods are made and distributed, and
through investigation, education, and legis-
lation to promote fair labor standards. Mini-
mum membership fee including quarterly
bulletin, $2.00. Elizabeth S. Magee, General
Secretary.
NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH WOMEN. 1819
Broadway, New York 23. N. Y. FIFTY
YEARS' SERVICE TO FAITH AND
HUMANITY. SERVICE TO FOREIGN
BORN — immigrant aid, port and dock work,
naturalization aid, Americanization classes,
location of relatives in war-separated families.
SOCIAL WELFARE AND WAR ACTIVI-
TIES— Council houses and clubs, nurseries,
clinics; scholarships, camps, teen-age canteens;
work with handicapped. Participation in
national wartime programs through educa-
tional projects and community activities.
EDUCATION DIVISION — Contemporary
Jewish affairs, international relations and
peace, social legislation. Study groups under
national direction keep Jewish women through-
out country alert to vital current issues. 215
Senior Sections in United States. 100 Junior
and Councilette Sections. 65,000 members.
SAVE WASTE FAT
SAVE WASTE PAPER
BUY WAR BONDS
NATIONAL FEDERATION FOR CONSTITU-
TIONAL LIBERTIES— 205 East 42 St., Room
1613, New York 17, N. Y. A national
federation through which labor, church, civic,
fraternal and farm organizations, as well as
individual citizens, work to protect and
extend civil rights in the tradition of the
American Constitution.
Maintains a national office in New York,
and a Washington Bureau to provide accurate
and timely information on civil rights issues
— through publications, meetings, and special
legislative assistance.
NCFL Subscription Service: $3 per year for
individuals; $5 for organizations.
NATIONAL PEACE CONFERENCE, 8 West 40 St.,
New York City 18, is composed of repre-
sentatives of national men and women's or-
ganizations whose programs include in whole
or in part interest in world affairs. Through
meetings, popular pamphlets and annual ob-
servance of November 11 as World Govern-
ment Day the Conference contributes to the
education of public opinion for an organized
world. Publication list upon request. Dr.
Walter W. Van Kirk, Honorary President;
Dr. John Paul Jones, President; Miss Jane
Evans, Director.
THE NATIONAL VOCATIONAL GUIDANCE
ASSOCIATION, Christine Melcher, Executive
Secretary, 525 West 120tb Street, New York
City 27, is the professional organization for
counselors and others engaged and interested
in vocational guidance, and the publishers of
OCCUPATIONS, the Vocational Guidance
Journal.
PUBLIC OWNERSHIP LEAGUE OF AMERICA—
Facts about America's 10,000 publicly owned
projects — Bi-monthly illustrated magazine^ —
Extensive bulletin and leaflet service. Studies
in Public Power" — 25 chapters, latest data
on Bonneville, Grand Coulee, TVA, and
other great federal power projects — for indi-
viduals, study and discussion groups — with
questions and answers, $5.00. Aids munici-
pal, state and federal government and pro-
gressive groups. Send lOc for descriptive
literature. Address : 1 27 North Dearborn
Street, Chicago 2, Illinois.
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC— 112 East 19th St.,
New York 3. A cooperative educational
society built around a periodical rather than
a campus, and carrying forward swift re-
search and interpretation in the fields of
family and child welfare, health, education,
civics, industrial and race relations, and the
common welfare. Publishes monthly Survey
Graphic, Magazine of Social Interpretation
without counterpart, and Survey Midmonthly,
Journal of Social Work.
and upwards.
Membership, $10,
WORLD PEACE FOUNDATION— A non-profit or-
ganization founded in 1910 by Edwin Ginn
tor the purpose of promoting peace, justice
and good will among nations. This purpose
is accomplished through the objective presen-
tation and interpretation of the facts of
American foreign relations through publica-
tions, study groups and a Reference Service.
Publications : Documents on American For-
eign Relations, 1938 — (annual) ; America
Looks Ahead (a pamphlet series) ; and other
titles.
The Foundation also cooperates with the Uni-
versities Committee on Post-War Problems
in the publication of Problem Analyses
(appearing monthly).
Information concerning publications and other
activities sent on request. 40 Mt. Vernon
Street, Boston 8, Massachusetts.
This DIRECTORY appears la Survey
Graphic four times a year Including «p»-
olal number*. Its column* are open to
social action groups organlced to pro-
mote good government, better education,
•Ity planning and housing, Improved In-
dufttrlal and labor relations, UM safe-
guarding of civil liberties, land conserva-
tion, study of the Arts economic and
tocial planning in thftir uidott atpirationi.
Rates are modest— Let the Advertising De-
partment tell you about them I
Tnis proA/em ts
RIGHT ON OUR DOORSTEP
Tou'M soon /love eighty million GcrmoM
on yowr doorstep.
Wfcot '« fo be done wM them?
When the Big Three met at Yalta
they did what they could to blueprint
the reformatory in which the German
people will live after the war.
But a blueprint will house no Germans.
The reformatory itself is yet to be built;
and meanwhile thinking on what con-
stitutes the "right" peace for Germany
will swing back and forth across a
wide arc.
Some will wonder if a "tough" peace isn't
just what the Nazis want— to drive the Ger-
man people back into their amis again.
Others will ask if a peace as hard as Ger-
many richly deserves can ever be enforced —
will suggest that a milder, enforceable peace
may be a wiser choice.
StiD others will say "Germany is rubble,
She is being devastated as no nation has ever
been devastated; she knows now what it
means to lose a modern war. Let us not be
vindictive."
In any case, it will take more than just our
leaders to write the peace ami the punishment.
It will take millions of men — and you are one
of them. You have a great stake in this ptace-
to-come — and you will have a greater voice
in its making than the citizens of any other
nation.
Now, during the San Francisco Conference,
you have the duty as well as the right to make
your opinion known— provided you have
earned that right, kept yourself informed,
nourished your thinking on the raw material
of the news— so your opinion will make the
greatest, long-term, enlightened sense.
Of course nobody has the complete answers
yel—aot even the experts. But perhaps these
are the big questions you ought to be chewing
on so you can be belter prepared to "sit in"
when the first decisions are submitted to you.
The Big Three said at Yalta:
t»We are determined to bring all war crimi-
nals to just and swift punishment.
But who are the war criminals? Those who
can be convicted of actual crimes? Or the
whole Nazi leadership, SS and Gestapo,
those legions especially trained for torture
and brutality? And under what internation-
al laws (if any) can they be tried?
> We are determined to break op for all time
the German General Staff.
But Napoleon thought he bad uprooted
these professional war-makers forever; Wil-
son, Clemenceau and Lloyd George thought
so — but the Junkers outsmarted them all.
You can't get older men like these— who
have practiced war all their lives — to begin
to think like peaceful lawyers, doctors,
tradesmen — overnight. What can be done?
»> We will eliminate or control all German in-
dustry that can be used for military produc-
tion.
After the first world war we forbade Ger-
many to manufacture arms — set up the best
control system we could think of to enforce
the ban. For years the midget German army
drilled with wooden tanks, dummy guns.
Bui off came the mask in 1935— and we
found Germany had been making arms
right under our noses all along . . . How did
we fail in 1918? How can we succeed today?
Mn reparation for the damage caused by Ger-
many, Germany writ be obliged to make
compensation in kind, to toe greatest possi-
ble extent.
But how? Do we agree with the Russians
that the best way is to force masses of the
German people into labor battalions to re-
build the cities they destroyed? Or can
greater reparation be made with money
earned by Germans working in Germany?
what of the idea to split up Germany
into two or three small, separate, individual
states?
Has partition of a defeated nation ever been
a real peace-keeping success? Would it make
more sense to turn Germany into an inter-
national area under the management of the
new world organization?
TIMI believes America's greatest need,
now and in the coming years, is for
the sovereign people to nourish their
minds and speak them out on these press-
ing problems of our time.
To do so, citizens must keep them-
selves informed. So in advertisements like
this TIME is seeking to encourage read-
ing, questioning, argument and straight,
hard thinking.
For TIMI'S own future is unalterably
linked to a U, S. citizenry deeply con-
cerned about public affairs— to a nation
insistent upon seeking the truth and learn-
ing from recorded experience.
This it the tenth advertisement in a series TIME
is publishing to get more Americans thinking
about the problems we must face after the war if
won. This attempt to focus the full voltage of the
nation's mindpower on the problem of what to
do with the defeated German people, is
appearing in newspapers and magazines acrots
the country.
The weekly NEWSMAGAZINE
JUNE IQ45
SURVEV
3O CENTSfl COPV
RflPHIC
More Secure Security -John J. Corson
Health Care for All - Michael M. Davis
The New Life Savers - logo Galdston, M. D.
MIGHTY
WAR LOAN
"A BOON" • Raymond Swing
MAY 1045
SURVEY
60 CENTS A COPV
GRAPHIC
BRITISH AND OURSELVES
IN letters, cablegrams, and newspapers
we have mounting evidence, as we go to
press, that last month's Survey Graphic
is recognized on both sides of the At-
lantic as a force which promotes under-
standing between the British and our-
selves. A few of the early citations are
printed below and in the adjoining
column:
"that this number comes now, when trouble
comes in all departments of national and inter-
national affairs, is a boon. For here is much
good thinking, and better still, much plain
sense. — Raymond Swing, news analyst.
"comprehensiTe and well worth while under-
taking which should enhance materially better
understanding and relationships between our
two countries."— Henry J. Fisher, chairman,
Board of Directors, English Speaking Union
"splendid piece of work and quite on a par
with your previous special issues."— William
W. Lancaster, chairman, Foreign Policy Assn.
"magnificent exposition of some of the prob-
lems and possibilities which lie before us in
the near future." — Eleanor Roosevelt in My
Day.
"an admirable production, both as regards the
letter press and the pictures, and should be
of very great value in making Britain b-tter
known and understood."— Harold Butler,
HMB Minister. Washington, D. C.
"of boundless value in helping towards a
better understanding of Britain and the United
States. ' — R. J. Cruikshank, Minister of In-
formation, London.
"the experience of American observers who
have studied Britain and the British Com-
monwealth at close range." — New York Herald
Tribune.
The New York Post singled out the symposium in
which prominent Britishers discuss the future of a
great partnership."
The London, England, Sketch reprinted the article
by Henry Steele Commager, "Things of the Spirit."
The London, England, Chronicle reprinted a col-
umn of excerpts from Herbert Agar's article, "Our
Last Great Chance," and pointed to this special num-
ber as evidence of United States goodwill for Britain.
The London, England, Star published in part Ed-
;va™ ,,c- Carter's article, "The Pacific Basin and
India."
Paper restrictions have limited our print
order to 55,000 copies. The previous number
in our Calling America Series — American Rus-
sian Frontiers — went to 67,000 and sold out.
If you wish extra copies of The British and
Ourselves — order today! 112 E. 19 Street,
New York 3, N. Y.
Jgeto §orfe
JUNE 11, 1945
BRITAIN AND OURSELVES
Speaking on the deck of the British bat-
tleship King George V in Guam Harbor
a few days ago, Fleet Admiral Nimitz
warned his sailor audience against enemy
attempts to "drive a wedge between the
United Nations." The British and our-
selves, he revealed, are now in full naval
cooperation in the Pacific. The British
fleet made our hard task on Okinawa easier
by "neutralizing" the Sakishima group of
islands to the southward. Mutual aid of
this sort ought to answer a great many
baseless rumors of friction, and it offsets
instances in which there has been real fric-
tion between individual Americans and in-
dividual Britons. New Englanders do not
always see eye to eye with people of the
Deep South. No one proposes to dissolve
the Union on that account. Nor do the
strong ties of a common Anglo-American
language, tradition and friendship break
for similar causes.
If anyone wishes a thoughtful confirma-
tion of this point of view he may find it
in THE SURVEY GRAPHIC'S CUR-
RENT ISSUE, DEVOTED TO "THE
BRITISH AND OURSELVES." In the
opening article Herbert Agar sets the
theme with his statement that though Brit-
ain and America "will never be positively
hostile, they may be negatively stupid."
They may, that is, fail to understand each
other and thus weaken the power of their
united action to keep the peace of the
world. Yet understanding has been ade-
quate during this war at the levels at which
common decisions had to be made. Our
private soldiers may have stirred some
honest British resentment by "walking
out" with British girls, but our generals,
our Lend-Lease administrators and our
diplomats have been able to work peace-
fully and profitably with their British op-
posite numbers. Our General Eisenhower
was warmly accepted as Supreme Com-
mander in the final western thrust against
Germany.
Until the millennium, there will be a
British policy for Britain and an American
policy for the United States. At times our
interests or supposed interests will not co-
incide with those of Britain or of the Brit-
ish Commonwealth of Nations. But we
will always have a paramount mutual inter-
est in the preservation of a democratic
peace; and that interest must and will be
recognized at every level, from President
and Prime Minister down to farmer, little
business man and mine worker. To think
or speak otherwise is treason not only on
the national but on an international scale.
SEND COPIES TO FRIENDS - 2 OR MORE - 50c EACH
i£T$ 6ET WE ADMIKAL
Official U. S. Navy Photo
Admiral Halsey has his eye on a fine
white horse called Shirayuki.
Some time ago, at a press conference,
he expressed the hope that one day soon
he could ride it.
The chap now in Shirayuki's saddle
is Japan's Emperor— Hirohito.
He is the ruler of as arrogant, treach-
erous, and vicious a bunch of would-be
despots as this earth has ever seen.
Well, it's high time we finished this
whole business. High time we got the
Emperor off his high horse, and gave
Admiral Halsey his ride.
The best way for us at home to have
a hand in this clean-up is to support the
7th War Loan.
It's the biggest loan yet. It's two loans
in one. Last year, by this time, you had
been asked twice to buy extra bonds.
Your personal quota is big — bigger
than ever before. So big you may feel
you can't afford it.
But we can afford it — if American
sons, brothers, husbands can cheerfully
afford to die.
AIL OUT FOR
7H£ MIGHTY 7* WAR LOAN
Inserted by
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.
Publishers of Survey Graphic
and Survey Mid-Monthly
. This is an official 17. S. Treasury
advertisement — prepared under auspices
of Treasury Department and Wai
Advertising Council
THEY SEE FOR THEMSELVES
A Documentary Approach to Intel-cultural Education in
the High School
by Spencer Brown. Department of English, Fieldston
School, New York.
Volume III in the Series of the Bureau for Intercultural Education is the
record of successful experiences with dramatic productions as a vivid means
of showing the contributions of different cultures to American life and thus
striking at the roots of race prejudice and intolerance. "In its use, students
may be guided to develop attitudes of a truly democratic nature and to
obtain a better understanding of themselves, their community and the people
who make up our nation." — Paul A. Witty, Prof, of Education, Northwestern
University Cloth: $2.00. Paper: $1.25
FREEDOM'S PEOPLE
How We Qualify for a Democratic Society
by Bonaro W. Overstreet. Author of "Courage for Cri-
sis," etc.
This is a book of personal encounters and exoeriences selected to show how
more attention to people's daily habits and behavior can help to fit them
for a free society. The author's rare gift for vivid and sympathetic narra-
tive helps the reader understand what truly democratic personal conduct is.
"It is really a superb piece of psychological and philosophical analysis of the
human prerequisites for a free society. ... A creative and original demo-
cratic weapon which can be understood by anyone who can read." — Dr. Joshua
Loth Liebman, Temple Israel, Boston. $2.00
PRACTICAL APPLICATIONS
OF DEMOCRACY
by George B. de Unszar. Formerly of the European and
Asiatic Area Study, University of Chicago. Foreword by Eduard
C. Lindeman, New York School of Social Work.
A helpful book for all those who seek methods which translate the ideals of
democracy into practical, effective democratic action. "Everyone should read
this book who is not content merely to chatter about democracy, but who
wants to learn the practice of democracy as an art of living." — David E.
Lilienthal, Chairman, Tennessee Valley Authority. $2.00
TIME FOR PLANNING
A Social-Economic Theory and Program for the 20th Cen-
tury
by Lewis L. Lorwin. Former Economic Consultant, National
Resources Planning Board. Foreword by M. C. Hedges, Director
of Research, International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers.
How the planning essential to social stability and economic prosperity can
help guarantee personal freedom — how we can plan for freedom — is here au-
thoritatively set forth. This book answers effectively those re«ent writers
who assert that only "free enterprise" can assure freedom. $3.00
ECONOMIC DEMOCRACY
AND PRIVATE ENTERPRISE
A Study of the Relation of Economic Group* to the Federal
Government
by Michael O'Shanghnessy. Author of Peace and Re-
construction.
How our economic system can yield a high standard of life for all and assure
at the same time a more democratic basis of operation. The author shows
how recent Papal Encyclicals support a more widely based system of controls
and participation in policy-making by labor and consumers as a necessary
fulfillment of democratic claims. Of interest to all concerned to see what
''religion in business" may mean today. $2.00
At all bookstore* or from the publishers
HARPER & BROTHERS
49 East 33rd St., N. Y. 16
rMHHltll US SWUJ I IUBM mailer uu juiir **, lit • —» -- ItT^ — "i T\ — Ol 1QO1
special rate of postage provided tor in Section 1103. Act of October 3. 1917. authorized Dec. 21. 1921.
"We'll be helping to bring you Television"
\Ve in the Bell System now
furnish the networks for radio
and we'll be on the job with
networks for the transmission
of television, too.
"Those networks may be of
wire or coaxial cable or
micro-wave radio-relays.
"Networks and transmission
are the Bell System's part of
television's future. They are
right down our alley."
BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM
Listen *o "The Telephone Hour" every Monday evening over NBC
Among Ourselves
OUR COVER, THIS MONTH OF THE 7TH WAR
Loan, shows "Liberty" as she was re-lighted on
V-E Day, after standing darkened since De-
cember 7, 1941. Gen. Homer M. Groninger,
commanding general of the New York Port
of Embarkation, announced recently that the
lighting, usually extinguished at ten P.M. to
conserve coal and equipment, will burn late
whenever a troop transport is due — because
the returning American soldier always looks
for the "Old Lady" with her flaming torch
aloft.
The towering figure in New York harbor,
gift of France to this country in honor of the
hundredth anniversary of our independence,
is a landmark and a symbol, shining with
new meaning for civilians as well as home-
bound soldiers today.
THE COMMITTEE ON MIGRANT LABOR CAMPS OF
the New York State War Council, after in-
specting twenty camps in five counties, re-
ported to Governor Thomas E. Dewey that
improvements have been made since last sea-
son, though many camps are "disgracefully
bad." In the January Survey Graphic, Kathryn
Close reported the findings of a New York
Consumers League survey which revealed how
shocking are the conditions under which the
Joads live and work when they come east for
the crop harvest. The War Council committee,
like the League report, urged that the state
sanitary code be enforced in all the camps this
season.
Miss Close, who has made a very special
place for herself in her seven years in this
office as editor and staff writer, has been given
a war service leave of absence. After a short
training period in Washington, she will go to
Germany as an administrative assistant in the
Displaced Persons Division of UNRRA.
A "SEABEE" SOMEWHERE IN THE PACIFIC WRITES
us by V-mail: "Thank you for your praise of
our battalion paper, Pillar News. We shall be
happy to keep mailing it to you, but there will
be a long period when it won't be published —
during this voyage and the first few weeks on
our new Island X. I was looking forward to
putting it out aboard ship, as we did coming
from the States to New Guinea a year ago.
However, our landing officer decided there
would not be enough room topside for the
large packing case with paper, ink and mimeo-
graph.
In May Survey Midmonthly
After Lanham Funds — What?
by Kathryn Close
Veterans Now and in the Future
by Eda Houwink.
These Will Come Back by Laura Mayer
Stop Calling Them Problems by Sallie Bright
Something Besides Doctors
by Nancy Johnston
A Health Plan for Manitoba
by Charlotte Whitton
The Merit System Belongs to You
by Dorothy Denting
The Contribution of Franklin D. Roosevelt to
Social Welfare by Marietta Stevenson
VOL. XXXIV
CONTENTS
No. 6
Survey Graphic for June 1945
Cover: Liberty Alight after V-E Day. Harris &• Ewing photo
Senator Robert F. Wagner: Photograph 276
More Secure Security JOHN J. CORSON 277
Health Care for All MICHAEL M. DAVIS 280
Displaced Persons: A USA Close-up RUTH KARPF 282
Toward a Bigger Pie ELLSWORTH S. GRANT 285
Marines in Action: Drawings by Kerr Eby 287
A Neighbor in a Mexican Valley J. P. McEvov 290
The New Life Savers IAGO GALDSTON, M.D. 292
Letters and Life 295
A Champion of Popular Rights HARRY HANSEN 295
Copyright, 1945, by Survey Associates, Inc. All rights reserved.
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.
Publication Office: 34 North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburg, Pa.
Editorial and Business Office, 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
Chairman of the Board, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN; president, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, J».; vice-
presidents, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, AGNES BROWN LEACH; secretary, ANN REED BRENNER.
Board of Directors: DOROTHY LEHMAN BERNHARD, JACOB BILLIKOPF, NET.LIE LEE BOK, JOSEPH
P. CHAMBERLAIN, EVA HILLS EASTMAN, EARL G. HARRISON, SIDNEY HILLMAN, FRED K. HDEHLER,
BLANCHE ITTLESON, ALVIN JOHNSON, WILLIAM W. LANCASTER, ACNES BROWN LEACH, WILLIAM M.
LKISERSON, THOMAS I. PARKINSON, JUSTINE WISE POLIER, WILLIAM ROSENWALD, BEARDSI.KY UUML,
EDWARD L. RYERSON, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR., LOWELL SHUMWAY, HAROLD II. SWIFT, ORDWAY
TEAD.
Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.
Associate editors: BEULAH AMIDON, ANN REED BRENNER, BRADLEY BUELL, HELEN CHAMBERLAIN,
KATHKYN CLOSE, MICHAEL M. DAVIS, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, HARRY HANSEN, FLORENCE LOEB KEL-
LOGG, LOULA D. LASKER, VICTOR WEYBRIGHT, LEON WHIPPLE. Contributing editors: HELEN CODY
BAKER, JOANNA C. COLCORD, EDWARD T. DEVINE, RUSSELL H. KURTZ, ALAIN LOCKE, MARY Ross,
GERTRUDE SPRINGER.
Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINGEH; Circulation manager, MOLLIE CONDOM; Advertising
manager, MARY R. ANDERSON; Field representatives, ANNE ROLLER ISSLER, DOROTHY PUTNEY.
Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue, 30c a
copy. By subscription — Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year — Foreign SOc;
Canadian 7Sc. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor Articles, Public
Affairs Information Service, Quarterly Cumulative Index Medicus.
Survey Midmonthly published on the 15th of the month. Single copies 30c. By subscription —
Domestic: year $3; 2 years {5. Additional postage per year — Foreign SOc; Canadian 75c.
Joint subscription to Survey Graphic and Survey Midmontkly: Year, $5.
Cooperative Membership in Survey Associates, Inc., including a joint lubscription : Year, $10.
"You may be interested to know that we're
traveling on a Liberty Ship. On extremely
short notice we packed up all personal and
battalion equipment and simultaneously con-
verted this freighter into a comfortable troop
transport. The men (being 'Seabees') have
built numerous little tents and lean-tos with
tarpaulins or ponchos to keep off the tropical
sun, in every possible nook and cranny. They
brought along cots and hammocks (procured
or improvised in advance) and sleep on deck
rather than in the hot, airless hold.
"Please thank Miss L. for the donation of
Survey Graphic. It is always carefully read by
several of us before it winds up in the library.
We've used Survey Graphic in several of our
current events discussions."
To THE RELIEF OF MOST GOOD CITIZENS IN ALL
political camps, President Truman's reappoint-
ment of David E. Lilienthal as chairman of the
Tennessee Valley Authority was confirmed in
the Senate by a thumping bi-partisan majority.
Our readers will recall his latest Survey
Graphic article, "The Grand Job of Our Cen-
tury," in the August 1944 issue.
And remembering Rufus Terral's notable
article on the Missouri Valley in September,
"Big Magic for the Big Muddy," they will fol-
low with special interest Mr. Lilienthal's pro-
posals for the regional development of other
North American river valleys, including the
Missouri, the Arkansas, the St. Lawrence, the
Savannah, and me Columbia. These were put
forward at a recent meeting of the Southern
Conference for Human Welfare, and are being
widely discussed.
THE MEMBERSHIP OF THE FIVE-MAN COMMISSION
Against Discrimination, which will administer
New York State's recently enacted law to elimi-
nate discrimination in employment on the basis
of race or color, was announced on June 6 by
Governor Thomas E. Dewey. [See "On the
Calendar of Our Consciences," by Justine and
Shad Polier, in the February Survey Graphic.}
They are: Henry C. Turner, chairman, a law-
yer, former president of the New York City
Board of Education, a Protestant; Elmer A.
Carter, member of the New York State War
Council and the State Unemployment Insur-
ance Appeal Board, a Negro; Edward W. Ed-
wards, secretary-treasurer of the State Federa-
tion of Labor; Julian J. Reiss, manufacturer
and industrialist, a Roman Catholic; Mrs.
Leopold K. Simon, lawyer, executive commit-
tee member of the New York Chapter of the
American Jewish Committee.
Harris & Ewing
ROBERT F. WAGNER
The Senator from New York whose name, as author and sponsor, is asso-
ciated with great legislative measures of social-economic pioneering —
the National Industrial Recovery Act, National Labor Relations Act,
Social Security Act, U. S. Housing Act of 1937, and with the Social
Security Act Amendments of 1945, introduced in Congress on May 24.
S U RVEV
PHIC
More Secure Security
An American version of British proposals for cradle-to-grave security is embodied
in the new Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill, interpreted in this and the succeeding article.
WHAT WILL THE WAR'S END BRING WITH IT?
Millions of men and women now working
in shipyards, aircraft plants, munitions fac-
tories, and other war industries wonder.
Among them, the aged workers, who
have held on while jobs were easy to keep,
worry about the future.
Widows, who found jobs when their
soldier-husbands paid the supreme price,
wonder whether there will be other jobs
by which they can support their fatherless
children.
Then there are partially disabled workers
who never found a market for their serv-
ices until manpower was scarce; they won-
der, too.
And there are many ablebodied, com-
petent workers who remember the Thirties
— and wonder.
Throughout the war, a few voices have
urged that preparations be made for the
human aspects of the transition from war
to peace. But their voices were drowned out
by the dominant view: "We can't have
guns and butter, too. Further social gains
must wait until the war is won." The voice
of Senator Robert F. Wagner of New York
was, of course, one. Early in 1943, he in-
troduced in Congress, in collaboration with
Senator James E. Murray of Montana and
Representative John D. Dingell of Mich-
igan, the first draft of a bill now known
as the Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill.
Senator Wagner told the Senate then that
each time throughout his career he intro-
duced a new piece of social legislation, some
counseled: "Bob, you're going too fast;
we're not ready for anything like this."
The American people were not ready in
1943 or in 1944 for the substantial expan-
sion of their social security program that he
proposed. Now with victory in the air, Sen-
ator Wagner and his colleagues present
again their plans for security.
The "Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill," 1945
edition, was introduced in both houses of
Congress, on Thursday, May 24. Its correct
title is the "Social Security Act Amend-
ments of 1945." It deals with every part of
the existing social security system and adds
JOHN J. CORSON
— By an authority on employment and
social insurance, former director of the
Bureau of Old Age and Survivors Insur-
ance, of the Bureau of Employment Se-
curity, and the U. S. Employment Ser-
vice.
Mr. Corson took his doctorate in eco-
nomics at die University of his native
Virginia. He writes occasionally for Sur-
vey Graphic and other magazines and
for professional journals on manpower
problems.
Mr. Corson recently left the public
service, and is now director of research
for The Washington Post.
a number of new parts. Important as its
provisions are, the average man in the street
won't wade through its one hundred and
eighty-five pages of legal verbiage. But it is
important that the average man understand
it and what it means to him and his de-
pendents.
Bridging Unemployment
Take Henry Montgomery, for example.
He has lived and worked (when he could)
in Detroit. For the past three years he has
been employed at the Willow Run bomber
plant and done quite well, too. But now
Willow Run is closing down. He has saved
some money, bought his share of bonds,
despite high prices and withholding taxes,
but there isn't enough to carry his wife,
Mary, and the two children for long if
there are no wages coming in.
Henry wants first and foremost, another
job. If he can't find that quickly, he will
need unemployment compensation benefits
sufficiently large, even with present living
costs, to keep him going. He's young
enough to work for a good many years yet,
only forty-six, and "These kids of mine are
going to get a better education than I did,
if I can swing it."
If the bill were law, Henry could turn
to a national system of public employment
offices for aid in finding the next job. The
public employment office he visits could put
him in touch with a job in other states if
there are none in Detroit or in Michigan.
In effect, he would be given a crack at what
jobs there are wherever they are. If the bill
is not passed the public employment office
will, after operation as a national system to
serve war needs, become again a unit within
a state system. This substantially limits his
chance to find a job to Detroit and Mich-
igan— which may not be good hunting
grounds for a job.
If Henry can't find a job for some
months, under the Michigan state unem-
ployment compensation law he would be
entitled to unemployment compensation
benefits at the rate of $28 a week for a total
of 20 weeks. These are the maximums any
worker could receive but Henry was a well
paid worker, and employment was steady
during the past two years. In contrast,
under the new Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill,
he could receive as much as $30 a week and
for 26 weeks from a new federal unemploy-
ment insurance system.
His benefits under the new law would
not be related solely to his average weekly
wage while employed — as is now the case —
but also to the number of his dependents.
Henry has a wife and two children. This
table illustrates how his benefits would be
arrived at under the proposed scheme:
Worker,
Average
Worker
Worker,
Wife,
Weekly
Wage V
k crker
and,
Wife
Wife,
1 Child
2 or more
ChiUren
$10 or less. . .
..$ 5
$ 6.50
$ 7.50
$ 8
20
.. 10
13.00
15.00
16
30
15
19.50
22.50
24
40 or more .
.. 20
26.00
30.00
30
If Henry were still unemployed at the
end of 26 weeks, he might receive benefits
for an added 26 weeks (if funds were
available for the payment of extended bene-
fits to all unemployed workers). During
this second half year, he might be required,
as a condition for receiving such extended
benefits, to attend a training course where
he would brush up on his skills or learn
a new trade. Now, if he becomes ill while
unemployed (and, hence, unavailable for
work) his benefits cease. Under the new
law, he would be eligible for the same bene-
277
Harris & Ewing
JOHN D. DINGELL
Congressman from Michigan
fits if certified as temporarily disabled,
through illness or injury, whenever he was
unable to work.
Larger Benefits
Now look at what the Wagner-Murray-
Dingell bill would mean to Tom Richards,
a shipyard worker. He also has had steady
work and good wages during the past three
years. But he is older, and while not ready
to admit he is all washed up at sixty-two,
the prospect that the shipyard will close
down makes him think about the time
when he won't be able to work.
For Tom the bill promises a better in-
come when he retires after age sixty-five.
With average wages of about $200 a month
since January 1, 1937, he and his wife
would receive monthly benefits of $70 or
more. Under the present act, their benefits
approximate $58 a month; and if his wife
were under sixty-five, two thirds of this, or
about $38 a month. The Wagner-Murray-
Dingell bill would pay benefits to women —
wives, widows, and retired workers — at age
sixty, rather than sixty-five.
Lower paid workers, those with average
monthly earnings of less than $100, fare
even better under the retirement provisions
of this new bill. Their benefits are increased
proportionately even more than Tom Rich-
ards' and the minimum benefit is raised
from $10 a month to $20.
But suppose Tom cannot continue at
work until he is sixty-five. He hasn't been
well of late. The doctor advises him that his
heart requires care. Suppose he has to stop
work next year; he'll be sixty-three then.
Under the present Social Security Act if
Tom were disabled by heart disease, an in-
jury, or any other cause of physical obso-
lescence, he is simply out of luck. His wages
cease but he receives no social insurance
benefits. If he lives to reach sixty-five he will
receive old age insurance benefits but they
will be reduced in proportion to the time he
has been out of work while disabled. If he
dies, his widow will receive benefits when
she reaches sixty-five, but so long as he lives
disabled he remains "out of luck."
This gap, the Wagner - Murray - Dingell
bill proposes to fill. It provides that any in-
sured disabled worker is to receive the same
increased benefits that he would be entitled
to when he retired after reaching sixty-five.
If he has a wife, his benefits will be half
again as much; and if they have children,
their benefits will be still further increased.
Servicemen's Security
Richard Athan, one of those who lived
through the assault on the Normandy
beaches, will also find something that af-
fects him in the pages of this bill. Before
the war he worked in Richmond, Va., in a
wholesale grocery house. When the national
guard was mobilized, he left a wife twenty-
four years of age and two small children to
live on a soldier's dependents allowance. If
he had died within a year and a half of the
time he left private employment, his wife
and children would have received survivors
benefits at the rate of about $42 a month.
But Dick Athan has been in the army —
away from private employment for more
than a year and a half. Consequently, if he
had died any time within the past year or
more, his widow and orphans would not
have been eligible for survivors benefits; his
insurance eligibility "lapsed" because he
was serving his country.
This incongruity, the Wagner-Murray-
Dingell bill would correct. The bill gives
"wage credits" of $160 per month to men
and women in the armed forces for the en-
tire period of their military service. Dick
Athan would continue to be insured and his
wife and children protected. Moreover, the
amount of their monthly benefits would be
increased to the extent that $160 a month
might exceed his actual average earnings
when he was employed.
Stretching the Tent Ropes
In addition to the Henry Montgomerys,
the Tom Richards, and the Dick Athans,
now protected in some measure by the
Social Security Act, there are 15,000,000
men and women who would be brought
under social insurance protection by the
Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill. Enactment of
this bill would extend social insurance to all
persons in industry and commerce (except
railroad workers who have a deluxe system
of their own), agricultural and domestic
workers, seamen, and employes of non-
profit institutions (except ministers and
members of religious orders).
Self-employed persons (small business-
men, farmers, and professional persons)
would be covered under all the insurances
except unemployment and temporary dis-
ability insurance.
Few social workers are covered under the
existing Social Security Act. Public welfare
workers are excluded as government em-
ployes; most of those working in private
agencies are excluded as employes of "non-
profit institutions." If the Wagner-Murray-
Dingell bill becomes law, employes of non-
profit institutions would be covered. Their
colleagues in the public welfare field would
not be covered, and would have only such
protection as federal, state or local pension
systems provide.
Government employes — federal, state and
Harris & Evring
JAMES E. MURRAY
Senator from Montana
local — have exerted sufficient political pres-
sure upon the authors of this bill to have
themselves excluded. They fear the loss of
rights under existing pension systems, many
of which give them less protection and are
inadequately financed. Employes of state or
local governments who are not under ex-
isting pension could be brought under re-
tirement, survivors, extended disability, and
medical insurance by a voluntary compact
between the Social Security Board and the
appropriate state or local governmental unit.
Consider, then, what stake John Black, a
Virginia farmer, has in this bill. Today,
while operating his 175 acres, he has no
protection against the prospect that he will
be physically disabled and unable to work
his land. Nor can he look forward to re-
tiring when he is too old to plow, plant,
and harvest, with sufficient income to meet
his needs. He worries, too, about the possi-
bility that he will die while Melvyn, now
seven, and Sarah, nine, are still young.
Elizabeth, his wife, would have almost no
income with which to support and educate
the children and meet the mortgage pay-
ments.
If the Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill be-
comes law, he will have to pay contributions
on his earnings as a farmer just as an in-
dustrial worker now has deductions made
from his weekly wage. In return, he, his
wife, and his children, will be insured
against the triple threat of the loss of his
earnings from disability, old age, or death.
Let us assume he nets now about $1,200
a year from his farm. Calculating his bene-
fits at the rate of an average monthly wage
of $100, he, his wife, and the two children
would receive $80 a month (after the system
has been in effect ten years) if he were
totally disabled. If he died while the chil-
dren were still under eighteen years of
age, Elizabeth and the children would re-
ceive about $63 a month until Melvyn be-
came eighteen, about $45 a month so long
as Sarah was under eighteen, and then
Elizabeth would be assured an income of
$27 a month when she became sixty-five.
When John Black retired, after sixty-five,
SURVEY GRAPHIC
he and bis wife, (the children would then
be grown) would receive benefits of about
$55 a month.
Other Ingredients of Security
These illustrations do not depict all fea-
tures of the edifice that architects Wagner,
Murray and Dingell have designed. The
accompanying summary presents in check
list form an outline of the whole. The pro-
visions for health security summarized there
are analyzed in the following article by
Michael Davis. Here there is need to refer
only to two other features: first, those pro-
visions in Section 6 which would create "A
Comprehensive Public Assistance Program";
and second, Part G of Section 9 which pro-
vides for "Social Insurance Contributions."
In the first edition of the Wagner-Mur-
ray-Dingell bill the authors abandoned the
existing categorical approach of matching
separately state payments to the needy aged,
blind, and dependent children. They pro-
vided for a single comprehensive system of
federal grants to the states for public as-
sistance to needy individuals. Simultane-
ously, they proposed that each state might
disregard, when determining need, current
income received by an individual up to $20
a month. That first edition also staked out
the principle that federal grants should be
related to the state's economic ability to
meet the needs of its citizens.
The 1945 bill would require that the
states go further and distribute state and
federal funds among the counties of the
state in relation to the relative economic
capacity of each county. Sound fiscal policy
dictates this approach, but the techniques of
making it effective are not yet well estab-
lished. A minor but additional new pro-
vision in this section is that the federal gov-
ernment will match, as it has not done in
the past, payments by the state tor assistance
to foster children. All in all, state welfare
administrators will greet these provisions of
the bill with enthusiasm.
The costs of the social insurance features
of this bill depend wholly upon the level
of employment that is maintained in the
future. The 1945 bill levies lower contribu-
tions than its predecessors which provided
for less generous benefits.
An 8 percent tax on payroll (4 percent on
employers and 4 percent to be paid by
workers) is a substantial tax. But it repre-
sents a net increase over present tax rates of
only 3 percent; employers are presently
liable for taxes of 3 percent for unemploy-
ment compensation (subject to reduction
when their employment experience is good)
and 1 percent for old age and survivors in-
surance; hence their taxes would technically
remain the same. Employes, on the other
hand, now pay only 1 percent for old age
and survivors insurance; their taxes would
be upped 3 percent.
Even this increased tax, however, will not
be sufficient over a long period of years to
cover the costs of the benefits that are prom-
ised, if a high level of employment is not
maintained. Then unemployment insurance
and retirement payments will run high. The
authors of the bill recognize this. Senators
(Continued on page 299)
Outline of Major Provisions of the Wagner-Murray-Dingell Bill, 1945
Title: Social Security Act Amend-
ments of 1945 (Sec. 1)
Grants and Loans for Construction of
Health Facilities (Sec. 2 and 3) —
Provides for a ten-year program of fed-
eral grants and loans for construction
and expansion of hospitals, health centers
and related facilities, to be financed out
of general revenues. The federal gov-
ernment will pay at least 25 percent of
the cost of a project and up to 50 percent
in accordance with a state's per capita
income. Loans may not exceed an addi-
tional 25 percent of the cost of the
project.
Grants to States for Public Health
Services (Sec. 4) — Provides federal
grants to states from general revenues for
expansion of public health services. The
federal government will pay at least 25
percent of the amounts expended by a
state and up to 75 percent in accordance
with a state's per capita income.
Grants to States for Maternal and
Child Health and Welfare Services
(Sec. 5) — Provides federal grants to
states from general revenues for maternal
and child health and welfare services.
The federal government will pay at least
25 percent of amounts expended by a
state and up to 75 percent in accordance
with a state's per capita income.
Comprehensive Public Assistance Pro-
gram (Sec. 6) — Provides for federal
grants to the states for public assistance
to needy individuals — aged, blind, de-
pendent children or others. Federal gov-
ernment will pay at least 50 percent of
amounts spent by states and up to 75
percent for states in accordance with a
state's per capita income.
A National System of Public Employ-
ment Offices (Sec. 7 & 8) — Provides
for the development of an integrated,
national network of public employment
offices by the continuation of the federal
operation of the U. S. Employment
Services. Prior to January 1, 1942, the
U. S. Employment Services consisted of
48 separate state employment services
financed by federal grants to the states.
National Social Insurance System
(Sec. 9) — The development of a single,
integrated national social insurance ad-
ministration under the Social Security
Board to administer health insurance,
unemployment insurance, temporary dis-
ability insurance, and retirement, sur-
vivors, and extended disability insurance.
Part A — Prepaid Personal Health
Service Insurance — provides for insur-
ance of medical care and hospitalization
costs.
Part B — Unemployment and Tem-
porary Disability Insurance — existing
federal-state system of unemployment
compensation is federalized. Benefits for
unemployed or temporarily disabled
workers of $5 to $30 per week up to
26 weeks provided. These amounts re-
lated to number of worker's dependents
as well as average wage. If funds are
adequate, benefits may be paid for as
long as 52 weeks for unemployment.
Part C — Retirement, Survivors and
Total Disability Insurance — provides
for more nearly adequate benefits than
existing law, especially to workers with
average monthly wages of less than $150.
Lowers retirement age for women to
60; retirement age for men remains 65.
Increases minimum benefit from $10 a
month to $20; increases maximum
monthly benefit from $85 to $120. The
total benefits paid to the family of any
beneficiary may not exceed 80 percent
of his previous average monthly wage.
Part D — National Social Insurance
Trust Fund — All social insurance con-
tributions from employers and employes
are automatically appropriated to this
Trust Fund and invested in U. S. Gov-
ernment Bonds.
Part E — Credit for Military Service
— $160 wages credited under the insur-
ance system to the account of each man
or woman in the armed forces for each
month of their military service. This
preserves the insurance rights of workers
who left "covered employment" to enter
the armed forces and gives immediate
protection to younger workers who
would have gone to work and become
insured if they had not entered the
armed forces.
Part F — Coverage Provisions and
Definitions — Extends coverage to about
15,000,000 agricultural workers, domes-
tic servants, seamen, employes of non-
profit institutions, and self-employed per-
sons. Does not cover government work-
ers, except as state and local employes
may vote to be covered under voluntary
compacts.
Part G — Social Insurance Contrib-
utions— 4 percent each on employers
and employes. Government contribution
authorized when necessary.
Part H — General Provisions — Judi-
cial review, national advisory council
and rehabilitation of disabled persons.
Definitions (Sec. 10)
JUNE 1945
279
Health Care for All
The broadest health program ever offered in this country is before Congress in the
Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill of 1945, interpreted in this and the preceding article.
MICHAEL M. DAVIS
SECURITY is THE SPRINGBOARD OF OPPOUTUN-
ity. Without health there is no spring in
the springboard.
President Roosevelt's Committee on Eco-
nomic Security would have liked to put
health insurance into the original Social
Security Act of 1935, but left it out in fear
that if it were included, medical opposition
might jeopardize the passage of the entire
law. A federal interdepartmental commit-
tee brought forth a comprehensive health
program in 1938. Sen. James E. Murray
presided over the hearings on it in 1939, but
incoming war clouds overshadowed such
domestic issues.
In 1943, Senators Wagner and Murray
and Congressman John Dingell joined in
proposing a general revision of the Social
Security law, and this time, with the united
sponsorship of organized labor, health in-
surance was in. Against it some physicians
and drug manufacturers set up a $400,000
campaign of pamphleteering and publicity.
The bill lay dormant in the last Congress
without hearings. The campaign buried
the already dead duck of "socialized medi-
cine" but it provoked discussion of health
insurance as never before.
So now, when just after V-E Day a re-
vised Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill appears
in Congress, it is again a general expansion
of the Social Security Act but it gives health
its front pages. Health insurance is not
apologetically left out as it was ten years
ago. Health insurance is determinedly in-
cluded and expanded.
Study the bill if you will, for it concerns
you and your pocketbook. But since the
whole bill runs to 185 pages and the parts
relating directly to health fill 90 pages, there
is reason for a summary. One might say it
on a thumbnail thus: In addition to other
social security measures, the bill establishes
a comprehensive health program:
1. It would improve the basic medical
facilities of this country, by aiding the
establishment of hospitals and health cen-
ters, especially in rural areas.
2. It would extend preventive medicine
throughout the country, by improving the
existing system of federal aid to the states
for state aid, local health departments, and
for maternal and child health services.
3. It would assure the people's purchasing
power for medical care and thus the income
of doctors and hospitals, through nation-
wide health insurance.
4. It would promote the quality of medi-
cal service and the advancement of knowl-
edge, through aid to medical education and
research.
A sketch on the other thumbnail is also
needed, in order to avoid certain misunder-
standings. The bill maintains the right of
patients to choose their doctors and hospi-
HEALTH— TODAY & TOMORROW
— Fifth in series by the chairman, Com-
mittee on Research in Medical Eco-
nomics; associate editor, Survey Graphic.
tals; of hospitals to maintain their auton-
omy; of doctors to continue in private prac-
tice not as employers of government.
A specific review of the bill's health pro-
visions breaks down into four questions:
What health services would be offered?
Who would be entitled to them? How
would the costs be met? How would the
services be managed?
What Services Would Be Provided?
Hospital Facilities. At present, hospitals
are unevenly distributed in proportion to
population needs. They are insufficient or
absent in many parts of this country.
Equalization of health opportunities is
called for. The bill therefore provides for
federal grants and loans for hospital and
health center construction. The states would
survey their hospital needs, the bill pro-
viding $5,000,000 to aid the states in mak-
ing these surveys, with the assistance of the
U. S. Public Health Service.
To construct new hospitals or to improve
or enlarge existing hospitals in localities
shown by the surveys to need the facilities,
$50,000,000 in federal funds are authorized
to be appropriated for the first year and
$100,000,000 annually for nine succeeding
years. Grants, or grants and loans may be
made to states, and to local governments,
and also to non-governmental, non-profit
organizations. The grants would be on a
sliding scale, according to a formula de-
signed to help the poorer states in larger
proportion. Grants may range from 25 to
50 percent, and loans in addition up to 25
percent of the cost of a project.
Preventive Medicine. Since 1935, aid to
the states has been available through the
U. S. Public Health Service to extend health
departments and for campaigns against cer-
tain diseases. Because many parts of the
country still have no local health depart-
ments with full time health officers, the bill
extends the authorized federal grants from
the present limit of $20,000,000 a year up
to whatever amount Congress may appro-
priate to match expenditures by state and
local governments. It increases from $3,-
000,000 to $5,000,000 the Public Health
Service's appropriation for training person-
nel and for demonstrations, and adjusts
the financial formula of the grants so that
relatively larger aid to the poorer states
would be available.
The established grants through the Chil-
dren's Bureau to provide services for mater-
nity and child health, crippled children and
child welfare, are improved in similar ways.
Education and Research. Grants may be
made to non-profit agencies for research to
advance knowledge of "the cause, preven-
tion, mitigation or methods of diagnosis
and treatment of disease and disability";
and for the education and training of re-
search personnel.
Nationwide Health Insurance
The bill would make prepaid medical
care by physicians and hospitals available
to practically the whole population and, in
addition, home nursing and dental care
under certain limitations. In detail this
would mean:
1. Medical care by general practitioners,
including all necessary services at the office,
home, or hospital, and covering preventive,
diagnostic and treatment services, and peri-
odic physical examination.
2. Care by specialists, likewise at the
office, home or hospital.
3. Hospitalization up to 60 days a year,
with a possible maximum of 120 days a
year if experience proves that the insurance
fund can afford it.
4. Necessary laboratory and X-ray serv-
ices, physiotherapy, special appliances and
eyeglasses, when called for by a physician,
or in the case of eyeglasses, on the pre-
scription of "other legally qualified" prac-
titioners such as optometrists.
5. Nursing care furnished in the home
by a registered professional nurse, or a
practical nurse who is legally qualified to
give such care and is adequately super-
vised. This benefit may be temporarily re-
stricted because of inadequacy of personnel.
6. Dentistry from general dental prac-
titioners and specialists, restricted according
to the availability of personnel.
What services are not provided? Drugs
and medicines, except such as are ordinarily
furnished by a hospital to its bed patients;
care already covered by workmen's com-
pensation state laws.
Who Would Be Covered?
Nearly everybody. The immediate cover-
age includes all persons who are eligible
for old age, survivors and disability insur-
ance benefits and the dependents of these
persons. As compared with the present So-
cial Security Act, many new and important
groups would gain these benefits — such as
farmers, agricultural and domestic workers,
employers of non-profit institutions, and
self-employed persons. The chief groups
not included would be federal employes,
ministers and members of religious orders,
and employes of state and local govern-
ments. These employes may, however, be
280
SURVEY GRAPHIC
brought in under certains conditions; and
local welfare authorities may bring depend-
ent persons under their charge into the
health insurance system by making contri-
butions for them.
How Meet the Costs?
All covered employed persons would pay
1J/2 percent of their earnings, and their
employers an equal amount; self-employed
persons 3 percent of their earnings; all into
the "Personal Health Services Account" of
the National Social Insurance Trust Fund.
Doctors, hospitals and laboratory services
would be paid from this account. The 3
percent of earnings which goes to physi-
cians, hospital and laboratory services is
just about the average percentage now spent
for these purposes out of family incomes
in this country.
The percentages are calculated on earn-
ings up to $3,600. These payments are part
of the total social security contribution of
8 percent, equally divided between em-
ployes and employers. Unemployment, dis-
ability, old age and survivors benefits, are
thus financed. Self-employed persons pay a
total of 5 percent of earnings for the same
coverage.
General federal taxation is also called
upon, to meet certain costs: Dental and
nursing services, the grants and loans for
hospital construction, the grants for public
health, public assistance, maternal and child
health. General taxation from state and
local governments, and private funds would
share in the hospital and health center con-
struction projects, and in supporting com-
munity facilities and services as they do
now. Existing state and local expenditures
-for physicians' or hospital care of needy
persons would continue either directly or
through the health insurance system, and
would be supplemented under the bill by
grants from general federal revenue.
If this bill were in operation, the costs
of medical care would continue to be met
from very much the same pocketbooks as
at present. The great bulk of the popula-
tion would pay regularly into the national
pool of funds. The payments of their em-
ployers would in most cases be reflected
ultimately in the prices of their products
and would come out of the pocketbooks
of consumers — that is, everybody.
Administration
Prevention and cure are brought together.
The Surgeon-General of the U. S. Public
Health Service retains his present responsi-
bility for preventive work and is named
administrator of the health insurance pro-
gram, responsible under our present govern-
mental organization to the Federal Security
Administrator and guided by advisory coun-
cils. He would work with state and local
agencies, and is to use the states as adminis-
trative agencies if they will undertake the
job. In every local area advisory committees
would be set up, including members of pro-
fessional groups and of the public. For
health insurance the "National Advisory
Medical Policy Council" would include per-
sons drawn both from the professions which
furnish and from the lay groups which re-
ceive and pay for services. "Special advisory,
technical, regional or local committees or
commissions" are authorized to be set up
as required. The council would have the
right to initiate meetings and its recom-
mendations must be included in the Sur-
geon General's annual report to Congress.
If this bill became law, Mr. Tom Brown
and his family could carry on with the same
doctor they have now, or could pick any
doctor they wished who was willing to ac-
cept them as patients. Mr. Brown could go
to any hospital he selected if the doctor
treating him had staff privileges there. In
other words, the medical care of the Browns
would go on just about as at present, with
one big difference — there would be only
personal relations between the Browns and
their doctor. There would be no financial
relations. The doctors would be paid from
the health insurance fund.
Tom Brown could get care from all need-
ed specialists, usually on the recommenda-
tion of his general physician, otherwise if
necessary; hospitalization; laboratory and
X-ray services and — with limitations — den-
tal and home nursing care.
If Mr. Moneybags preferred to pay his
accustomed ten-dollar-a-visit fee in a plush-
lined physician's office, he could continue to
do so, just as he may send his child to a
$2,000 a year private school.
Freedom and Finances for Doctors
The doctor remains a professional man
licensed under the law of his state. No
doctor is required to work under the health
insurance system unless he wishes to do so.
Doctors or groups of doctors could make
arrangements with the medical administra-
tor regarding the method and amounts of
payments to physicians. In each locality,
the method of payment to doctors (so far
as general practitioners are concerned)
would be such as the majority of the phy-
sicians in the area might determine, but
individual physicians or minority groups of
physicians would be protected in their right
to negotiate a different method of payment.
The methods might be either by fees for
service, part or full time salary, or on a per
capita basis, that is, so much annually for
each person who selects a physician as his
regular doctor; or combinations of these
methods. Says the bill:
"Payments shall be adequate, especially in
terms of annual income or its equivalent
and by reference to annual income cus-
tomarily received among physicians, dentists,
or nurses, having regard for age, speciali-
zation, and type of community; and pay-
ments shall be commensurate with skill, ex-
perience, and responsibility involved in
furnishing service.
"Physicians meeting qualifications for
specialist service, determined under stand-
ards developed by competent professional
agencies, would have special rates of re-
muneration under the same general prin-
ciples."
Hospitals would be paid either on a
service cost basis (within the limits of $3
to $7 per diem) or the per diem payments
might be made to the beneficiaries who
might in turn assign them to the hospitals.
The Surgeon General is explicitly prohibited
from exercising "supervision or control"
over a participating hospital.
Voluntary health insurance plans or
medical groups supplying services and meet-
ing necessary standards could continue to
operate. They would receive payments
from the health insurance fund instead of
from their members directly. Provision is
made for hearings and for appeal bodies to
deal with complaints and disputes. Lists
would be made public in each area of the
physicians, dentists, groups of physicians,
and hospitals available for service.
Certain restrictions might be made, if
necessary, for financial reasons or to pre-
vent abuses. For example, limited fees
might have to be paid by a patient "with
respect to the first service or with respect
to each service in a period of sickness or
course of treatment." The Surgeon General
and the Social Security Board jointly would
be required to report to Congress as to the
most effective methods of extending dental,
home nursing and other services, and of
meeting their costs; also as to facilities and
services for the chronic sick and for mental
diseases.
Basic Administrative Policies
The Bill tells local, state, and national
authorities that:
"The methods of administration, includ-
ing the methods of making payments to
practitioners shall
"(1) insure the prompt and efficient care
of individuals entitled to personal health
service benefits;
"(2) promote relationships between phy-
sician and patient;
"(3) provide professional and financial
incentives for the professional advancement
of practitioners and encourage high stand-
ards in the quality of services furnished as
benefits under this part through the ade-
quacy of payments to practitioners, assist-
ance in their use of opportunities for post-
graduate study, coordination among the
services furnished by general or family
practitioners, specialists and consultants,
laboratory, and other auxiliary services, co-
ordination among the services furnished by
practitioners, hospitals, public-health centers,
educational, research, and other institutions,
and between preventive and curative serv-
ices, and otherwise;
"(4) aid in the prevention of disease, dis-
ability, and premature death; and
"(5) insure the provision of adequate
service with the greatest economy consistent
with high standards of quality."
What's Ahead?
Now the bill is before Congress and the
people, coming in the midst of preoccupa-
tion with the war and the beginning of
reconversion to peace. Hearings are prom-
ised in the early autumn. The medical pro-
visions of the 1943 Wagner-Murray-Dingell
bill were made the spearhead of the attack
upon the whole social security measure. The
same tactics began this year in anticipation
of the new bill's introduction. Already, paid
advertisements of the National Physicians
Committee are misstating: "Authority is to
be given a single government official to hire
doctors ... to" control and operate hospitals
(Continued on page 304)
JUNE 1945
281
Displaced Persons: A USA Close-up
The story of Fort Ontario — since August, 1944, a haven for a group of European
refugees, and a laboratory for studying some aspects of a major postwar task.
RUTH KARPF
FOR NEARLY A YEAR, 981 EUROPEAN REFU-
gees have been living at Fort Ontario, an
unused American army camp near Oswego,
N. Y. There these displaced men, women,
and children have had comfortable hous-
ing, good food, clothing, medical care,
money in their pockets, a chance to work,
study and play — all the decencies and some
of the amenities to which most of them
had been strangers for years.
Their only major lack is liberty. Guards
stand at the gate of the Fort. The refugees
have to have permits to go off the grounds;
they are not allowed to go farther from
the Fort than nearby Oswego, even to visit
relatives who are American citizens.
These people were brought to the Emer-
gency Refugee Center from Italian concen-
tration camps "for the duration" as a
symbolic gesture by the traditional land of
freedom to the driven, lost victims of war
and fascism in Europe. [See Survey Graph-
ic, September 1944, page 386]. Now the
question is being widely raised as to
whether they must all return to Europe, or
whether those who wish to stay in this
country should be permitted to do so.
The Unused Quotas
In June, a subcommittee of the House
Immigration Committee plans to open hear-
ings at Fort Ontario. After taking testimony
there, the subcommittee expects to consider
legislation allowing the Oswego refugees
who can use unused quotas to stay in the
United States. As Samuel Dickstein, chair-
man of the House Immigration Committee,
pointed out in a recent press statement, only
28,000 quota and non-quota persons from
abroad were admitted to the United States
in the closing fiscal year, although the quota
for the twelve months was 158,000. Taking
the last five or six years together, the un-
used quotas exceed 1,000,000, he said, and
he favors a bill to permit the Oswego
refugees to fill some of these unclaimed
places.
Such legislation also has the support of
the newly organized Friends of Fort On-
tario Guest Refugees. Joseph H. Smart re-
signed last month as camp director to lead
this campaign on behalf of immigrant status
for the refugees. His successor will soon be
announced.
Meanwhile, Malcolm C. Pitts, formerly
assistant director of the War Relocation
Authority, the agency which from the be-
ginning has been responsible for the ad-
ministration of the camp, is serving as act-
ing director.
To understand some of the factors in-
volved in the proposal to permit these refu-
gees to remain here, one must have been
in Oswego, N. Y., and seen what has been
happening there since the group arrived on
August 4, 1944.
— By a journalist who took her college
degree at the University of Jerusalem,
and did postgraduate work at the New
School for Social Research in New York.
Before coming to the United States
in 1941, Miss Karpf was a free lance
writer for magazines, newspapers, and
the radio in Palestine, Iran, India, and
the East Indies.
She is now with the national head-
quarters of USO.
You walk a hundred feet from a small,
pretty, upstate New York town and you
are in another world, another time. The
people in the Fort wear clothes they have
bought in Oswego or that have been sent
them from New York or Chicago. But they
wear them differently. Many of them speak
English, some of them good English. They
use the same words that you do, and I, and
yet they speak another language.
Why They Are "Different"
It is hard to put your finger on just
what it is that makes them so different.
The little ten-year-old boy who speaks three
languages fluently has hardly a trace of
accent. But you know that he learned to
speak these tongues fleeing across the con-
tinent of Europe, and you guess that his
knowledge of them may have saved his
family from starvation and him from death.
His eyes tell you. They are big, pained,
unchildish eyes in a little boy's face.
Maybe it's that something about the eyes
of all of them that makes you feel the
Fort is far away from the world you know.
Or maybe it's their walk; the stooped alert
walk with the driven rhythm in which you
detect both prison rounds and breathless
flight.
Or perhaps it is just the difference be-
tween free men and those who have almost
forgotten how it feels to be free.
There is a very wide gap between you
and them, a gap that all your desire for
contact and all the friendliness of their
hearts cannot bridge. These are people from
Hitler's Europe.
Most of them will talk if you just look
at them. Speech comes out of them like
a torrent, which has been dammed up for
a long time. For years they could not talk.
And now the horror of their past is their
only sure possession. Sometimes it seems as
though they have to talk themselves into
the realization that they actually are alive
and here to tell the story.
In the camp everything possible has been
done to make them lose this vague un-
reality and restore them to normal hoping
and planning.
As director of the shelter, Mr. Smart
understood that this reconditioning has two
facets: an elementary and urgent physical
one; and a more complicated psychological
one. He worked at both.
An able administrator with much > prac-
tical experience which he acquired in
South America with the Office of the Co-
ordinator of Inter-American affairs, Mr.
Smart found this new task fraught with
a hundred new challenges, a thousand new
problems. He devoted all his experience,
his knowledge, and imagination to the
experiment. It was his readiness to learn,
to find out, and to change, which made it
possible for Fort Ontario not only to serve
the refugees there but to be used as a
laboratory for the task that confronts us in
Europe, in meeting the needs of millions
of displaced persons wandering in the wake
of war.
Mr. Smart's job was almost an impos-
sible one. He tried to give a sense of free-
dom to these men and women who arc
confined to the haven they have found in
the new world. He tried to make their
camp a united, democratically operated
community, the members of which have
every freedom but movement.
The Camp Program
To start with, he cooperated heartily with
the War Relocation Authority's plans for
the shelter which included the freedom to
vote.
The Fort had its own government. Elec-
tions by secret ballot were held the first
month of the camp. An advisory council
of ten was chosen to act as the liaison body
between Mr. Smart and Washington on the
one hand, and the residents of the Fort on
the other. The advisory council in turn was
composed of representatives of each of the
national groups which had formed them-
selves quite naturally on the basis of com-
mon language, common background, and
common plans and hopes for the future.
"Parties" on the ballot thus included Yugo-
slavs, Austrians, Poles, Germans, Czechs,
and other nationalities.
The advisory council in its turn ap-
pointed a number of subcommittees to deal
with the various problems that came up as
life in the shelter developed.
The members of the council resigned in a
very few months. It just didn't work. The
residents of the shelter, thrown together as
they were by the accident of persecution,
did not constitute a cohesive t democratic
community and could not operate as such.
But the council's subcommittees did a nec-
essary job in the early days of the camp.
Thus, residents at first obtained their
passes from the security subcommittee two
or three times a week.
They go "to town," that is, Oswego, for
shopping, for movies, and sometimes just
sit around in what comes closest to their
282
SURVEY GRAPHIC
tradition of a "coffee house," a place called
"Sava's Coffee Shop and Restaurant."
There is a uniformed civil service guard
on duty in the little white-washed wooden
guardhouse twenty-four hours a day. He
issues entrance permits to visitors and
checks the passes of everyone who leaves
the Fort. Special permits are issued to chil-
dren between the ages of six and eighteen
who go to Oswego's public schools every
day. Special passes were also given the 25
or 30 men who used to leave the Fort six
days a week to do seasonal work in the
immediate vicinity last fall. The permis-
sion for this kind of outside work was
obtained when the Department of Agricul-
ture needed help to harvest the 1944 crops.
Refugees were paid prevailing wages, about
$6 a day. This was a lot of money to the
residents of Fort Ontario, and the privilege
was therefore rotated. Most of the wages
went into U. S. war bonds.
Money has been a complicated but none
too vital problem in the Fort. The refugees
had to surrender all the foreign currency
— that is, all the money they had — before
they boarded the boat which brought them
to the United States, so that none of them
had any cash when they arrived. Today,
everyone who works full time gets a salary
of $18 a month, of course in addition to
housing, food, and medical care.
Residents who are unable to work receive
a grant of $8.50 if they are over eighteen,
$7 if they are between the ages of twelve
and seventeen, $4.50 if they are under
twelve.
There is work for most of the able-
bodied men in a variety of occupations
ranging from responsible administrative
jobs, and editorship of the Ontario Chron-
icle, to "the composer of the menus." No
adult who has been offered work and
turned it down receives the $8.50 grant.
Contributions from voluntary organizations,
and from relatives, supplement the grants
and salaries.
The present wage set-up has grown out
of a series of trials and errors. In this
respect, as in all others, Mr. Smart's basic
assumption was that you can't operate a
thousand human problems according to
fixed rules. Policies have to grow out of
experience.
The Camp "Extras"
With the help of a number of national
organizations — the National Refugee
Service, the National Council for Jewish
Women, the American Friends Service
Committee, the Unitarian Service Commit-
tee, the American Committee for Christian
Refugees, Hias, Ort, the National Jewish
Welfare Board, Hadassah, B'nai B'rith,
Agudath Israel, and the Sephardi group —
a large variety of "extra" services have been
given the residents of the Fort.
One example is the English adult edu-
cation program. At the shelter today, Eng-
lish lessons are available from 9 A.M. to 9
P.M., five days a week on four different
levels. Dr. G. Van Buskirk, who supervised
the English programs in the Japanese re-
location centers, helped organize them. She
rounded up thirteen part time teachers from
substitute lists in Oswego and secured the
Nearly 300 adults at Fort Ontario attend English classes with trained teachers
Vocational training includes woodworking, auto mechanics, machine shop practice
cooperation of the Oswego State Teacher's
College, as well as a citizens' committee
which helps with weekly lectures and
forums on "the American way of life."
The school for the Fort residents was set up
in two unused wings of the hospital and,
besides regular classrooms, has a "listening
room" in which students can improve ac-
cent and intonation with the aid of speech
records.
The response to the program was amaz-
ing. Of the 981 residents — 200 of whom
are children and another hundred aged or
ill — about 300 registered for classes.
Special services such as these English les-
sons are arranged for by the Coordinating
Committee for Fort Ontario which is com-
posed of representatives of the Jewish com-
munities in Rochester, Buffalo, Syracuse,
Utica, and Oswego. Although not all of the
residents in the Fort are Jewish, the vast
majority are, and Jewish organizations have
been glad to supplement the U. S. govern-
ment's generous gesture by giving any help
they can to the refugee group, regardless
of creed.
The procedure on such special projects
has been for the coordinating committee
to discuss them with the camp administra-
tion and, after receiving suggestions, and
approval, to hand them on to one organi-
zation or to several, for execution and
financial backing.
Thus, responsibility for the English
classes was assumed by the National Refu-
gee Service and the National Council for
Jewish Women. The expenses involved in
sending the Fort's children to school (bus
fares, luncheon and milk money, books and
school supplies) were shouldered by N.R.S.,
Hias, and the Council. A trade school,
which has been in operation at the shelter
JUNE 1945
283
for about six months, was arranged for-
by the ORT and the N.R.S. Projects are
usually handed to whatever organization
is best equipped by its own program and
experience to provide the service.
Some of the special services, in addition
to those already mentioned, are Hebrew
classes, kosher food, special clothing, re-
ligious supplies, and recreational opportun-
ity and supplies — two movies a week, art
material, musical instruments, equipment
needed to print the camp newspaper. Much
of the medical program aimed at rehabili-
tation, as well as dental and optical services,
are also carried by these agencies. So are
the expenses involved in having eleven Fort
students at the Oswego State Teacher's
College, and two young adults taking cor-
respondence courses in radio, and commer-
cial art.
The camp's outstanding special service is
its beauty culture school which has patrons
eager and appreciative that bookings
so
for permanents have to be made months
in advance.
The Refugees and the Community
The integration of the children into
Oswego's schools was complicated. Some of
them had never gone to school. Others had
had a very good education but knew no
English. Thus, before the regular school
term started, Oswego's teachers spent a
fortnight observing the Fort Ontario girls
and boys and assigning them to grades.
Now they go to school every day.
On the whole, this has worked out well.
Sometimes the American youngsters look
down on the Fort children and refuse to
associate with them. There has been very
Refugee feet, once shod with rags and tatters, now wear sturdy American shoes
Bus travel between the Fort and Oswego schools is one of the "special services'
little personal mingling, although group
parties and group games have been ar-
ranged. The precocious maturity of the
young refugees in some instances arouses
admiration, curiosity, and respect. Thus,
one of the junior high school classes elected
a Fort child as its president. In some in-
stances, it stirs mistrust and a sense of
strangeness. Most of that is home bred.
By and large, however, the people of
Oswego have been kind and cooperative.
They have formed a community committee
to aid the residents of the Fort. Of its
various subcommittees, that on rumor-
fighting is the most interesting. It was set
up to combat gossip and hurtful stories
circulated by the less friendly part of the
population. Some of the rumors are ridicu-
lous, some are malicious. Their sources
range from small town prejudices to eco-
nomic and political gripes.
On the whole, however, the reaction of
the people of Oswego is one of sympathy,
plus a sense of superiority that is taken
completely for granted. To a certain extent,
they are also interested. Every local organ-
ization from the Rotary Club to the local
Woman's Sunday Society, has invited refu-
gee speakers, musicians, and artists to per-
form.
The refugees, of course, have obliged.
They have quite a lot of talent among
them: painters, sculptors, pianists, actors,
and singers. A man who is very active in
coordinating and arranging recreational
activities is a former theatrical producer by
the name of Siegfried Kuttner who has the
efficiency, experience, and understanding
that are required for the complicated job of
catering to the tastes and using the talents
of people of so many ages, nationalities,
languages, and backgrounds. Mr. Kuttner
and his charming wife have succeeded in
flaunting everything that the Nazis tried
to do. They have an indestructible supply
of courage, good humor, and inherent cul-
ture. They have made their three-room
barracks look like a swanky ski-hut and
their eleven-year-old son is a model of
charm and breeding.
The camp enjoys many different kinds
of entertainment. In addition to the two
weekly movies, supplied by the National
Refugee Service, there are two theater
groups, one which gives performances in
German and English and one which plays
in Yiddish. There is also a children's thea-
ter. Lectures on a variety of topics are
available once a week. A little orchestra
was recently organized. A cabaret is in the
making. There is a chorus which sings at
religious services, and also at camp concerts.
All games and sports are in the hands
of a specially trained man, also a resident
of Fort Ontario. This athletic director
works in the shelter's mailing department
and has been devoting his free time to
studying the rules of some good American
games such as baseball and soccer.
There are drawing and music classes for
the children, arts and crafts displays for
the adults. From time to time the Fort
shares exhibitions with the Oswego Teach-
er's College. Frequently the recreation com-
mittee secures entertainers or lecturers from
(Continued on page 304)
284
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Toward a Bigger Pie
A New England manufacturer interprets the "code of principles" adopted by labor
and management, and its importance in establishing industrial peace and security.
A BIRTH IN THE FAMILY IS INEVITABLY
greeted with mixed comment. No two
members can agree whether the baby looks
like the father, the mother or some long-
forgotten aunt. One observer exclaims over
the new-born's handsome and bright fea-
tures, while another whispers to everybody
that it is unmistakably deformed and de-
ficient. That's the reception being given the
labor-management "code of principles"
which was signed in April by the heads
of the Congress of Industrial Organizations,
the American Federation of Labor, and the
U. S. Chamber of Commerce.
Labor in general seems to welcome the
so-called charter as a sound basis for a
future of industrial peace and employment.
The Federated Press calls it "just outline
now and not yet a fact." The more leftish
CIO tends to be more exuberant than the
AFL.
But labor also has its doubters and cynics
like the militant Mechanics Educational So-
ciety, which condemns the code as "a sur-
render of labor to management and a
charter for one big company union." In
the other camp, although there have been
some favorable responses, many employers
have dismissed the document with a shrug.
Typical is the president of the National
Association of Manufacturers, Ira Mosher,
who explained his refusal to sign on the
ground that the charter was too general to
be worth much. As a member of manage-
ment, I deeply regret that Mr. Mosher
could not get together with Eric Johnston,
William Green, and Philip Murray. For
the implications of the NAM's isolation on
this issue are, at the least, discouraging.
First, it gives labor cause to question the
sincerity of management's belief in collec-
tive bargaining; it destroys confidence and
breeds distrust among the public. Second,
it indicates that the organized leaders of
industry lack faith in general principles or
acts of good will.
Ideals have been out of style ever since
the earth-shaking failure of World War I
and the League of Nations to create per-
manent peace. Yet it strikes me as a con-
fusing paradox that while the NAM
fervently preaches its idea of free enterprise
as gospel, it snubs such generalities as this
charter, resists any indulgence in idealism,
in fact opposes a sincere national gesture
toward making the free enterprise system
work after the war.
"Something to Realize"
In this instance Ralph Barton Perry's
statement rings true: "Ideals are not idle
dreams or rosy pictures . . . they are goals
to be achieved by human flesh and blood
and embodied in a firm structure of physi-
cal and social organization. In other words,
an ideal is something to realize."
JUNE 1945
ELLSWORTH S. GRANT
— By the personnel director of the Alien
Manufacturing Company of Hartford,
Conn., makers of socket screw products,
who is also assistant treasurer and a
director of that concern. During the past
year, Mr. Grant has served as president
of the Hartford County Industrial Rela-
tions Society.
With those words as a text, permit me
to project from a management viewpoint
the practical meaning of the "code," as
the signers term it, and to suggest how
both labor and management can translate
it into living policies.
Of its seven points, the last three deal
with social security, foreign trade, and an
international peace organization. Because
these are less controversial and more fully
understood than the others, I shall not
discuss them in detail. I am, however, in
hearty sympathy with each. To create the
basic security necessary for an industrial
democracy, the country must support a
broad program of social insurance covering
health, unemployment, and old age. And
it seems to me absolutely clear that unless
America adheres to a policy of two-way
trade, the political arrangements made at
San Francisco to maintain international
peace and security will die aborning.
The preamble to the code calls for con-
tinued "management-labor unity" for the
purpose of achieving "a vastly expanding
economy and unlimited opportunities for
every American." In my opinion, an econ-
omy of expansion and opportunity can
mean only one of maximum employment,
production, and distribution. I dislike the
term "reconversion" because it implies a
return to our pre-war economy or to static
normalcy.
The Task of Remobilization
Our task, on the contrary, is emphatically
one of bringing all our economic and social
resources to bear upon the objective of at-
taining a national income at least one third
higher than before the war. That requires
nothing less than remobilization.
American workers and managers have yet
to defeat their common enemy: unemploy-
ment. They have yet to demonstrate that
the effort, skill, and ingenuity applied with
the greatest amount of teamwork and suc-
cess ever known in industrial history to
wage war can be applied just as vigorously
to maintain peace. Businessman, worker,
and farmer, Republican and Democrat,
know that this country cannot endure an-
other major depression without the collapse
of what Eric Johnston, president of the
Chamber of Commerce, calls "the people's
capitalism." Over the long period the prob-
lem of remobilization is to bring individual
freedom and national security into balance
within a dynamic and democratic society.
The other four principles which the cods
recognizes as fundamental to the establish-
ment of "a practical partnership" between
labor and management are:
1. The necessity to improve productive
efficiency and to make technological prog-
ress;
2. The right to own property and to com-
pete;
3. The right of management to direct an
enterprise;
4. The right of labor to organize and to
engage in collective bargaining.
Although they seem plain and unequi-
vocal, these principles will require a lot of
interpreting, elaborating, and clarifying be-
fore complete agreement — if such is possi-
ble— can be reached.
Freedom to Produce
Under the first, the code says that pros-
perity involves "a steadily advancing stand-
ard of living." A higher living standard
means more take-home pay for more work-
ers. Labor has always emphasized that in-
creased purchasing power is essential to
stimulate full production and consumption.
There are only two ways to raise purchas-
ing power: by government handouts, sub-
sidies and the like; and by maximum indi-
vidual productivity.
To achieve the latter, the worker must
efficiently use his effort and skill; and
management must constantly seek better,
less costly, methods. It should be patent to
anyone who tries to understand how busi-
ness works that the more a company pro-
duces and the less the unit cost, then the
greater will be the profit of its workers,
managers, and stockholders.
Yet many in labor and in management
are blind to this cause-and-effect cycle,
which is an inherent law of our economic
system. For years, certain unions have
looked upon management demands for
greater output as a speed-up, as extra
profit for everybody but the worker, or as
a short-cut to unemployment. Where greater
output is based upon speeded-up machines
rather than men, reasonable human effort
and a fair share of the resulting profit for
the worker through wage incentives, labor
can present no valid argument in opposition.
On the other hand, certain managers
have always believed that high wages mean
high costs. That is true where manage-
ment is inefficient or shackled with restric-
tions. But progressive management knows
that properly controlled high wages not
only lift production but also improve effi-
ciency and reduce costs.
For various unsound reasons, several dan-
gerous forms of output restriction exist.
283
Among the most important are strikes ancf
lockouts; business monopolies which hold
output down to keep the price up; labor
monopolies which prevent the introduction
of work-saving methods, require unneces-
sary work or condone slowdowns.
Anything that impedes or enchains pro-
duction hampers our economic system and
works against the goal of maximum em-
ployment. The former chairman of the
War Labor Board put it this way: "There
is a pie to be divided and the way to get
more is to bake a bigger pie, not grab for
a bigger slice."
Freedom to Compete
The second principle — "the rights of pri-
vate property and free choice of action,
under a system of private competitive capi-
talism"— acknowledges labor's faith in the
economic way of life under which we have
become a great and prosperous nation. It
signifies faith in the individual — in his right
to work for himself as long as he hurts no
one else. It clearly emphasizes freedom,
opportunity, initiative, reward.
This principle must be interpreted to ex-
clude the totalitarian idea that the indi-
vidual is the servant of his union, his em-
ployer or his government. Yet it does not
preclude government aid, regulation, and
control where such intervention strengthens
our economic system. And it certainly does
not set up property rights as inviolate when
they conflict with human rights. With the
right of private property goes an equal ob-
ligation to use it in the interests of society.
The Authority of Management
If labor goes along with a system of pri-
vate competitive capitalism, it must accept
the corollary principle of management's
right to manage. The word "management"
has a dozen related definitions including
"to direct," "to order," "to economize," "to
plan," "to dominate." Frequently in the
past the true meaning has been distorted by
narrow, paternal or unjust leadership. In
industry, management's authority — the
rightful power to act — was never doubted
and little limited until the rise of a new
kind of authority — namely, unions.
Now strong enough to wield as much
economic force as big business and even, in
the cases of John L. Lewis and Caesar
Petrillo, to thwart the government, organ-
ized labor's deeper motives and eventual
aims are suspect.
In Detroit, for example, the automobile
manufacturers are charging that "a militant
minority" in the United Automobile Work-
ers is trying to "usurp the functions, respon-
sibility, and authority of management." The
union leaders answer that management is
conspiring to destroy them. Whatever the
real truth, the climate in Detroit bodes ill
for labor-management peace after the war.
To implement this principle, to create
good faith, the essential conditions which
management needs to perform its func-
tions must be clearly stated, understood,
and respected. I believe that through joint
meetings both parties will find the areas
of agreement larger than the areas of dis-
agreement.
At the start it must be assumed that al-
though an enterprise consists of managers,
workers, and stockholders, the major re-
sponsibility for its success rests with the
managers. This is four-fold: to produce a
product or service that is needed at a price
the customers are willing to pay; to earn a
reasonable profit for the stockholders who
own and finance the business; to satisfy as
much as possible the work requirements of
employes; to contribute to the welfare of
the community by maintaining industrial
peace and steady employment at fair wages
and by supporting its institutions.
Actually, under our economic system, this
responsibility constitutes a trusteeship over
the means of production. Government,
labor, and the public have a vital interest in
seeing that this control is administered for
the welfare of all. Its authority should be
challenged only when management acts un-
wisely or inadequately. If the rights of
management are unduly obstructed, weak-
ened, and limited, its responsibility cannot
he fulfilled.
The Authority of Labor
In respect to the principle concerning
labor's rights, let me quote Wendell Will-
kie: "Every thoughtful American knows
today that a strong labor movement is one
of our greatest bulwarks against the growth
of fascistic tendencies and consequently is
necessary for our democratic way of life."
If it is up to the unions to convince
management that they have no intention
of undermining its authority, then manage-
ment's task is to convince unions of its
belief in collective bargaining. Not a
passive or legalistic belief, but one which
recognizes the human and social advantages
of unions, which appreciates their prob-
lems, and which works with them to solve
mutual problems.
The foundations for- a satisfactory rela-
tionship between labor and management
must be laid in the plant. From my per-
sonal experience I have learned that har-
monious relations cannot prevail where
there is ill feeling, mistrust, pettiness, or
prejudice on either side.
As an example, take the company-union
agreement. Compared to the spirit and
manner in which it is carried out, a con-
tract signifies nothing. At most it is a
statement of intentions. What counts are
the attitudes prevailing before and during
negotiations and the various day-to-day de-
cisions made afterwards.
The same applies just as much to labor-
management committees. While their value
is frequently belittled, I feel they have a
permanent place in the organization as a
dynamic force for achieving industrial
democracy. They enable the men who pro-
duce and the men who manage, to get to-
gether on common ground, to gain confi-
dence in one another, to learn about the
multitudinous problems facing the business,
to collaborate in the solution of those af-
fecting workers directly.
In San Francisco, the world has been
striving to eliminate force as the means of
settling international disputes. If that hope
of many generations is realized, then almost
the only segment of society which relies on
force will be industry. We need in this
country after the war a national labor rela-
tions policy, the purpose of which might
well be — to paraphrase the Dumbarton Oaks
proposals — the maintenance of industrial
peace and security.
The purpose cannot be accomplished by
weakening the Wagner act or outlawing
strikes. The complete failure of the Smith-
Connally act makes it obvious that such
legislation encourages, rather than abolishes,
strikes. Last year the number of strikes in
the United States was the highest on rec-
ord, while Great Britain, where they are
completely forbidden, had proportionately
just as many. In a democracy, compulsion is
unworkable.
Joint Obligations
Instead, such a policy should be based
upon the willingness of labor and manage-
ment to accept jointly the following obli-
gations:
1. To exert every effort to reach and
maintain collective bargaining agreements
and to settle all disputes themselves;
2. To submit unsettled disputes concern-
ing the making or changing of agreements
to the government for mediation;
3. To submit unsettled disputes concern-
ing the meaning of agreements to the gov-
ernment for arbitration;
4. To keep the status quo pending settle-
ment of any dispute;
5. To consider the decisions of the arbi-
trators as final and binding.
As machinery, I am in favor of establish-
ing under the federal Department of Labor
a mediation board, which would also handle
elections of bargaining representatives, and
an arbitration board, which would also han-
dle unfair practices, bargaining units and
jurisdictional disputes.
The keystone of this policy should be to ,
require both parties to negotiate exhaus-
tively before referring a dispute to a third
party and to hold government intervention
to a minimum. However necessary an
agency during wartime, the effect of the
War Labor Board as a compulsory arbiter
has been to debilitate the real function of
collective bargaining, since both sides have
become prone to dispose of disputes by a
"let the Board decide it" approach.
In his very last speech to the nation the
late President Roosevelt acutely observed
that "if civilization is to survive, we must
cultivate the science of human relation-
ships— the ability of all people, of all kinds,
to live together and work together, in the
same world, at peace." That statement com-
mands attention, for none better fits our
present national predicament.
Obstructing the path of industrial peace
is the growing struggle of big business and
big labor for dominance. Ours is an era of
political centralization and economic con-
centration; it is consequently one in which
civil liberties face grave danger.
Persistence of this struggle regardless of
the common interest can lead only to some
form of dictatorship that will eventually
extinguish capitalistic democracy and indi-
vidual rights.
The one hope for reconciliation is more
industrial good will, the priceless dividend
of mutual honesty, tolerance, collaboration.
286
Courtesy Associated American Artists Galleries, New York
GHOST TRAIL. Specter-like in the dank gloom of the Bougainville jungle, marine riflemen slog up to the front lines during the bitter campaign
for the tropic stronghold
This War Goes On
Kerr Eby's Record of
Marines in Action
Some of the most notable American art to come out
of World War I was that of Kerr Eby, who had
served with the Engineers in France. Who has for-
gotten his famous etching, "The Caissons Go Rolling
Along"? There was mud, cold and death in France.
There is mud, heat and death in the Pacific Islands
where Eby landed with the marines late in 1943,
where he shared their dangers and discomforts for
months.
His drawings tell what he saw. They tell what sol-
diers feel as well as endure. Eby is not tender with
civilian emotions. No one who stands in the midst
of his forty powerful drawings and paintings of
Tarawa and Bougainville can miss the price our
advance exacted. "The official designation of my
job was activities of the marines and dying terribly
and magnificently is one of those activities," he says
in one of his graphic captions.
Commissioned by the Abbott Laboratories, Eby's
great tribute to the Marine Corps has been presented
to the United States Navy.
SMALL MORTAR LOADING. Partially protected by a log-topped foxhole in
the New Britain jungle, marines load a small mortar while a comrade gets in-
structions by telephone during the battle for Cape Gloucester
TARAWA: DEATHLESS VICTORY ON THE ISLAND OF DEATH. Surging forward behind a shell-spitting tank,
marines advance another hundred yards on battle-torn Tarawa in November 1943. Shattered tree trunks and broken bodies
litter the tiny atoll
EBB TIDE, TARAWA. The attack was at flood tide and when the sea went out over the reef this and much else
was left. In two wars, this I think is the most frightful thing I have seen.
BULLETS AND BARBED WIRE. Both constituted tremendous barriers to victory in the bloody battle for Tarawa; but this
marine, rifle swung grimly in one hand, typifies the resurgent spirit of the thinned but indomitable ranks of the conquerors
of the Gilberts. Past the brutal wire on which hung the bodies of his comrades the tattered marine presses on toward the beach
and the redoubts of the hated Japs
"WE WOULDN'T HAVE DONE SO GOOD WITHOUT HIM." As fine an epitaph as
ever I heard. One of the men said it as they were making his grave look nice
.Photos, International Committee,
Spencer Hatch (left) and two experienced assistants on their way to a roadless village to introduce bee-keeping
A Neighbor in a Mexican Valley
Spencer Hatch's experimental demonstration training center in rural Mexico,
though modest, points a way to raise living standards in other rural areas.
IN WASHINGTON LAST SEPTEMBER, RECON-
struction experts from all over the world
were threshing out problems of raising the
living standards of poverty stricken rural
masses everywhere. Then D. Spencer Hatch,
who represents the International YMCA
in rural Mexico, took the floor. Quietly,
compellingly, he told the story of his three-
year, one-man campaign to bring about new
levels of production, independence and well-
being among Mexican Indians.
When he had finished, one of the dele-
gates arose. "I have just torn up my pre-
pared speech," he said. "Like the rest of
you, I was so fascinated by Hatch's story
that I bombarded him with questions to
keep him talking. It's obvious to me now
that centers like Hatch's where people can
learn by doing, and where local leadership
can be trained on the soil are the answer
to our problem. We must do the job as
Hatch is doing it — we must get out into
the field and work among the people we're
trying to help."
Spencer Hatch is a renowned expert with
twenty years of striking success in India.
He came to Mexico from India three years
ago on loan from his sponsors, the Inter-
national YMCA, and settled near Tepozt-
lan, in a tiny valley 55 miles from Mexico
City, where the inhabitants still speak Aztec
and live as their ancestors did in the days
o£ Montezuma. Mountain trails lead from
J. P. McEVOY
this rugged valley to eleven primitive vil-
lages where there are 12,000 Indians. The
highest village is 3,500 feet above the low-
est, and the climate ranges from cool tem-
perate down to almost tropical — an ideal
proving ground for Hatch to develop crops,
fruits, livestock, and living amenities of
immediate value to local natives, and which
eventually should benefit most of Mexico.
Starting with the Soil
It has been said the only crop you can
raise on poor land is poor people. Poverty,
ignorance, disease — in Mexico as elsewhere
— are inseparable problems that must be
tackled all at once, and from the bottom.
Hatch started at the bottom — with the soil.
— By a writer whose office is wherever
he hangs his typewriter, though at pres-
ent his home is in Havana.
Mr. McEvoy has traveled widely in
Mexico and other Latin American coun-
tries in recent years and has written a
number of firsthand reports on what has
impressed him. Though he says he hates
to write, he is versatile and prolific; in
addition to many magazine articles he
has produced a considerable number of
novels and short stories, as well as plays,
revues, radio programs and movie
scenarios.
He took a piece of wretched ground and
built it up with compost made of the plant
life and natural fertilizers available to the
poorest farmer.
On this soil, worn out by centuries of
misuse, he proceeded to grow corn twice
as high and four times as productive as his
neighbors'. Not only that but — here in
Mexico where pests ravage every kind of
the nine varieties of beans the Indian grows
— Hatch's beans flourished and ripened
with nary a bug to bite 'em. On his other
demonstration plots, quantities of vege-
tables, small fruits and herbs unfolded
month after month in a succession of mira-
cles.
In three years, Hatch transformed this
typical worn-out valley into a tiny paradise
of rejuvenated soil and bumper crops, to
which the Indians come from a hundred
miles around to learn his "knowhow" first
by seeing, then by doing. Each building,
from the smallest chicken-house to the home
in which Hatch and his family live is a
demonstration of how to use effectively the
simplest forms and the cheapest materials,
all of which are within reach of the low-
liest peon.
Hatch tried out 70 kinds of field crops
and vegetables and found dozens of new
crops to grow on land that for generations
had produced little more than scraggly
corn. Rye, oats, buckwheat, carrots, radishes,
290
SURVEY GRAPHIC
turnips, peanuts, and other things now
flourish there. Twenty-one varieties of
trees are introducing fruit hitherto un-
known in that area. A new bush soya bean
he himself developed produces rich food
all year round and bids fair to revolution-
ize agricultural Mexico, for a plot 20 feet
square can feed a family.
Looms, Hives, and Houses
All the sheep in this part of the world
had been killed. Hatch re-introduced them,
and the practice of weaving on home looms
that the family could build and could oper-
ate in the long idle months of the dry sea-
son. Wild honey has been known to the
Indians from prehistoric times, but Hatch
taught them how to domesticate the fierce
little bees. He showed them how to make
simple scientific hives that could be opened
frequently to eliminate pests; how to ex-
tract the honey without destroying the hive.
The Indians now make more money from
one vvell-cared-for hive than they could the
old way from forty wild swarms.
Small model houses for chickens, tur-
keys, sheep, pigs, and the poor man's cow
— the milch goat — were built. Into their
construction went Hatch's years of experi-
ence in India with stones, mud, rushes and
twigs — the only building materials many
natives can get or afford.
Hatch's chickens win blue ribbons. So
do his turkeys, a new silver-grey breed he
developed. One of the most successful parts
of his program is the "breeding up" of all
the poultry and livestock around the coun-
tryside. To do this he lease-lends to the
villagers his pure bred bulls, rams, and
roosters, which travel on schedule from
village to village. In India, as part of this
system, he had revolutionized poultry and
egg production with a highly organized
"cock circuit." Each pure bred cock was
loaned out two months to a village and
was then moved to the next.
Perhaps the most engaging part of
Hatch's Mexican project consists of a model
small family house, with a fresh water
cistern and an efficient sanitary latrine so
simple and cheap that it can be made by
Indians taking quiet note of what Hatch has accomplished by "breeding up" local poultry
any peon. All were designed by Hatch
and his wife, and built for them at a cost
of 290 pesos (about $60). The work was
done by local villagers adept with adobe,
tile, and thatch. Featured are an ingen-
iously contrived outlet for smoke, windows
for light and cross ventilation, overhanging
eaves for shade, and a shower bath made
from a 5-gallon gasoline tin.
The only "luxury" is a concrete floor;
local cement is cheap, however, and all the
other ingredients are at hand. A cement
floor helps protect the barefooted family
from the ever-present hookworm. There
are homemade beds of wooden frames and
rope webbing for sleeping off the ground,
and a cooking hearth. This last removes
the preparation and cooking of the eternal
tortilla from its immemorial shrine of con-
tamination on the customary dirt floor.
Waiting for the First Move
Having set up his small model farm, in-
cluding a permanent exhibition hall where
The cheap adobe-and-tile model house, which any peon can build, impresses the women
the Indians can see a continuous agricultural
fair of their prize products, and a lending
library of books to read and pictures that
can be borrowed, the next step is Hatch
at his wisest. He waits for his Indian
neighbors to make a move. Are they im-
pressed? He doesn't ask them. Would they
like to raise corn as tall as his? He doesn't
inquire. Would they, too, like berries and
vegetables and fruits? Chickens that lay
three or four times as many eggs? Pigs
that grow two or three times as fat on the
same amount of feed? Goats that give milk
for their children? A brighter house? A
pure water supply? A clean latrine?
Hatch will tell you that the Mexican
Indian you have seen so often cartooned,
sitting with his head on his knees, his
sombrero over his eyes, apparently sleeping
his life away, isn't sleeping at all. He has
two little peep-holes in his sombrero
through which he is intently watching you.
If you are doing anything he thinks is
worth copying, he will sit there quietly and
study it. Only after he is convinced that
this will be good for him, and is not just
another scheme to exploit him, will he de-
cide to copy it. "The farmer the world
over is conservative," Hatch says. "He
must see things demonstrated on his own
level, within his own reach."
From their primitive villages the Indians
come to see Hatch's crops growing, his
houses going up, his poultry and small
animals prospering. They look on in silence
and wonder, then trudge home over the
mountain trails to think it over. At first
only a few trickle back for seed or stock
or advice. But as they go home and repro-
duce Hatch's "miracle" in their own com-
munities, more and more neighbors make
the long trek over the mountains.
The model house and the latrine make
the biggest impression. Before they were
finished, the leader of the nearest village
had remodeled his own home to include
most of their features, and built a copy of
Hatch's chicken-house. The old women,
(Continued on page 301)
JUNE 1945
291
The New Life Savers
Out of war's terrible laboratory, scientists and physicians are bringing new
drugs and techniques for the prevention of disease and the saving of life.
THE WAR OVERSHADOWS EVERYTHING, IN-
cluding the progress of medicine. Medicine
has advanced, but more despite than because
of the war. This needs to be affirmed, for
the prevailing belief is to the contrary. Yet
from Lucretius to Metchnikoff those who
have known both war and science have
found that science suffers when war pre-
vails.
War is a stimulus to invention, but in-
vention must not be confused with dis-
covery. Science thrives on discovery, and
discovery is the fruit of research. Research
languishes during war, and much of it is
harnessed to the purposes of war. Moreover,
only a fraction of the wartime labors and
results of research can be applied to peace-
time purposes. War does provide a vast and
terrible laboratory, and accelerates the test-
ing and improvement of knowledge and
techniques derived from peacetime research.
In this way, war shortens the lag between
discovery and utilization. That much at
least is profitable.
Five Medical Inventions
Five major items dominate war medicine.
They are the antibiotics (anti-bacterial sub-
stances which are derived, not from chem-
icals, but from living organisms), blood
plasma and blood transfusion, specific im-
munizations, the remarkable insecticide
DDT, and military psychiatry. These items
are certain to dominate peacetime medicine
as well.
That most remarkable antibiotic, peni-
cillin, is now available for civilian use and
is therefore being tried under a variety of
conditions seldom encountered in military
experience. But while the scope of its use-
fulness is being greatly extended, the limits
of its effectiveness are not yet in sight. The
mass production of penicillin and the con-
current reduction of the unit cost constitute
a great engineering achievement. This phase
of scientific work commonly remains un-
sung and unheralded, yet from the practical
point of view it is almost as important as
the original discovery.
Penicillin would have been little more
than a "marvelous rarity" had not science
and industry made it a marvelous commod-
ity. In March 1945, The Lancet headed an
editorial on penicillin, "Unequalled but Un-
obtainable." There is not space here for the
epic of its manufacture, but it is a story well
worth the telling. I am concerned here with
the use of penicillin in combating and pre-
venting diseases.
Some parts of this story are now well
known. Penicillin is extremely useful in the
treatment of the pneumonias caused by the
pneumococci and certain other bacteria. It
is not, however, specifically effective in virus
pneumonias. In fact, the virus-caused dis-
eases represent the field in which penicillin
IAGO GALDSTON, M.D.
— By the executive secretary of the Med-
ical Information Bureau of the New
York Academy of Medicine, who fol-
lows day by day the lines and the results
of medical research.
Dr. Galdston writes for both lay and
professional journals, and is the author
of "Progress in Medicine," "Behind the
Sulfa Drugs," "Maternal Deaths, the
Way to Prevention."
His article is the fourth in our series,
"The Future Is Already Here."
is least helpful. But even here some success
is reported. Certain virus diseases of birds,
of which the best known is psittacosis, or
parrot fever (but which is not limited to
parrots), and which are communicable to
man, are favorably affected by penicillin.
The venereal diseases are yielding to peni-
cillin. This antibiotic is particularly useful
in cases of gonorrhea which are resistant to
the sulfonamides. Notice, however, has been
taken of the fact that unless large doses of
penicillin are administered (160,000 units)
sham cures may result, the individuals be-
ing relieved of their acute symptoms but
remaining infected and infectious.
As to syphilis, the first reports on the ef-
fects of penicillin were enthusiastic. The en-
thusiasm still abides, but now it is being
edged with caution. Thus Dr. G. Marshall
Crawford, of the Harvard Medical School
and the Massachusetts General Hospital,
writing in the New England Journal of
Medicine in January 1944, stated: "Among
the therapeutic advances [in syphilis] the
results obtained following the use of peni-
cillin are outstanding." But he also warns:
"It must be constantly borne in mind that
ten to twenty years will have to elapse be-
fore the ultimate value of any new treat-
ment for syphilis can be accurately deter-
mined."
The effective use of penicillin in the
treatment of such grave infections as an-
thrax, tetanus, and gas gangrene, has been
reported in recent months. Perhaps the most
dramatic reports are those dealing with the
use of penicillin in the treatment of sub-
acute bacterial endocarditis, an infection in-
volving the heart which, heretofore, has
proved fatal in practically every case. By the
use of penicillin, alone or in combination
with heparin, clinical cures in from 65 per-
cent to 75 percent of patients are now re-
ported. Since penicillin has proved to be so
effective in combating bacterial infections,
it is being utilized in a large number of
diseases involving many parts of the body.
Surgery, industrial medicine, dermatology,
dentistry, ophthalmology, ear, nose, throat
and other specialties are constantly finding
new uses for penicillin.
But penicillin is more fhan a "marvelous
drug." It is the initiator of a new thera-
peutic era: that of the fungus-derived bac-
teria killers. The pioneers in this field are
not alone Fleming and Florey, whose names
are forever associated with penicillin, but
also Freudenreich, the Swiss scientist, who
in 1888 wrote on bacterial antagonism
(Annals of the Pasteur Institute) and R. J.
Dubos, now of Harvard, who in 1939 re-
ported on an antibiotic derived from a soil
bacterium. Since the discovery of penicillin,
hundreds of species of fungi have been
examined for antibiotic properties.
Tuberculocidins
One particular objective has been to find
an antibiotic against the germ of tubercu-
losis— that is, to find tuberculocidins. It is
not possible at this time to report that the
search has been successful. It does, however,
appear to be promising. From the Institute
of Animal Pathology, at Cambridge Uni-
versity, England, and from the University
of Western Ontario, come reports of an
antibiotic which in the test lube destroys
the human type tubercle bacilli in dilutions
as high as 1 to 1,400,000.
This, of course, is only a beginning. The
tuberculocidin must be tested for toxicity
and effectiveness first on animals and then,
if the results warrant it, on human cases.
But if it, or some one of the other prom-
ising antibiotics, does prove effective against
tuberculosis, then medicine will indeed have
won one of its great victories. For while the
tuberculosis deathrate has been remarkably
reduced in recent years, tuberculosis is still
a major plague.
Blood and Blood Derivatives
The life saving effects of blood trans-
fusion are widely known. Thousands upon
thousands of our military personnel owe
their lives to the blood donated by their
fellow countrymen and women. Well
known, too, are the skillful ways in which
the problems of transportation, preservation,
and "blood administration," have been
solved in the processing of whole blood to
produce blood plasma and dried plasma.
Less well known are the by-products of
these experiences and the new uses to which
blood products are applied. The most note-
worthy among these is Immune Serum
Globulin.
Blood is chemically complex. It contains
a great variety of substances including pro-
teins, extractives, salts, enzymes, and special
elements. Among the latter are included the
immune bodies, those blood elements which
help to protect the body against certain in-
fectious diseases and against a variety of
toxic substances.
At the Harvard Medical School Plasma
Fractionation Laboratory, E. J. Cohn and
his associates have been hard at work tak-
292
SURVEY GRAPHIC
ing the blood apart. One of the problems
they have solved is how to abstract from
human blood one of its protein components,
serum globulin. It has been demonstrated
that the globulin component of the blood
contains the antibodies; that antibodies are
modified globulins; and that the gamma
fraction of serum globulin embraces most
of the antibodies. By separating the gamma
fraction of the globulin from the rest of the
blood, one, so to say, skims off the im-
munological cream. The result is a high
concentration of immune bodies.
Much of the blood which has been
donated during the war period has been
processed. This has made available a variety
of blood fractions and an appreciable quan-
tity of serum globulin. The gamma fraction
has been abstracted and is being tried and
used clinically. One of the first uses made
of this gamma fraction has been in the
prevention and treatment of measles. The
importance of this usage lies in the fact that,
in very young and in frail children, measles
and its complications may prove disastrous.
Immune globulin can protect such cases
against the disease. It seems likely that im-
mune globulin will prove effective in the
prevention and treatment of other infectious
diseases, such as whooping cough, chicken
pox, and mumps. That, however, must be
determined by added experience.
The work being done in the fractionation
of blood is promising in other directions.
There is some hope that it may be possible
to purify certain of the elements of animal
blood, making them usable in the treatment
of human beings.
Other blood components are proving
medically valuable. Thus, the red cells made
into a paste promote healing in wounds,
burnt areas, and a variety of ulcers. Fibrin,
which normally helps blood to clot, is now
being used in brain surgery in the form of
fibrin film. Fibrin foam is used to retard
bleeding, particularly in nerve surgery, and
it is most effective in controlling bleeding in
Rockefeller Foundation
Making a virus test in experiments to develop a protective influenza vaccine
hemophiliacs — the only remedy ever found
for their affliction.
The war experience is proving valuable
in still another direction. It is stimulating
the development of blood banks for civilians.
Individuals in good health can place "on
deposit" a quantity of their blood and with-
draw an equivalent amount if the need
arises, with little or no cost to themselves.
Of course, the actual blood "deposited" is
not "preserved," but there is a continuous
and replenished working capital of blood
assets with which to meet withdrawals. The
Michigan Department of Health, in cooper-
ation with local Red Cross chapters, estab-
U. S. Army Signal Corps
DDT protects both American troops and natives in the disease-ridden tropics
lished such a service in 1943. [See "Civilians
Get Blood Plasma, Too," by Paul de Kruif,
in Survey Graphic, March 1944.] New
York City has had a blood bank in opera-
tion since 1942.
The War on Disease Carriers
The early conquest of Malaya by the
Japanese cut off our sources of pyrethrum
and rotenone and the heavy demands which
war production made upon our stocks of
arsenic and copper seriously reduced the
supply of insecticides. At the same time,
there were heavy military demands for in-
secticides to deal with tropical pests in com-
bat areas. This situation prompted the
Bureau of Entomology and Plant Quaran-
tine of the U. S. Department of Agriculture,
and numerous other public and private
agencies, to institute a search for new and
effective insecticides. As a result, DDT was
"discovered."
The discovery was a belated one, for the
compound itself had been synthesized in
1874, and its insecticidal powers demon-
strated in Switzerland in 1939. The war
afforded vast opportunities for testing DDT,
and there is now ample evidence that this
compound really is phenomenal. It would
require far too much space to catalogue all
the uses to which DDT can be applied in
man's war upon insects. DDT will, for
example, protect cloth against moths, will
destroy termites, and will protect trees and
plants against many insect pests, though a
few pests appear resistant to it. But DDT
more direcdy affects health in its extraordi-
nary power to destroy disease-transmitting
insects such as flies, fleas, mosquitoes, ticks,
and other blood suckers.
In an address recently delivered at the
New York Academy of Medicine, Fred C.
Bishopp of the U. S. Department of Agri-
culture said: "It seems almost incredible
JUNE 1945
293
that a few sweeps of a fleet of bombers
with an almost invisible discharge of DDT
in oil would destroy practically every mos-
quito in the area and permit our forces to
concentrate on the Japs without danger of
malaria or dengue infections for at least
several days." Since the major factor in the
prevention of malaria, dengue, filariasis,
encephalitis, and yellow fever is mosquito
control, the public health potentials of DDT
are enormous.
Preventive Inoculations
Medicine, at its most dramatic, cures
diseases, but at its most effective it prevents
them. Our war experience has demonstrated
the value of preventive inoculations, and has
stimulated the development of new and
effective vaccines. In previous wars more
soldiers died of disease than of bullet
wounds. The principal scourges of the army
camp were typhoid, typhus, cholera, and
tetanus. Today these pestilences have been
controlled, in part by adequate sanitation,
but principally by active immunization.
The deathrate from disease in the army
is now less than 6 per 10,000 and this figure
represents a reduction of 95 percent of the
army disease deathrate that prevailed dur-
ing World War I. The soldier feels "sore"
because of all the "jabs in the arm" he
must endure, but they safeguard his health
and his life. Vaccines against typhoid, ty-
phus, cholera, and yellow fever have been
perfected and have been widely employed
in protecting our troops and those of our
Allies.
The most recent addition to this series
and one that promises to be of great value
is a vaccine against influenza. The influenza
pandemic which swept all countries during
- World War I is still a vividly horrible
memory to many who witnessed its dev-
astations. Fearful that influenza might once
again ravage the world, many scientists in
many lands undertook to unravel the
mystery of its ways. It was long suspected
that influenza was caused by a virus.
In 1933, this suspicion was confirmed in
the work of three British scientists. C. H.
Stuart Harris, W. Smith and C. H. An-
drewes. Soon after, it was discovered that
ferrets are susceptible to influenza, and this
provided the first experimental animal
(other than man) with the aid of which
research in influenza could be advanced. In
subsequent work it was established that in-
fluenza infection evokes a strong but rela-
tively short-lived immunity reaction. In the
light of this it was reasonable to expect that
vaccination against influenza would prove
both possible and effective.
Work 'was concentrated on the develop-
ment of influenza vaccines. In 1940, Drs.
Horsfall and Lennette of the Rockefeller
Institute reported an influenza vaccine
which produced a high immunity reaction.
Subsequent work by a host of scientists in
many lands yielded numerous technical and
scientific advances and made possible the
perfection of an influenza virus vaccine
which appears to yield a substantial immun-
ity. This vaccine was developed and tested
by the Commission on Influenza, under its
director, Dr. Thomas Francis, Jr.
In a preliminary report on the effects of
the vaccine used in a controlled study dur-
ing an influenza outbreak, the commission
stated:
"Vaccination done shortly before or even
after the uusci or me epidemic [of influ-
enza] was found to exert a protective effect
with a total attack rate of 2.22 percent
among the 6,263 vaccinated and 7.11 per-
cent among the 6,211 controls, a ratio of
1 to 3.12. The influence of the vaccine was
most clearly evident at the height of the
epidemic. . . ."
All of this represents a very substantial
achievement. But the problem is far from
solved, and influenza is still a menace.
Behind this brief summary of achieve-
ment in war against influenza stands an
enormous amount of work. Part of it is
particularly noteworthy. Thus it was estab-
lished that not one but possibly several, and
certainly two distinct viruses cause what we
term influenza. Significant, too, is the latest
process in the cultivation of the influenza
viruses. The viruses are "grown" within
incubated fertile chicken eggs; in other
words, the virus multiplies on the chick
embryo. This process yields comparatively
large quantities of virus, from which the
influenza vaccine is ultimately made. In-
cidentally, the chick embryo method is now
employed in culturing a number of other
disease-producing viruses.
A new process for the "inactivation" of
bacteria and viruses has been reported re-
cently and this promises more effective vac-
cines. In the past, the bacteria and viruses
used in vaccines were killed by means of
heat or chemical agents. The new technique
employs intensive ultraviolet light. The ad-
vantage of the new process over the old
appears to be that ultraviolet light alters
the chemical structure of the bacteria and
viruses less radically than the older method.
(Continued on page 300)
Merck & Co.
Mass production and lowered cost of the "wonder drug," penicillin, constitute almost as great a triumph as its discovery
294
LETTERS AND LIFE
A Champion of Popular Rights
HARRY HANSEN
WHEN GEORGE W. NORRIS, IN THE FINAL
months of his life, sat on the political side-
lines at McCook, Neb., dictating an account
of his career, he saw his experiences as a
series of disconnected "struggles" on behalf
of the average citizen against selfish men
and organizations.
There would be no end to this battle,
he told the younger generations; wealth,
which wanted to use the natural resources
of the nation for its own purposes, would
fight to the last for its advantages, by fair
and unfair means, and even the people
would be puzzled and confused. But "lib-
eralism will not die. It is indispensable to
life as the pure air all around about. It is
deathless — it marches forward. . . ."
Thus, at the age of eighty-three, George
W. Norris reiterated the traditional slogan
of the homespun statesman, which he was.
And in "Fighting Liberal," his autobiog-
raphy,* he reveals how a senator associated
with some of the most vital legislation of
modern times — the anti-injunction law and
the Tennessee Valley Authority — won his
individualism, independence, and self-reli-
ance in practically frontier conditions, in a
rural community where frugality and hard
work were associated with honesty, auster-
ity and tenacity. Norris, as a personality,
was not picturesque, but he was tremen-
dously efficient in his legislative tasks and
he had a conscience that must have shone
like a jewelled lamp in the Senate chamber.
Frontier Statesman
The evolution of Norris from a "bitter
Republican partisan" to a rebel against
party discipline, an insurgent, a Theodore
Roosevelt Progressive, and an "independent
Republican" who supported some of Frank-
lin D. Roosevelt's cherished measures, is a
remarkable example of a farm boy's politi-
cal education by experience. Norris really
wore homespun suits made by his mother;
he taught school and became a lawyer in
the traditional manner of earning his way,
and he accounted himself lucky to have
studied at Valparaiso University with doz-
ens of other poor lads who made names
for themselves.
The extraordinary fact of his early man-
hood is that, with his understanding of
poverty among farmers, he did not embrace
Populism in Nebraska, but decided that the
Republican party was basically sound. He
understood that farmers needed to be pro-
tected from ruinous prices for their prod-
ucts— there was a time when he burned
corn, because, at 8 cents a bushel, it was
cheaper than coal — but he had no sympathy
W
La
• "Fighting Liberal, the Autobiography of George
r. Norris," with an introduction by James E.
awrence. Macmillan. $3.50.
(AH books
for "the Populist rebellion," because he
thought many of the leaders were dema-
gogues exploiting the poor.
Neither was he swept away by the bit-
ter fights of the 1890's against the gold
standard; he seems to have lived in another
world from that of his fellow-Nebraskan,
W. J. Bryan, who is mentioned only cas-
ually in this chronicle.
From 1895 on, he served seven years as
state district judge in the Beaver Creek
valley and when he was elected to Congress
in 1903, to begin forty years of public
service that embraced five terms as repre-
sentative and five as senator, he still called
himself a conservative Republican.
The Education of a Congressman
It is difficult to believe that Norris could
have been as "naive" (his own word) as he
professes when he entered the House and
discovered that the individual was nothing
and the party bosses ruled legislation. After
all, he had been listening to the words of
Theodore Roosevelt and found them sweet.
Roosevelt's denunciation of corrupt bosses
and "the machine" echoed through Amer-
ica and must have affected Norris's confi-
dence in the regular organization even
before he saw "Uncle Joe" Cannon throt-
tling free speech in the House. But Norris
pictures himself as surprised to learn that
speeches printed in the Congressional Rec-
ord were not necessarily delivered, and he
says he was amazed to see the party caucus
in operation. He began to ponder the evils
of "following blind leadership which fre-
quently led into illogical positions and to
dealing out legislative favors to men who
were unworthy."
History knows the answer — Norris broke
away. Here he tells how he maneuvered
to defeat Speaker Cannon, his first big
victory. He observed how patronage handi-
capped the public service and he fought to
increase the power of civil service. Obvi-
ously this man was dangerous to party dis-
cipline. Yet he was the regular nominee
of the Republicans for the Senate in 1912
where, he found, his reputation as a trouble
maker and faultfinder had preceded him.
Here we must recall that Norris repre-
sented the upsurge of progressivism, which
had an electric leader in Theodore Roose-
velt and strong support in Nebraska. In
fact, Norris is representative of that pro-
gressivism that runs in a straight line from
T. R. to F. D. R. He was singularly sym-
pathetic to conservation, one of Theodore
Roosevelt's favorite measures, which found
its culmination in Franklin D. Roosevelt's
support of TVA. And Norris became the
embattled "father of TVA" because he had
observed the ravages of erosion and the
ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will be
295
effects of drought on Nebraska rarms, and
early in his Washington career had pro-
posed that the government help bear the
cost of the Pathfinder dam in the North
Platte. This, too, was the underlying rea-
son why Norris bolted the Hoover ticket
in 1928 and supported Alfred E. Smith;
he considered Smith right on water power,
whereas he expected no help from the con-
servative Hoover.
In these contests Norris met the Power
Trust, "the greatest monopolistic corpora-
tion organized for private greed." To dem-
onstrate how sleeplessly great corporations
pursue their aims, Norris describes the long
fight, still continuing, to preserve the bene-
fits of the Hetch Hetchy Valley improve-
ment to the people of San Francisco. Nor-
ris's experiences led him to conclude that
"delay, the weapon of great wealth, often
nullifies justice," but he also observed the
lack of responsibility and inertia among the
average citizens, who could be kept awake
only by unselfish leadership.
By this time Norris was fought every-
where by privilege, but he believed in the
frontal attack. When he campaigned in
Pennsylvania to defeat Vare, he met reluc-
tance and cowardice; the people were in
bondage. All the greater was his victory
against the "yellow dog" contract and the
passage of the anti-injunction bill, which
Norris says emancipated the mine worker
from slavery. It was championed in the
House by Fiorello La Guardia. It directed
attention to existing inequalities. But again
Norris, always judging a situation on its
own merits, warned the miners against
blindly following leadership. He was critical
of the defiance of wartime authority by
John L. Lewis.
Audacity Plus Convictions
This tendency to judge every situation by
itself and to square it with his concept of
justice, equality, and decent politics ex-
plains the contradictions in Norris's career,
such as his vote against war in 1917 and
for war in 1941, and his vote against the
League of Nations. It led him to vote with
Robert La Follette on certain issues and to
hear himself condemned by Woodrow Wil-
son as one of the "little group of willful
men" when he helped defeat Wilson's bill
to arm merchant ships.
Norris's stand in these controversies
shows his method. He dealt with imme-
diate, specific matters. In the first World
War he stood for strict neutrality; in his
fear of the greedy profiteer, he interpreted
our fight for freedom of the seas as a fight
to preserve freedom to trade and to make
money. He failed to recognize as valid the
deep undercurrents that swept us into that
postpaid)
The working plans for a new order
based on peace and justice for all
A DYNAMIC
WORLD ORDER
Donald A. MacLean
It is the hope of everyone that out of this war will come a new
order of peace which will insure a degree of tranquillity and
happiness for a peace loving people. . . . Dr. MacLean outlines
here the fundamental ideals and principles of the broad pattern
for a sound, progressive civilization which will satisfy the
more profound and loftier cravings of mankind.
$2.50
At your bookstore
THE BRUCE PUBLISHING COMPANY
2206 MONTGOMERY BLDC.
MILWAUKEE 1, WIS.
ENCYCLOPEDIA
OF THE NEGRO
209 Pages — Preparatory Volume — $2.75
Edited by DR. W. E. B. DuBOIS and DR. GUY B. JOHNSON
In 1932 the Encyclopedia of the Negro,
Inc., was organized under the auspices of
the Phelps-Stokes Fund. The purpose was
to publish a definitive work in four vol-
umes on the Negro race similar in scope
and treatment to the Catholic and Jewish
encyclopedias. Two well-known author-
ities in the field, one a Negro and the
other a white man, were appointed editors.
The encyclopedia is obviously a tre-
mendous undertaking and the publication
date is not in sight. However, much valu-
able material has been assembled which
is noia published in a Preparatory Volume.
The main feature of this work is an
alphabetical lilt of subjects dealing with
the Negro race and a list of source ma-
terial for each subject. The introduction
to the book is written by Anson Phelps-
Stokes, and the editors collaborate on the
leading article. A section prepared by Dr.
L. D. Reddick discusses Library Resources
for Negra Studies in the United States
and Abroad and there is a Bibliography
of Bibliographies compiled by Professor
Rayford Logan. Appendices contain the
history of the Encyclopedia from its in-
ception; the articles of incorporation, lists
of the Directors, Advisory Board, and
Editorial Staff, with photograph.
THE H. W. WILSON CO. 950 University Ave., New York 52, N. Y.
BLOOD DONORS NEEDED!
^m RED CROSS plasma is saving the lives of hundreds of wounded
soldiers and sailors. But thousands of additional blood donors are
needed.
GIVE A PEST OF BLOOD TO SAVE A LIFE.
war. His principles guided his action.
Other senators told him they were against
war but they voted for it. This raises the
question of how far the individual dares
to be unrepresentative. Norris dared great-
ly because he was convinced he was in the
right. It is impossible to say today what
the course of history would have been had
he and his associates prevailed against the
first declaration of war, or had they failed
to vote down the League of Nations. There
is no doubt of Norris's lofty aim, and his
explanation of his objections to the League
may help restore some sanity to the dis-
cussion of that momentous incident, now
limited chiefly to abuse of Henry Cabot
Lodge.
Leadership calls for a certain amount of
audacity, and audacity has no moral im-
plications. Norris had audacity, courage
and strong moral convictions. Invariably
faced his enemies. In his campaigns
went direct to "the people," as Theodor
Roosevelt had done, and he was able thus tc
defeat the men who controlled the Repufc
lican organization to which he adhered un-
til his fifth campaign for the Senate, whe
he ran as an "independent Republican."
He admits that he won only because of
direct primaries; the "machine" would long
before have shelved him.
His plurality was not always large and
for many voters he was a bitter pill. He
lost his last battle, in his eightieth year,
cause he was too occupied in Washington
to go home before the last minute to cam-
paign. This interesting comment on the
inability of voters to make up their mine
unless prodded deserves to be remembered
It is that characteristic of democracy which
accounts for the longevity of corruption.
George W. Norris invariably appealed
the voters' better nature and enough
them trusted him to keep him in office,
was the sort of public official we have
right to expect but do not always ge
Whether he was great depends upon you
definition of greatness; his work was ne
monumental, but it was indispensable. His
friend, James E. Lawrence, editor of th
Lincoln, Neb., Star, who was associated
with him in his later campaigns, persuaded
him to write this autobiography, the fortl
right story of an American statesman
whom the term liberal can be applied in
its best sense.
A MILLION HOMES A YEAR: Mo
Housing for Every Income — the Proble
and the Possibilities, by Dorothy Rosenmar
Harcourt, Brace. #3.50.
THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE ON HOUSING,
which Dorothy Rosenman is chairman, ha
a membership and a board of director
widely representative of the varied interest
and points of view concerned with housing
betterment and neighborhood improvement
throughout the United States. Effective leac
ership of such a body requires a rare unic
of imaginative and well-balanced thinking
and vigorous action. These qualities, whicf
Mrs. Rosenman is displaying as an organ
izer, she has distilled into her book
words that are practical, persuasive, anc
generally precise.
"A Million Homes a Year" is not,
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
296
course, an official pronouncement of the
National Committee on Housing. If a poll
j were to be taken among its members, some
jfew would doubtless vote that the book
(leans too far either to the left or to the
I right. But the preponderant opinion would
be, I am sure, that Mrs. Rosenman's con-
I elusions, when stated, are sound; and that,
[where she indicates that a sound conclusion
is still to be sought, the author has so pre-
sented the pros and cons as to help sub-
stantially in such search.
The broad scope of the book and its
freedom from abstract treatment are sug-
gested by its chapter headings: Home
Truths About Housing; Heartstrings and
1 Purse Strings; Can Construction Costs Be
(Lowered?; Houses Are Built on Land;
Property Taxes Do More Than Nibble;
j Houses Make Neighborhoods, and Vice
Versa; Communities Make the Nation, and
Vice Versa; Special City Headaches; Uncle
iSam Carries the Bride Over the Threshold;
j Home Ownership or Rental; and In a Nut-
j shell. The readability and value of the
I volume are enhanced by charts, tables, ref-
jerence notes, a bibliography, and an index.
If we shall actually meet the urgent post
j war need of a million or more homes a
year, Mrs. Rosenman's book will have
j helped to put firm foundations, physical
I and financial, under many of these homes
I — and well-planned neighborhoods around
them. HAROLD S. BUTTENHEIM
Editor, The American City
THE BEST IS YET . . . , by Morris L. Ernst.
Harper. #3.
I PROBABLY ONLY AN ARTICULATE EXTROVERT
j could be so completely himself in cold type
as is Morris Ernst in this book, which is
) neither an autobiography in the conven-
I tional sense, nor a collection of informal
I essays — though it partakes of the nature of
both. Disregarding chronology, he tells a
great deal about his youth, his wife and
children, his homes — one on the fringe of
New York's Greenwich Village, the other
in Nantucket — much about carpentry and
] boats, his friends and acquaintances, his
I law practice, his crusades, his favorite night
clubs, his transatlantic travel, his likes and
I dislikes. Mr. Ernst's conversation — viva voce
I or printed — sometimes masks but never
J conceals the man himself, and the reasons
I why so many people love him.
Perhaps the reasons emerge more clearly
1 in this curiously charming book than they
do from the conversation of a person who
j can seldom be caught except on the wing
1 from courtroom to conference to cocktail
party.
Here, for instance, are the major cases
I in which Mr. Ernst has led the fight
I against book censorship by "Comstockian
I moralists." But in these cases he has been
J concerned less with the "right" of authors —
I James Joyce, D. H. Lawrence, Lillian Smith,
among them — to use tabooed four-letter
words than with the infringement of civil
| liberties. For here he takes time to make
I you see, as he himself sees so clearly, that
I to curtail the right of anyone to freedom
I of expression is to endanger the freedom of
I us all.
Here Morris Ernst documents his own
(and the late Justice Brandeis's) fear ot
bigness per se. In somewhat frightening
detail he sets forth, for example, how the
present swift trend toward "bigness" in
newspaper ownership affects the collection
and dissemination of news, and hence the
formulation of sound opinion.
Here is an informed citizen's tribute to
J. Edgar Hoover and the G-Men, which
undoubtedly will be read with vrrath ami
dismay by some of the author's friends.
Here is the story of the education of Joan
Ernst, in which her father had a major
part. To help this child, who was born
deaf, grow into a friendly, free-spirited, ac
complished young woman is a rare parental
achievement. As Mr. Ernst tells it, it is als< •
a proof of progressive education principles,
followed by those who guided her growth
both at home and at school.
Here is the moving story of Morris
Ernst's long association with Heywood
Broun, and how that troubled spirit turned
to his Jewish friend for advice as to
whether he should join the Roman Cath-
olic Church.
Here are choice tidbits about Lloyd's of
London, about how Margaret Ernst teaches
ethymology to ten-year-olds, about La-
Guardia, John L. Lewis, young Roger Ernst
in the army, about David Lillienthal of
TVA (whom Mr. Ernst likes) and about
Krock of The New Yor^ Times (whom he
does not), about a host of individuals and
activities.
The publisher's blurb styles the book
BEGINNER EARNS $1,819.00
"Today I received a check for $165 for a story. Another
I sold for $34. The other day I counted up just how much
I made previously. It amounted to $1,620.00. Not bad for
a beginner, is it?" — Mrs. L. L. Gray, 579 E. McHarg Ave.,
Stamford, Texas.
How do you KNOW you can't WRITE?
Have you every tried?
Have you ever attempted even the least bit of training, under competent guidance?
Or have you been sitting back, as it is so easy to do, waiting for the day to come when
you will awaken, all of a sudden, to the discovery, "I am a writer"?
If the latter course is the one of your choosing, you probably never will write.
Lawyers must be law clerks. Doctors must be internes. Engineers must be draftsmen.
We all know that, in our time, the egg does come before the chicken.
It is seldom that anyone becomes a writer until he (or she) has been writing for some
time. That is why so many authors and writers spring up out of the newspaper business.
The day-to-day necessity of writing— of gathering material about which to write— devel-
ops their talent, their insight, their background and their confidence as nothing else
could.
That is why Newspaper Institute of America bases its writing instruction on journal'
ism — continuous writing — the training that has produced so many successful authors.
Learn to write by writing
NEWSPAPER Institute training is based on the New York Copy Desk Method. It starts and
keeps you writing in your own home, on your own time. Week by week you receive
actual assignments, just as if you were right at work on a great metropolitan daily. Your writing
is individually corrected and constructively criticized. Thoroughly experienced, practical, active
writers are responsible for this instruction. Under such sympathetic guidance, you will find
that (instead of vainly trying to copy some one else's writing tricks) you are rapidly developing
your own distinctive, self-flavored style — undergoing an experience that has a thrill to it and
which at the same time develops in you the power to make your feelings articulate.
Many people who should be writing become awe-struck by
fabulous stories about millionaire authors and, therefore, give
little thought to the $25, $50 and $100 or more that can often
be earned from material that takes little time to write — stories,
articles on business, fads, books, current events, sports, home-
making, local, church and club activities, etc. — things that can
easily be turned out in leisure hours, and often on the impulse
of the moment.
A chance to test yourself
Our unique Writing Aptitude Test tells whether you possess the
fundamental qualities necessary to successful writing — acute ob-
servation dramatic instinct, creative imagination, etc. You'll
enjoy taking this test. The coupon will bring it, without obliga-
tion. Newspaper Institue of America, One Park Avenue, New
York 16, N. Y. (Founded 1925)
NOTICE TO
CANADIANS
Newspaper Institute's
operations in Canada
have been approved by
the Foreign Exchange
Control Board, and to
facilitate all financial
transactions, a special
permit has been as-
signed to their account
with The Canadian Bank
of Commerce, Montreal.
Newspaper Institute of America,
One Park Ave., New York 16, N. Y.
-. Send me, without cost or obligation, your Writing Aptitude Test and further
I information about writing for profit, as promised in Survey Graphic, June.
« Mr.
Mr.
Mrs.
Miss
Address
(All correspondence confidential. No salesman will call on you.)
86-H-365
Copyright 1945 Newspaper Institute of America
297
HARCOURT, BRACE
AND COMPANY
LEWIS MUMFORD
has gathered in one volume the
most representative selections of
his work in the field of urbanism
during the past 25 years. Not
concerned primarily with re-
building demolished houses or
ruined cities, he aims to replace
outworn civilization — to begin
by making a fresh canvass of
human ideals and purposes.
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR: "The
voice of Lewis Mumford, which
has been crying in the wilder-
ness of metropolitan waste and
obsolescence for a quarter of a
century, opportunely proclaims
again the gospel of rational city
planning." $2.00
DEVELOPMENT
LEWIS MUMFORD
DOROTHY ROSENMAN
describes for the first time all
the practical factors involved in
producing more and better
homes. Every phase of housing
is covered succinctly. Mrs. Ro-
senman's comprehensive experi-
ence in every phase of housing
(she is now chairman of the Na-
tional Committee on Housing,
Inc.) makes her particularly
suited to write this much-needed
correlation of housing problems.
BUY WAR BONDS
(In
"the reflections of an irrepressible man."
But "reflections" seems too static a word
for this swift and agile commentary on the
American scene. What Morris Ernst in fact
sets forth are the passionate hopes, faiths
and loyalties of an untiring liberal. They
make tonic reading for our uncertain and
anxious times. BEULAH AMIDON
DEMOBILIZATION OF WARTIME ECO-
NOMIC CONTROLS, by John Maurice
Clark. McGraw-Hill, gl.75.
PROFESSOR CLARK'S BOOK is THE OUTSTANDING
analysis, thus far, of the economic prob-
lems connected with returning our economy
to a peacetime basis. V-E has come, and we
are already in one of the periods foreseen
and considered by Mr. Clark.
The principal virtue of the book is clarity
of statement joined with sensitive awareness
of the frame in which "strictly economic"
considerations and conditions must proceed.
Economists contribute most to public policy
when they analyze issues within a frame
that bears some close resemblance to the
actual circumstances in which decisions
must be made. A suitable set of assump-
tions is chosen about politics (domestic and
foreign), and about legal, administrative,
engineering, and related matters.
For purposes of analysis the author as-
sumes that the aim is to achieve and main-
tain high levels of productive employment
at rising standards of living; and that the
job is to be done as far as possible in the
free market. This is the goal of the busi-
nessmen who organized the Committee tor
Economic Development, whose research
committee has assembled an able body of
economists to assist in probing possibilities.
Even a cursory reading of what Professor
Clark has to say will show the wisdom of
selective removal of controls. The slogan
of some business spokesmen is "Down with
Controls"; but it would be bad for business
and the national interest if this slogan were
translated into abrupt and uncorrelated
action. HAROLD D. LASSWELL
Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.
by
DEMOCRACY UNDER PRESSURE,
Stuart Chase. Twentieth Century Fund.
TOMORROW'S BUSINESS, by Beardsley
Ruml: Farrar & Rinehart. #2.50.
BUSINESS LEADERSHIP IN THE LARGE
CORPORATION, by R. A. Gordon.
The Brookings Institution. $3.
THESE THREE VOLUMES ARE APPROPRIATELY
bracketed together because they embroider
the theme of the relation of modern busi-
ness interests to the public welfare. It is at
once significant and gratifying that from
three quite disparate students comes what
is essentially a thesis about the economic
issues of tomorrow.
Stuart Chase has never been more cogent
than in this, the fourth in his series on
"When the War Ends." His central theme
is embodied in a quotation from J. Ray-
mond Walsh, head of the Research De-
partment of the CIO: "The day of the self-
interest pressure group is past. Instead, this
is a time when no group can be secure in
an insecure society; a time when the
pragmatist works for the security of his
fellow men in order to secure his own."
answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
298
Mr. Chase points out that our present
problem with respect to organized groups
of business, labor, and agriculture, "has be-
come a matter of curbing power which al-
ready is overgrown. Nobody has die spe-
cific task of curbing that power or
even planning how to curb it." Yet
author is clear that "intensive representir
we must have, if the pressure groups are
be controlled" And he adds the generaliz
tion that "to represent the citizens effectiv
ly, the government should . . . u
power-age conditions act positively ar
aggressively in the interest of consumer
who have no pressure group to represent
them."
On the score of program, however, Mr.
Chase seems to this reviewer not to go far
enough. To be sure, he makes a bow to
"labor-management committees." But there
is hardly a suggestion that beyond the
political representative machinery which
Congress, for example, embodies, we may
need some further representative agencies
concerned with the explicit representation
of economic interests. Surely the conclusion
needs scrutiny that if pressure groups do in
fact (as they do) voice vital function
points of view, the way for those point;
of view to secure the necessary considera
tion is by open representation rather tha
by backstairs lobbying. This implies con
stitutional economic government, with cor
sumer representatives joining representa
tives of business, labor, and agriculture in
deliberations that have to do with invest-
ment, productivity, and employment, at the
level of the shop, the region, and the na-
tion. But of such matters, Mr. Chase has
little to say. Rather, he assumes a mono-
lithic structure of control and elaborate
regulation under congressional mandate.
Mr. Ruml's discussion is less politically
phrased, and more concerned with the in-
ternal functioning of business as an eco-
nomic instrument. His postulates as to the
conditions under which business basically
justifies itself would have been ridiculed by
the businessmen of a generation ago. To-
day, they are accepted widely in principle,
if not in fact. Mr. Ruml's book is primarily
concerned with how to translate the prin-
ciple into fact. His slogan, "not freedom
for business but business for freedom," he
develops thus:
"Today what people want when they de-
mand freedom is a condition under which
they can realize, with reasonable complete-
ness, the potentialities as persons that in-
here in their capacities as individuals. The
demand for freedom is a demand for ful-
fillment, for growth, for life — not in the
material or biological area alone, but also
in the realm of mind and spirit."
Like Eric Johnston, of the U. S. Cham-
ber of Commerce, Mr. Ruml summons his
business associates to a more socialized
conception of their economic responsibili-
ties, and he does this with great simplicity
and persuasiveness. If one bears in mind
the business audience which presumably
he is- trying to influence, it will be more
readily forgiven him that he is not vigor-
ous on some aspects of his theme. For
example, his comment on "the idea of rep-
resentation of parties of interest other than
stockholders" is this: "a scheme of repre-
sentation of these other interests would be
a travesty on democratic procedures." He
does, however, come out strongly for a
plan "of director-trustees" which would be
a far more representative body than is the
typical board of directors today.
But the fact remains that if Mr. Ruml's
general outlook were shared by the great
majority of business executives, prospects
for our economic future would be vastly
more encouraging.
Professor Gordon is examining more in-
tensively the effectiveness of the executive
leader in large corporations. It is therefore
interesting to see that in his final chapter,
"Professionalization of Leadership," he
comes to conclusions broadly in harmony
with those of Mr. Ruml on this score.
And underlying the thinking throughout
the entire volume, we find an assumption
similar to Mr. Ruml's that "executives
and directors have obligations extending
far beyond those they bear to the stock-
holder group. These broader responsibilities
are being increasingly recognized by ex-
ecutives themselves."
It is appropriate to point out that these
three thoughtful volumes go beyond the
stereotypes of "freedom of enterprise" and
"individual initiative." They present the
problems of economic government in a con-
temporary setting. And it requires little
prophetic vision to conclude that both the
points of view and the broad outlines of
the methods which these books discuss will
be the areas of active reconsideration and
change in both public and corporation
policy in the next twenty years.
ORDWAY TEAD
Lecturer, Columbia University
THE DOCTOR'S JOB, by Carl Binger, M.D.
Norton. $3.
THE AUTHOR PUTS INTO PAGES OF THIS BOOK
the wisdom, scholarship, and humanity of
the finest tradition of medicine. Since the
days when the physician carried a snuff box
and a gold-headed cane, the doctor's job
has become more scientific but no less
human.
Dr. Binger tells of the changes in the
sciences and arts of medicine. He discusses
some of the diseases that worry people. He
will help every chronic worrier who has
the courage and persistence to follow his
sometimes painful advice. He deals frankly
with the limitations as well as the powers
of present medicine. His chapter on "Re-
cent Achievements and Tasks Ahead" will
be particularly informing to many readers.
So much practical usefulness as well as
interesting information has been packed
into this small volume that one wishes it
would be read by millions instead of thou-
sands. Its style and its terminology unfor-
tunately preclude this. Here is wisdom, but
here also is required intellectual discipline,
appropriate to college graduates who have
read something besides "Gone With the
Wind" and popular magazines during the
last ten years.
Social workers, administrators who are
interested in human beings as well as ma-
chinery, hospital managers and trustees, will
find this book useful vocationally — helping
them to deal with people in general and
doctors in particular. Parts of the book
seem especially aimed to inform and "edu-
cate" doctors. This is particularly true of
the chapter on "Socialized Medicine" which
ought to be required reading for every
successful city specialist. MICHAEL M. DAVIS
MORE SECURE SECURITY
(Continued from page 279)
Wagner and Murray are also authors of the
"full employment bill." [See "From Patch-
work to Purpose," by Leon Keyserling,
Survey Graphic, March 1945.]
In Senator Wagner's statement to the
Senate they make clear that additional costs
above 8 percent should be met from a direct
contribution by the federal treasury. Essen-
tially this means that instead of attempting,
as in the past, to finance the social insur-
ances wholly from contributions by em-
ployers and employes the financing will be
tripartite, and the government the third
contributor. "A government contribution,"
Senator Wagner declares, "is desirable be-
cause social insurance has a social purpose.
It protects society as a whole as well as the
individual and his family." Beveridge would
add: "And the government can keep costs
down if it will by maintaining a high level
of employment."
The Opposition
The 1943 and 1944 editions of the
Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill attracted vigor-
ous, extensively organized, and bitter op-
position. The 1945 edition will be greeted
with no less hostility.
The two strongest opposing camps will
be first, the medical fraternity; and second,
the state governments. The former will
strive to prevent the enactment of health
and hospitalization insurance. The states
will be led by their unemployment compen-
sation administrators who can be relied
upon to resist to the limit the federalization
of the public employment offices and the
unemployment compensation system.
Employer groups generally will oppose
the additional taxes levied, the centralization
of administrative authority in the federal
government, and the possible loss of em-
ployer merit rating. There may be other
opposition.
Indeed, the Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill,
in its successive editions, has done more to
mobilize opposition to the extension of
social security than any opponent social
security has encountered. It has forced the
foes of social security to organize and to
band together in a solid phalanx which, at
the moment, is almost impregnable. It is
to be hoped that it has also made the pro-
ponents of broader social security aware of
the fight ahead of them.
In the Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill of
1945, the architects of social security for
this country have presented the third draft
of plans for the edifice they would build.
This draft contains revisions resulting from
criticisms of earlier drafts. It contains as
well new features, particularly in the field
= Emotional =
j=Problems =
Eof Living EL
— • Avoiding the <^~
™~ Neurotic Pattern ™""
. SPUHGEON ENGLISH. M.D.
and G. H. J. PEARSON, MJ>.
A lucid description of
the different frictions
generated within the in-
dividual or through his
contacts with his environ-
ment. Designed to give a
point of view and a thera-
peutic approach that will
reduce to a minimum
those conflicts that tend
toward the neurotic pat-
ern. $5.00
A Selection of Basic Books
W. W. NORTON & CO.
70 Fifth Ave., N. Y. 1 1
"You Must Have Spent
Years on Shorthand"
"No! I Learned in 6 WEEKS!"
SPEED WRITING, the modern shorthand, can be com-
pletely mastered In one-fourth the time required by symbol
systems and is far easier and more accurate to write and
transcribe. Tens of thousands of shorthand writers have
been freed from the drudeery of old-fashioned methods of
turning and writing shorthand by the marvelous SPEKD-
WH1TING System. It has no difficult signs or symbols, but
is built on the familiar letters of the alphabet — the A B
C's you already know!
Qualify
Writer
as a Fast, Accurate Shorthand
in 72 Hours of Home Study
Speedwriiing'
FREE
TRADE MARK REG. U.S. PAT. OFF.
With no Interference with your present work, with no
sacrifice of your present hours of recreation, you can mas-
ter this easy, natural, modern shorthand in 6 weeks of
home study — and be ready for a good position I Speedwrit-
ing is nationally recognized, used for over 20 years in
business and Civil Service. The cost is amazingly low 1
Send for our interesting new illustrated book-
let, which gives you full information about
Speodwriting; also fascinating trial lesson.
No obligation ; mail coupon today!
'"School of Speedwriting, Inc."'
55 W. 42nd St., Dept. 3506,
New York 18, N. Y.
You may send me the free trial lesson and book
describing the home study course in Speedwriting
without obligation on my part.
Name
Address
City State . .
Copyright. 1945. School of Speedwriting. Inc.. N.Y.C.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC J
299
' ... it is a life-size
portrait of a courage-
ous, compassionate,
gay and cerebral man."
—EDNA FERBER
The
Best
is Yet...
By MORRIS L. ERNST
The rich and delightful auto-
biography of a happy man— •
lawyer, expert sailor, amatew
scientist — written as inform*
ally as he talks.
"He has acquired a large
assortment of enthusiasm*
and some equally violent dis-
likes. . . . These and many
other hobbies and hatreds he
airs with zest in his highly
personal, partisan, sparkling
volume He has obviously
had a lot of fun writing it
His readers — except his vic-
tims— are likely to share his
amusement." — Frank S.
Adams, N. Y. Times Book
Review.
"I like this book better than
any he has written before,
partly because it is more
inconsecutively, flamboyantfyg
effervescently and earnestly
Morris Ernst." — Lewis Gan-
nett, N. Y. Herald Tribune
At all bookstores • #3.00
HARPER & BROTHERS
49 East 33rd Street New York 16
of health protection. Unfortunately a few
mistakes in earlier drafts have not been
corrected; for example, the provision of
needlessly high maximum benefits ($120 a
month) under retirement and extended dis-
ability insurance.
In the face of bitter criticism of earlier
drafts, the authors have given not an inch
of ground to the critics of health insurance
and federal administration of unemploy-
ment compensation and the public employ-
ment offices. They have fashioned all these
features into a streamlined, skyscraper type
of structure — a national social insurance ad-
ministration. And while this edifice may
never be built in its entirety as its architects
conceive it, many of its features are certain
to be accepted.
Looking back over the ten-year evolution
of social security legislation in this country,
no one can deny that vast progress has
been made in a single decade. In 1935 the
enactment of the Social Security Act con-
stituted a beginning. Within four years we
learned that the private insurance pattern
which social insurance had followed was an
unrealistic and ineffective way of meeting
a social problem. Hence, in 1939 the Social
Security Act was amended and made a
better social tool for providing subsistence
incomes for men and women casualties of
an industrial civilization.
For six years since then, the war has pre-
vented the consideration of proposals for its
extension and expansion. Now the time is
approaching when consideration of the
limitations of the present scheme cannot
longer be postponed.
When the existing system is held up to
the light of objective scrutiny and its im-
provement considered, the Wagner-Murray-
Dingell bill offers an architect's drawings
of a remodeled structure. Pessimistically, I
doubt whether we shall be willing to take
any effective steps toward those goals until
the unemployment figures mount steeply
again. In the meantime, the discussion and
study of plans which must precede any real
advance in a democracy are stimulated by
the Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill of 1945.
NEW LIFE SAVERS
(Continued from page 294)
Thus, more of the antigenic or immunity
evoking powers of the vaccines are retained.
Recent years have witnessed a great
revival of interest in vaccines and an intensi-
fication of work along this line. The results
have been very fruitful. Vaccination was
the initial triumph of the modern medical
care era, the first great achievement of
Pasteurian medicine. For a time it was be-
lieved that all infectious diseases could be
conquered by means of vaccines. Experience
soon dissipated this hope. With the discov-
ery of diphtheria antitoxin, interest shifted
to immune serums. Then when Ehrlich an-
nounced the discovery of salvarsan, chemo-
therapy preempted the center of attention.
Now we recognize that each of these
instrumentalities has its particular applica-
tion, and that some of them can be used
jointly. The outstanding recent advances in
the field of "vaccination" are the produc-
tion of an effective vaccine against whoop-
ing cough, and the discovery that it is pos-
sible to administer tetanus toxoid and
diphtheria toxoid in one inoculation.
Psychiatry and the War
Psychiatry received a great impetus from
World War I. This was the first great con-
flict in which the psychiatric factors of
military life, in camp and in combat, re-
ceived earnest study by a group of experts.
There developed that special body of knowl-
edge, military psychiatry, which has been
so largely amplified, elaborated, and applied
during the present war.
The psychiatric services rendered to the
military personnel, from the time the in-
dividual appears before his draft board to
the time he is discharged, are numerous and
varied. They have been listed and described
by Col. William Menninger, by many of his
associates, and by psychiatric co-workers in
die various branches of the armed forces.
The newspapers and other publications have
carried much information on these matters.
Nevertheless, it is difficult to foresee how
much of the "war psychiatry" will carry
over into peacetime, and to assess the gains
that psychiatry itself has made through the
war experience.
The difficulty lies in this: military psychi-
atry, or psychiatry applied to military per-
sonnel, operates in a setting and in an at-
mosphere radically different from those of
peacetime. It is not easy to appreciate this,
for during wartime all of us — civilians as
well as those in uniform — live in altered
settings, and in a changed atmosphere. As a
result we all, individually and collectively,
behave and react differently. What is useful
and valid in wartime may not be so effective
when the spirit and reality of peace return.
The psychiatric techniques that help the
man in uniform may not succeed at all with
the man in mufti.
Some gains, however, seem to be of a
permanent nature. There is, for example,
the "discovery" of the importance of morale
to the effective operations of the individual
and of the group, and the appreciation of
some of the factors that favor, and those
that are inimical to, good morale. This dis-
covery may carry over to peacetime and find
application particularly in industrial life.
The war experience has conditioned the
average person to a more easy acceptance
of both the term and the concept of psycho-
neurosis. Today, he can now better appre-
ciate the fact that the psychoneurotic indi-
vidual is a sick person even without any
demonstrable organic sickness of body or
brain.
Psychiatry itself has experienced a loosen-
ing up of rigidities. The psychiatric schools
that were so far apart have been brought
closer together in the war experience.
Warmth, rest, sleep, quiet, food are found
to be specifically useful in psychotherapy.
Narcosynthesis, a form of psychiatric treat-
ment applied while the patient is in a semi-
hypnotic state induced by drugs, has been
extensively utilized in military psychother-
apy. It is something of a new procedure,
and is found to confirm a number of basic
hypotheses in psychoanalysis.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
300
Further, psychiatry is discovering some-
thing about the limits of man's endurance,
and about the potential breaking point in
each man. We are discovering the wide
prevalence of psychoneurosis, most of which
was not created, but only brought to light,
by the war. And we are beginning, too, to
appreciate how ill-equipped we are to deal
with this morbidity.
The interplay between the psyche and
the soma, between the emotions and the
body's organs, is finding confirmation in
the war experience. All these "discoveries"
are bound to have multiform and enduring
effects on tomorrow's life. [See "Screening
and Remaking of Men," by Flanders Dun-
bar, M.D., in Survey Graphic, October
1944.]
The advances of medicine in recent years
are of great magnitude and promise far-
reaching consequences. If one may set them
in a scale of magnitude, the recently gained
knowledge of nutrition is perhaps the most
important and the one that is bound to have
the most salutary effect upon all human
beings throughout life. [See "Public Health
in the Postwar World," by C.-E. A. Wins-
low, Survey Graphic, April 1945.]
The modern science of psychiatry as it
permeates the home, education, industry,
and the social organism, must be ranked
a close second. The immunizing processes,
which in effect condition man to live safely
in a world inhabited also by disease produc-
ing micro-organisms, follow in the scale.
The antibiotics, sulfonamides, and other
therapeutic specifics, for all their dramatic
effects, must be ranked below these.
DDT stands by itself — we are scarcely at
the threshold of its possibilities. It may
have far-reaching social and economic ef-
fects. It may open vast areas to human
habitation which are at present the closed
preserves of pestilential insects and disease.
A NEIGHBOR IN MEXICO
(Continued from page 291)
the ultra-conservatives in every society, were
the first converts to this new domestic archi-
tecture, and the younger women of the
village announced they would marry only
young men who would build such sunny
houses and sanitary latrines for them.
Hatch is as patient as the hills around
him, but even he must restrain himself
forcibly from helping the Indians before
they ask for it. "Success consists of holding
back, and supplying only so much as the
Indian is ready to absorb — no more," he
says. "To keep them asking, and then to
make it possible for them to pay for what
they want, is the way to successful coopera-
tion. The Latin American Indian is proud.
He doesn't want something for nothing.
The biggest mistake that well-meaning in-
dividuals or organizations can make is to
pauperize the Indians by forcing charity on
them."
Hatch doesn't make that mistake. He
gives nothing away. When an Indian comes
for some seed of that wonderful corn, or
for some eggs from those marvelous chick-
essary and lets the Indian pay back with
seed from his first crop or a chicken from
his first flock. This is self-help, with inti-
mate, expert counsel; it's the slow, hard
way — but, Hatch will tell you, "the only
sure way to do the job."
Self-help could be the trademark of D.
Spencer Hatch. He was born on a farm
near Greenwich, New York. When he was
fifteen he contracted rheumatic fever and
was taken to a specialist in Boston. The
specialist could not cure him, and the boy
was taken home in a box built around his
cot, unable to move even a finger. But he
doggedly taught himself to walk again by
practicing in the snow drifts back of the
barn, where he could fall without harm.
He worked his way through Cornell Uni-
versity's College of Agriculture.
The Indestructible Hatch
During the first World War he did
YMCA work among the British in India
and Mesopotamia. There he contracted
muscular rheumatism and was shipped
home, unable to move without intense pain.
Another year of self-help — constant, tortur-
ing exercise — cured that; then he went to
India.
His wife joined him there in 1921, and
they have worked together as a team ever
since — Hatch in the fields teaching farming
skills to the men, his wife in the homes
teaching spinning, weaving, and other do-
mestic arts to their families. When they
came back to America on furloughs they
went to college again, learning new tech-
niques to improve their work.
In India they survived famines, floods,
and plagues, including one visitation of
cholera, when 19,000 people died in the
district where they worked. But Hatch is
seemingly indestructible. His car once rolled
over a precipice and Hatch was found un-
der it, broken up and half dead. For the
third time doctors told him he could never
walk again — but once again self-help won
out.
In Mexico the yield of the Hatch Center
— scrapes, honey, eggs, vegetables, fruits —
are offered first at cost to the local people.
Only the surplus is marketed in the city.
"Our object," says Hatch, "is to experiment
with many things and methods, to demon-
strate results and train others. We try to be
ens, Hatch opens a credit account if nec-
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
301
as nearly self-supporting as possible through
sale of our products, but no purely educa-
tional and experimental institution can be
fully self-supporting without sacrificing its
aim — which is education and not business."
At the Center one impressed student for
a day last summer was Walt Disney, scout-
ing ideas in Latin America for educational
movies. The Rt. Rev. L. G. Ligutti, secre-
tary of the National Catholic Rural Life
Conference, came twice — the second time
with the President of the Conference and
Bishop Schlarman of Peoria, who said:
"This is a must for all priests who go out
to do rural work in this part of the world."
Monsignor Ligutti, in his official publica-
tion, Land and Home, wrote: "If you're a
Protestant, you'll feel proud of Dr. Hatch.
If you're a Catholic, you'll feel envious. All
of us can admire him."
Training Rural Leaders
Although the Hatch Center profoundly
influences the Mexican countryside, it costs
only about $3,000 a year to run, exclusive
of the founder's modest YMCA salary.
Hatch points out that his system, adapted
to local conditions, could function at mod-
est cost in any country through a network
of experimental demonstration training cen-
ters, each serving a 100-mile radius.
The principal difficulty in large scale
programs of rural reconstruction is to find
competent men. The surest, cheapest, and
best place to train them is in the rural com-
munities themselves. Hatch trained more
than 1,000 rural reconstruction leaders in
his demonstration center in India. These
leaders went out to form village associations
not only in India but in China and Korea.
In Mexico, he hopes to duplicate this pro-
gram. Potential leaders are coming to him
from all over the Americas, learning his
methods and going back to start similar
projects in their own countries.
"The farmers in depressed areas in Mex-
ico, as in other countries," says Hatch,
"learn best by doing. They may or may not
be impressed by what they see done on
government show-farms, but they are pro-
foundly impressed by what they achieve
themselves."
Our U. S. delegation to the recent Inter-
American Conference in Mexico City pro-
(Continued on page 304)
WORKERS WANTED
OPPORTUNITIES AVAILABLE
WANTED— (a) Health educator or social worker
to direct department of health, industrial company
having two plants; approximately 1700 employees;
would serve as liaison officer between officials of
company and employees; interesting postwar
plans; Chicago, (b) Admitting social worker;
experience in social service, either as case worker
°r- Say5Fa* worker, required; 300-bed hospital
with 125 general ward beds; East, (c) Medical
social worker for positions in department of
rehabilitation of tuberculosis sanatoria and state
department of health; $2100-$2580; East. SGS-1.
Ibe Medical Bureau (liurneice Larson, Director),
Palmolive Building, Chicago, Illinois.
T JEWISH WOMEN'S ORGANIZA-
TION requires workers for overseas service
Must be graduate of professional school with
Jerience in child care, institutional or foster
Surve 25~45' MUSt be physicall>' fit- 8163
SENIOR SOCIAL WORKER with two years
graduate work and field experience, needed in
well established non-denominational children's in-
stitution in Connecticut. Good salary, attractive
placement for alert, capable person of supervisory
qualifications. 8161 Survey.
CASE . WORKER for adoption agency of high
standard. Requirements : Graduate degree in case
work; experience or training in children's agency
preferred. Salary range: $2,100 to $2,700. Re-
ply to: Mrs. Elizabeth Harral Carlton, Adoption
Service Bureau, 1001 Huron Road, Cleveland IS
Ohio.
» DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC
WELFARE needs trained social workers in Pub-
lic Assistance and Child Welfare. Entrance sal-
aries $145 to $205. Applications accepted con-
tinuously. Write Merit System Council, Box
939, Santa Fe, New Mexico.
HOMEFINDER for well-established, private chil-
rens agency. Good salary and excellent working
conditions Write Byron T. Hacker, Children's
Center, 1400 Whitney Avenue, New Haven, Con-
necticut. __
RECREATIONAL DIRECTOR for handicapped
persons including blind. Attractive salary _
permanent— give experience, references. Goodwill
Industries, Dayton. Ohio. _
CASE WORKERS who meet requirements of
A?42,?n Association of Social Workers; CASE
AIDES who have B.A. Degree; full-time day or
night employment. American Red Cross. 529
South Wabash Avenue, Chicago 5, Illinois.
VV abash 7850. __
WANTED: EXPERIENCED GROUP WORK-
JiRS. Men and women. B'nai B'rith Youth
Organization expanding its field offices through-
out the U. S. and Canada. Positions open for
Directors and Assistant Directors. Social group
work training and experience required. Salary
commensurate with experience and job responsi-
bility. Apply BBYO Headquarters, 1746 M
Street. N.W.. Washington. P. C.
u JEWIS.H WOMEN'S ORGANIZA-
with educational and service program has
opening for professional staff member with com-
munity organization background to service local
groups throughout the country. Some travelling
involved. 8162 Survey. _
SOCIAL WORKERS, MALE preferred, New York
City Office, New York State Training School
for Boys. Salary $1800-$2300 plus 17)4% war
emergency compensation. Duties: General case-
work services for adolescent boys. State case
k experience and education. 8164 Survey.
SOCIAL WORKER, AASW, eligible for Jewish
Family Agency. Complete responsibility for case
work, administration, and some community par-
ticipation. Write Phoenix Jewish Community
Council. 128 N. 1st Avenue. Phoenix, Arizona.
PUBLIC WELFARE DEPARTMENT one hour
from New York City. Small agency needs Case
supervisor. Integrated case loads ; participation
in community planning; prefer experience in chil-
dren s work, especially adolescent boys. Salary
and working conditions good. Write Commis-
sioner of Welfare, Greenwich, Conn.
WANTED: Two trained and experienced case work-
ers to work in a private child placing agency.
Good salary. Write Children's Bureau, 225 N
Jefferson Street, Dayton, Ohio.
EXECUTIVE SECRETARY, family agency in
Bangor, Maine, member F.W.A.A. Duties: ad-
ministration of agency and Social Service Index,
carry case load, supervise trained caseworker.
Require training, experience. 8160 Survey.
WANTED: Executive Director for Jewish Child-
care organization. offering _a regional program to
WORKERS WANTED
THE CONSULTATION BUREAU OF DE-
TROIT, a Family Case Work agency, is adding,
at the request of the community, a number of
new services such as Child- Parent Home Place-
ment, Outposts, Case Work-Group Work Project.
The Agency offers opportunity for a variety of
positions adapted to worker's special interests.
Excellent employment practices. Salary Range :
Case Worker — $2200 to $3400; Supervisor — $2800
to $3600. The Consultation Bureau, 51 West
^Warren, Detroit 1, Michigan.
HEADWORKER, Neighborhood House in Newark.
Experience group work, community organization,
administration. Apply 8165 Survey.
WANTED: Science Instructor, Assistant Nursing
Arts Instructor, Medical and Surgical Clinical
Instructor, Supervisor Obstetric and Pediatric
Departments, and Assistant Operating Room Su-
pervisor. School of 100 student cadets. Affili-
ated with Millikin University. Apply, Director
School of Nursing, Decatur and Macon County
Hospital, Decatur, Illinois.
WANTED: An Executive to fill Resident position
of superintendent of institution housing approxi
mately 100 children and 20 old ladies. For fur-
ther details, write to Mrs. S. H. von Storch,
Friendship House, 2010 Adams Avenue, Scranton,
Pa.
JEWISH FAMILY AGENCY in Western city is
looking for a senior visitor, a graduate of an
accredited graduate school, with psychiatric and
child welfare experience. Good salary. 8170
Survey.
WANTED— CASE WORKER with psychiatric
training for a Chicago agency providing special-
ized case work service to adolescents. Beginning
salary $175.00 to $200.00 per month. 8171 Survey.
WANTED: Case Worker for state-wide child plac-
ing agency. Must have car. Salary $1800 to
$2400 depending on training and experience. Time
allowed for graduate course. N. J. Children's
Home Society, 471 Parkway Avenue, Trenton 8,
New Jersey.
EXECUTIVE HOUSEMOTHER for a Children's
Home ; social work experience necessary ; ability
to supervise staff; permanent position for the right
person. Bangor Children's Home, Bangor, Me.
PAROLE OFFICER— Male, New York State resi-
dents. Vacancies principally in New York* City.
Beginning salary $2400 plus 15% war emergency
compensation. Give age, education, experience.
David Dressier, Executive Director, Box 1679.
Albany, New York.
WANTED: A couple for resident position — Boys
Dormitory. Must be able to supervise school
work, recreational activities, direct the conduct
of the boys. There are housekeeping duties en-
tailed. For full details write to Superintendent,
Friendship House, 2000 Adams Avenue, Scran-
ton 9, Pa.
POSITIONS OPEN
IN ALASKA
Ap-
vork :
CHILD WELFARE SERVICES
WORKERS
Salary Range : $235.00-$265.00 per month,
pointments at the minimum. Area of
Alaska Department of Public Welfare. Minimum
Qualifications : College 4 years Graduate Study,
1 year at recognized school of social work. Must
include courses in Child Welfare and Supervised
Field Work in Child Welfare and Family Wei-
fare. Experience : 2 years in past 5 years of
social work, one of which must be in child
welfare. Apply : Alaska Merit System, Box 201,
Juneau, Alaska, via Air Mail, supplying minimum
qualifications.
OPPORTUNITIES AVAILABLE
WANTED — (a) Psychiatric social worker experi-
enced in psychiatry or child guidance work ; new
clinic operated by university ; duties include serv-
ing as admission officer; beach resort city of the
West; $2100-$2400. (b) Director of social serv-
ice department and, also, an admitting social
worker; 300-bed hospital having 125 general ward
beds ; duties of latter consist primarily of de-
termining financial eligibility for ward care ; resi-
dential town located vicinity New York City.
SG6-1 The Medical Bureau (Burneice Larson.
Director), Palmolive Building, Chicago, Illinois.
WE OFFER EMPLOYERS AND CANDIDATES
in all fields of social work everywhere an en-
tirely new, unique medium for finding just the
right person or position. Because screening tech-
niques have been streamlined, commissions and
registration fees eliminated, and placement fees
reduced to a flat $25.00, the widest selection
current conditions permit is attracted. Why leave
any stones unturned? Perhaps the very person
you would most like to get in touch with is also
reading this ad. Write for details. Central
Registry Service, 109 South Stanwood, Columbus
9, Ohio.
children in the Southern Seaboard States. Give
details of professional training and experience,
enclose recent photograph. State salary require-
ments. 8169 Surrey.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC.)
302
WORKERS WANTED
TRAINED AND EXPERIENCED SOCIAL
WORKER for State Wide Children's Organiza-
tion, East. Salary $2000 with maintenance. 8172
Survey.
WOMAN of some experience to work with young
adults in educational and recreational activities.
Interesting community. Good salary. Address :
Y. W. C. A., 282 Morris Avenue, Summit, New
Jersey.
WANTED: Two fully trained case workers for
Episcopal agency serving adolescent girls; metro-
politan area; consultant psychiatrist; progressive
Board. State qualifications, salary desired. 8173
Survey.
WANTED: Business Executive with training and
background in orthopedic and case work as di-
rector of the New Hampshire Crippled Chil-
dren's Society. This position requires an able
organizer and a man in good physical condition
for strenuous work to carry out a broad pro-
gram. H. A. Gregg, Treasurer, Nashua, New
Hampshire.
CASEWORKERS— MEN AND WOMEN. Family
Agency under Protestant auspices. Middle West.
Small specialized case load. Salary range $1700
to $2400. State qualifications. 8174 Survey.
SITUATIONS WANTED
EXECUTIVE, fifteen years with National Group
Work and community organization; personnel
management, interpretation, promotion specialties,
University graduate. 8175 Survey.
HOUSEMASTER, recreational teacher for chil-
dren's home, private school, boys' club, insti-
tution. Protestant, mature, available September
15th. 8123 Survey.
SOCIAL WORKER, young man, ten years' experi-
ence welfare work, well equipped education and
experience handling people ; public speaker. Now
employed large national organization, wishes new
opportunity, New York or vicinity preferred.
8097 Survey. __
POSITION with progressive social or labor organi-
zation desired. Knowledge of organizational
make-up ; office management and detail ; public
relations and fund-raising; research, educational
programs, literature. New York City preferred.
8141 Survey.
EXECUTIVE, MALE; considering change. Insti-
tution or Children's Agency. Sound academic
background in psychiatric and family social work.
10 years with private children's agency of excep-
tional, modern standards. 10 years Public Ad-
ministration of extensive children's program. In-
stitutional and recreational experience. Religion —
Catholic. $4600 te $5000 or family maintenance
equivalent. 8159 Survey.
MAN (30), Master's Degree
sires executive position in
8166 Survey.
in Social Work. de-
Group Work field.
WOMAN, 35, Master's Degree in Social Work, ten
years' experience in administration, community
organization, teaching and supervision for a large
national group work agency ; desires teaching or
supervisory position in New York City. Minimum
salary $3500. 8167 Survey.
QUALIFIED MEDICAL SOCIAL WORKER,
experienced, wishes position in or near Bos_ton,
six hour day until September 1st, then full time.
8168 Survey.
YOUNG MAN, experienced in organizati9nal and
personnel analysis, research and administration,
Master's degree, seeks promising opportunity m
a council, federation, public or private agency in
a technical, planning or administrative position.
8158 Survey.
"POWHATAN" INDIAN PIPE
SEND a dollar bill for genuine "Powhatan" hand-
made Indian clay smoking pipe, replica famous
original Virginia antique, two long stems, his-
toric booklet, directions, enjoyment, and care.
Rustic container, postage prepaid. PAMPLIN
PIPE CO., Richmond, Virginia.
COFFEE
"IT IS RICH, full-bodied, flavorsome and_ strong
— a combination I had looked for in vain." writes
an Ohio customer. Send $1.00 for trial 2 pounds
of this superb coffee. Specify grind. Richard H.
Toeplit/, Suite 205, 342 Madison Avenue, New
York 17. ,
EMPLOYMENT AGENCY
GERTRUDE R. STEIN, INC
AGENCY, 64 West 48th Street, New
York. Wise. 7-4961. A professional
bureau specializing in fund-raising, group
work, institutional, casework and med-
ical social work positions.
RESORTS
: WOODLAND COTTAGES: High in the moun-
i tains of Western Carolina. Quiet, clean and com-
I fortable. Equipped for Housekeeping. For infor-
mation address : Miss Martha Armstrong, Wood-
land Cottages, Spruce Pine, North Carolina.
I A WYOMING VACATION? Yes, it is possible.
Paton's Ranch has mountains looming above it,
i a trout stream at the door. May they tell you
J more? Write: Paton Ranch, Shell, Wyoming.
REAL ESTATE
L QUAINT COTTAGE of six rooms, furnished, one
large bedroom and two small; bathroom and two
! fireplaces ; wood fuel and electricity supplied. At-
tractive outlook and fine old maples. Rent for
| season $300. Four hours by train from New
York City. Frederick K. Hillman, South Ashfield,
Mass.
SECLUDED MOMENTS— Just the place for un-
forgettable quiet hours. About 90 acres, mostly
woods, thousands of evergreens, running springs,
! tar road, 4-room shack, stone fireplace, view.
$4800. Part cash. Charles G. Ort, Hacketts-
town, N. J.
SUMMER COURSES
An exceptional vacation in a beautiful fettinif at
LAKE GEORGE WORKSHOP. Ideal sum-
mer camp life, drama, music, arts and crafts,
combined with seminars on democracy and civil
liberties, education for the task ahead, under
distinguished educators. Youth and adult ses-
sions, co-educational and international. Write
now for information and reservations. Room
912, 8 West 40th Street, New York City.
LAckawanna 4-2554.
PLAN TO VACATION in quaint Boothbay Har-
bor, Maine, and paint. Anson K. Cross Art
School. Vision-training method. "Eight to
eighty." Charcoal, Oil, Water-color. Landscape,
Portrait. College-credit certificate. Circular on
request. G. R. Brigham, Ph.D., Director. Also
Home Study Extension Courses.
BOOKHANDLING SEMINARS.
Expert training in Bookshop Technique, Bibli-
ography, Assembling and Curatorship of Special
Libraries, Rare Book Collecting. Katharine Lord,
Nantucket Island, Massachusetts.
THE BOOKSHELF
CAMP
CHILDREN'S CAMP with mountain and pond
offers boys and girls 6 to 12 years healthful life
July and August, $25 weekly, $200 for season.
Training includes arts, crafts, music, swimming,
sports, dramatics, nature study, under manage-
ment of reliable college-trained teachers. Also
opportunity for extra counsellors at $10 weekly
plus board, lodging and time off. Send for folder
to APPLE HILL CAMP, East Pepperell, Mass.
FARMS AND ACREAGE
DUE TO EXTREME AGE of few remaining mem-
bers the famous Mt. Lebanon Shaker community
Property, near I'ittsfield, is now offered for sale.
50 acres; 3 acre lake; ski run; woods; unsur-
passed Berkshire view; dormitories; 3 smaller
houses ; barn. Ideal for summer theatre ; school ;
convalescent home; boarding. Asking only $15,000.
Berkshire Farm Agency, Chatham, New York.
USED BOOKS
50% Off Regular Price
for books displayed by our field workers.
In good condition, but without that new
look!
For complete new list icrile
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.
Book Order Department
112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
RATES
Classified Advertising
Discounts . . . 15% on six insertion
Display 35c per line
Non-Display 8c per word
Minimum Charge . . . SI. SO per insertion
1O% on twelve insertion
CASH WITH ORDER
SURVEY GRAPHIC
112 E. 19th Street New York 3, N. Y.
WHAT BOOKS DO YOU WANTT
vv» juote lowest market prtoer No ebun for
iM Hird-to-Flnd «nd Out-of-Prlnt Booki.
boob. OLD or NEW. milled POST-FREE.
SEARCHLIGHT BOOK COLLECTIONS
22 Eut 17th St.. N.w Y*rk City
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF NURSING
shows the part which professional nurses take in
the betterment of the world. Put it in your
library. $3.00 a year. 1790 Broadway at 58 St.,
New York 19, N. Y.
Write for our FREE bargain catalogues of books
at 30%-70% reductions. Any book mailed post-
paid in USA. THE NATIONAL BOOKSELL-
ERS, 1182 Broadway, New York City 1.
BACKGROUND FOR BROTHERHOOD
By Kendall Weislger
"It brings together some very valuable material . . .
will prove useful in promoting better relations between
white and colored people in this country." Shelby M.
Harrison. Russell Sage Foundation.
50 Copies $10. 12 Copies $3. Singly 30c
ASSOCIATION PRESS
347 Madison Avenue New York 17. N. Y.
ANSWERS to
DIVORCE, SEPARATION &
ANNULMENT
Legal Questions
(Written by a Lawyer and Indexed for
enrh reference)
Postpaid Sl.OO
SAUL STEINLAUF, S6S Fifth Ave., New York 17
FARMS
"A Blueprint
for the
CITY Man"
This book tells the facts the city man wants:
Is his vision of a country home possible?
What are the chances of success V
What is farm life like?
Why do things grow? What do farmers do to help them
Krowy Can he do likewise?
How much food can he raise?
How can he earn money in the country?
It answers these questions and others: Is this the time to
buy — are farm prices likely to drop? How can he choose
a farm? What must he look for? What must he avoid?
Where should he locate? How much should he pay?
What about abandoned farms, fixing up old and inex-
pensive houses?
Then, too, how can he work to increase the value of hts
property? Finally, being a city man. he knows little
about fanning technique. How can he learn how to run
his farm?
Explicit answers are given, and there are hundreds of other
facts. Send $1 (cash or check) to Harian Publications,
Dect. SA. 270 Lafayette St.. New York 12. N. Y.
"THE JEWISH WORLD
PROBLEM SOLVED!"
By Joseph Erdaily. Twain-Harte, Calif,
and bookstores, 50c
"A DARING PIECE AND A
PROVOCATIVE ONE!"
Reader's Digest Editors.
"NECKTIE and TEXTILE PAINTING" Illus-
trated, $1.50. Profitable Therapeutic Hobby.
ALBY STUDIO, 1374 E. 8th Street, Brooklyn
30, N. Y.
FOREIGN BOOKS
SCHOENHOF'S FOREIGN BOOKS. INC.
1280 Massachusetts Avenue, Dept SV
Cambridge 38, Mass.
BOOKPLATES
FREE CATALOG, showing several hundred beau-
ANTIOCH BOOKPLATES, Box 218, Yellow Springs, Ohio
PRINTING
COMING
In Early Issues of the
CONTEMPORARY JEWISH
RECORD
THE STATELESS PEOPLE
Hannah Arendt
THOMAS MANN'S |OSEPH:
A HUMANIST MYTH Harold Rosenberg
HENRY ADAMS' NORMAN ANCESTORS
Edward N. Saverh
THE JUDAISM OF HAYYIM ZHITLOVSKY
Israel Knox
PALESTINE: AN ECONOMIC APPRAISAL
Ben B. Seligman
BIROB1DJAN Z. H. Wachsman
Book Reviews and Articles by Sidney
Hook, Solomon F. Bloom, George Orwell,
Hermann Broch. Erich Kahler, Delmore
Schwartz, Benjamin Stolberg, Kurt List,
Paolo Milano, David T. Bazelon, Isaac
Rosenfeld, Nathan Glazer, Harold Orion-
sky, Bertram C. Wolfe and others.
Subscription $2 a year
Send remittance to
CONTEMPORARY JEWISH RECORD
(published by The American Jewish Committee)
386 Fourth Avenue New York 16, N. Y.
PROFESSIONAL SERVICES
(In
LET US PRINT YOUR PAMPHLETS. Send
for free circular giving terms. Haldeman-Julius
Company, Box P-1003, Girard. Kansas.
answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC^
303
SPECIAL ARTICLES, THESES, SPEECHES.
PAPERS. Research, revision, bibliographies, etc.
Over twenty years' experience serving busy pro-
fessional persons. Prompt service extended.
AUTHORS RESEARCH BUREAU, 516 Fifth
Avenue, New York, N. Y.
ORIGINAL SERMONS, SPEECHES, LEC-
TURES, Club Papers, professionally prepared.
Criticism, rewriting, plotting, ghostwriting of
book-length manuscripts, short-stories, feature
articles. Testimonials galore. Printed Lectures.
Sermons and Outlines also furnished. FREE
Circular. Dept. "S," Continental Writers' &
Speakers' Bureau, 210 Fifth Ave., New York,
N. Y. __
HELEN GUILES, Literary Agent. Short stories,
current articles, book manuscripts and poetry ex-
pertly criticised and marketed. 131 West 69th
Street, New York City.
MANUSCRIPT TYPING, also Stenotype Report-
ing, Mimeographing. Prompt, efficient service;
reasonable rates. ROLEN REPORTERS, 351
Pennsylvania Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y. Dickens
2-0296.
RESEARCH: Congressional Library, Government
Bureaus, etc. Questions, Literary or scientific
investigations, genealogy, business errands at-
tended by experts. Circular free. CREHORE,
Box 2329-G, Washington 13, D. C.
WRITING, REWRITING AND CRITICISM of
stories, novels, song poems, etc. William Strat-
ford Zilman, 4446 North Kildare Avenue, Chi-
cago 30, III.
RESEARCH ASSOCIATES, clearing house all
writing, literary and publishing skills. Select,
limited list. Membership by invitation after appli-
cation. Write, 203 North Wabash Avenue, Suite
904, Chicago, Illinois.
LANGUAGES
PHONOGRAPH COURSES. Mail Orders. All
Makes. Booklet G. LANGUAGE SERVICE.
Div. of Schoenhof's Foreign Books, Inc., Harvard
Square, Cambridge 38, Mass.
29 LANGUAGES BY LINGUAPHONE. Russian.
Spanish, Portuguese — Direct conversational
method for mastering any language quickly,
easily, correctly at home. Send for FREE book.
LINGUAPHONE INSTITUTE, 50 RCA Bldg.,
New York 20. CI 7-0830.
(Continued from page 101)
posed a cooperative program to raise: the
rural living standards of all Latin American
countries. Other programs are being pro-
jected. As I see it, perhaps before we are
launched on a global voyage of moon-struck
philanthropy, we should hug the ground for
a brief pause and take a look at Hatch and
his modest but amazingly successful plan.
Perhaps we could learn something that
would help us, if only thai we can plan big
if we start small and make haste slowly, in
teaching people how to help themselves.
A USA CLOSE-UP
(Continued from page 284)
the outside, and once they had a program
by a Metropolitan Opera singer. Most of
the residents of the Fort ate cultured, edu-
cated people. Artists like to entertain them,
for they respond with eagerness and under-
standing.
Another interesting set up is that of the
welfare committee, h is opeiated on a
voluntarily cooperative basis; that is, when
supplies of any kind arrive, they are
divided up and handed to block wardens.
If an individual or a group of individuals
receive special packages, the recipients take
only what they actually need and hand
over the rest to the welfare committee for
distribution.
Indicative of the attitude of these refu-
gees toward their "property" is the ar-
rangement they made when their foreign
currency finally was relurned to them —
they decided to turn it into U. S. War
Bonds.
The residents eat in five cooperative
kitchens: four general kitchens, and one
kosher kitchen All have good, wholesome,
American breakfasts, lunches, and dinners.
The best indication of the quality of the
food is that some of the girls are beginning
to worry about calories and pounds.
The Question of Their Tomorrows
As to their tomorrows, the people of
Fort Ontario can be divided into three
categories: Those who want to go back to
Europe; those who would like to stay in the
United States; and those who desire settle-
ment in other parts of the world — Mexico,
England, Australia, and so on — including a
small number who want to go to Palestine.
There are two groups who want to
return to Europe — those with personal, and
those with political reasons. Many of the
older people, most of them Austrians,
Czechs, and Yugoslavs, cannot think of
putting down new roots anywhere. They
hope that some day they will be able to
return to what is left of the life they know
and understand. There are many, too, who
want to go back because they hope that
"somewhere in Europe" their families may
be alive — wives, parents, brothers and sis-
ters, children. They will roam the ruins
of Europe from the coast of France to the
border of Russia, if necessary — to try to
find those they have lost. Thirteen Yugo-
slavs have already gone back, sailing May
31 on the Gripsftolm. The other group of
those who want to go back are concerned
with the future rather thaa the past. They
believe that a new world is being shaped
in Europe. They want to help bring it
about. They are socialists from Poland, and
Yugoslav partisans.
Those. who want to go to odier parts of
the world have a variety of reasons. Con-
sider, for example, the small group whose
choice is Palestine. Some of the older ones
amoung this number want to go to join
children or grandchildren there. Others,
after meeting the Palestinian Jewish soldiers
in Italy, decided that those were the kind of
people among whom they would like to live.
Still others have been convinced by the ex-
periences of the last ten years that they want
to live as Jews among Jews and spend the
rest of their lives helping to build a Jewish
country. The younger ones among them arc
studying Hebrew and learning about Pales-
tine. They are counting the days until they
can cross the ocean again and really "go
home."
Finally, there are those who would like
to stay in the States. Many of these have
relatives in the U. S. — husbands or wives,
brothers, sisters; some even have sons in
the U. S. Army. Some, like Dr. Landau,
long had planned to immigrate to this
land. Dr. Landau, an editor of the On-
tario Chronicle, who used to be a journal-
ist in Germany, Prague, and Paris, is now
in the "public relations" office of the camp.
In 1941, he had a visa for the States. But
it came through only a few days before
this country entered the war and he never
had a chance to use it. He fled first from
Paris to the south of France, then from
France to Italy. Then he went from con-
centration camp to concentration camp and
finally to prison until on June 4, 1943, the
Allies -broke down the doors of the Rome
jail in which he was held. Now he wants
only a chance at peace and happiness, to
be allowed to write, to make a living, and
to be left alone. His dream is what every
American takes for granted.
People like Dr. Landau are hoping with
a resigned sort of hope that something will
happen to make it possible for them to
remain here; that perhaps America, with
its tradition of freedom, will someday
grant them the right to freedom, also.
These are their hopes; but they are only
hopes.
The Lesson of Fort Ontario
Despite all the comfort and opportunities
which the camp offers its residents, there
is but little real security in the Fort and
less happiness.
The experience at Oswego confirms a les-
son already clear to many connected with
the undertaking, even before the shelter
was opened.
It is this: Camps are bad — even the best
of them. Camp life does not satisfy human
needs — even under the most favorable cir-
cumstances.
Life in camp is bound to breed an
attitude of dependency. Men in camp have
no incentive to develop their ingenuity,
use their strength, exploit their talents,
strive, and hope. Moreover, the energies
which normally they would use to obtain
the necessities of life find expression in
resistance to the administration, in circum-
venting rules and regulations, in petty ani-
mosities and antagonisms. Unused energies
breed trouble. The confinements of camp
life create artificial class divisions and
warped social relationships. Above all, camp
life inescapably presses people into a mould.
All this is unfortunate preparation indeed
for normal, democratic living.
In the end, this sort of confinement is a
loss, not a gain to society. Men cannot be
liberated behind bars.
HEALTH CARE FOR ALL
(Continued from page 281)
. . . and to conduct the business of peddling
pink pills to people."
The task of everybody interested in
health — physicians and laymen alike — is to
study the provisions of the bill itself, to
consider its benefits, costs, methods of ad-
ministration, and the ways in which it
might be improved through public discus-
sion and through our established demo-
cratic processes.
There can be no doubt that American
public sentiment demands more health
service. There is no doubt that farm fam-
ilies feel the shortage of doctors and hos-
pitals as never before and want something
done about it. There is no doubt that
middle-class people are dissatisfied with the
uncertainties and catastrophes of sickness
costs. There is no doubt where organized
labor stands, for it has already committed
itself to this particular legislation. There
is no doubt that more businessmen appre-
ciate the economic values of health service.
There is no doubt that all these groups
respect the medical profession and trust
their personal physicians when they have
them.
There is also no doubt that farmers, in-
dustrial workers and white-collar people are
steadily though slowly appreciating that the
health services they would like cannot be
made available by individual action alone,
cannot be paid for effectively by the indi-
vidual alone, and cannot be furnished effic-
iently by the individual doctor alone. On
the growth of this understanding rests the
passage of any comprehensive national
health legislation.
There is no doubt that many doctors,
especially the young men, are prepared to
consider these issues, if they have a
chance, on grounds of fact rather than
emotion. On more effective expression from
such doctors rests the opportunity to de-
sign the best legislation.
If we are going to have more spring in
our springboard — fewer soft-muscled youth,
less premature death and disability from
controllable causes, fewer people with un-
corrected eye defects, hernias, uncared-for
tuberculosis and chronic illnesses — preven-
tive and curative services must be available
according to the medical tradition — the ex-
istence of need, not the possession of dol-
lars. The people must organize payments
for service. The doctors must take the lead
in the better organization of services. In
these interdependent tasks their government
must be the servant of both.
304
THE NEW YORK SCHOOL
OF SOCIAL WORK
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
SUMMER INSTITUTES 1945
July 9-20.
Community Responsibility for Services to Veterans
Psychiatric Aspects of Veterans' Problems
Current Problems in Child Welfare
Psychiatry in Social Case Work with Children
July 23-August 3.
Public Relations in Social Work
Experiences of a Veterans' Service Center
Supervision in Social Case Work
Current Trends in Case Work
August 6-17.
Administrative Problems in International Social
Work
Practical Problems of Racial and Cultural Conflict
Group Work Services in the Reconversion Period
Current Developments in Community Organization
For full details write the Registrar.
122 East 22nd Street New York 10, N. Y.
MEDICAL SOCIAL WORK
SCHOLARSHIPS
Scholarships for graduate education in
Medical Social Work, beginning with the
1945 Fall Term, are now available through
the American Association of Medical Social
Workers.
The National Foundation for Infantile
Paralysis has supplemented its original
grant to the Association for these scholar-
ships, which are outright grants for tuition,
or tuition and maintenance.
Applications may be obtained from the
A.A.M.S.W., 1129 Vermont Avenue,
N.W., Washington 5, D. C., and must be com-
pleted and filed by July 20th, 1945.
SIMMONS COLLEGE
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK
Professional Education Leading to the degree of M.S.
Medical Social Work
Psychiatric Social Work
Community Work
Family and Child Welfare
Public Assistance
Social Research
Catalog will be sent on request.
18 Somerset Street Beacon Hill, Boston
THE UNIVERSITY OF BUFFALO
School of Social Work
Announces
Two Summer Sessions from
July 2nd to September 22nd
Students may continue into the Fall term. Classroom
and field work instruction as well as individualized
study programs are available. Address inquiries to
The Dean
25 Niagara Square, Buffalo 2, New York
We MUST Make THIS The LAST War!
WHAT To DO! YOU Can HELP DO It!
"War is a recognized means of intercourse," ~. . .
"The 'best people' advocate it, believe in it, practice
it, glorify it, and accept the benefits from it."
From —
WAR! WHAT FOR?
By Scott Nearing. The frankest and most stinging
indictment of the horrible scourge published in two
decades ! The complete article, together with more than
a dozen Exclusive Features by George H. Shoaf, Com-
mander Seely, George F. Curry, and many others, all in
the May issue of
ACTION for Human Welfare
By Subscription, $1 per year, in advance
GET ACQUAINTED OFFER:
Mention SURVEY GRAPHIC and enclose a dime for
the above splendid number and a second issue, equally good.
TWO sample Copies for ONE Dime. Or, still better,
EXTRA SPECIAL!
Send ONE DOLLAR and receive ACTION for FIFTEEN
MONTHS, beginning with May issue.
ACTION PUBLISHERS, Drawer 348, Norwalk, Ohio
The first complete story of one of the
war's most amazing fighting forces
CHICAGO SUN: "The first eyewitness report on 90
million allies, their hopes, policies and achievements.
The firsthand story ... to correct the one-sided,
secondhand accounts. An invaluable handbook for
understanding this morning's headlines, written by
an American reporter with no ax to grind."
—Mark Gayu
SATURDAY REVIEW: "The most important work to
come to us from China since Edgar Snow wrote his
now-classic account."— Richard Watts, Jr.
THE NEW REPUBLIC: "Forman picks up the story of
Communist China where Edgar Snow's Red Star Over
China left off. A graphic story of five months spent in
the 'Border Region' and with the Eighth Route Army
in the field fighting the Japanese."
N. Y. TIMES BOOK REVIEW: "A fresh, vivid, compre-
hensive account of the battle for life and freedom
under China's partisans. An extraordinarily timely
book:"— Edgar Snou1
Illustrated with the author's superb photographs, $3.00
By HARRISON FORMAN
'The biography of the year."
—PHILADELPHIA RECORD
Samud
Johnson
A biography by JOSEPH WOOD KRUTCH
N. Y. TIMES BOOK REVIEW: "The book for
which we have long been waiting. The com-
plete story of Dr. Johnson-thc man, the talker,
and the critic— written with shrewd insight and
understanding, with grace and wit."
599 delightful pages, with 4
special indexes. Illustrated, $3.75
3!7 FOURTH AVE. NEW YORK 10
A colossal job of
human engineering
ASIA ON
THE MOVE
by BRUNO LASKER
Six million people in eastern Asia will
soon be returning to scorched fields
and leveled houses, to try to build their
lives again. This book tells what these
great migratory tides threaten, and
what we can and should do about them.
SURVEY GRAPHIC: "A contribution to
the agenda of peace . . . workmanlike,
relevant, intelligent." 93.01}
Robert Frost's
magic, satiric
A MASQUE
OF REASON
A major cause for rejoicing in the
literary world. The enchanting new
work that the critics are calling "wise",
"ageless", "humorous", and "delight-
ful". $2.00
DULY
SURVEV
3O C
PY
GRflPH
r;
EDWARD R. STETTINIUS.
Named as U. S. Representative to the UNITED NATIONS
Charter of the Golden Gate by James T. Shotwell
Save the Palisades — 3d Call by Corliss Lamont
Go Political, Young Man! by Louis Fischer
Why Postwar Conscription Now? by V. T. Thayer
We re Americans Again by Sophie and Donald Toriumi
These
scientists
are working
for YOU
A C-E SCIENTIST, winner of the
Nobel prize, studies oil films in a
pan of water. And out of this research
conies a clue to make glass invisible,
to make metals stronger, to create
a fog by machine.
Engineers working with certain
kinds of radio waves run a tempera-
ture. A G-E fever machine utilizes
this principle, so doctors can treat
patients with artificially created
fevers.
This page of pictures isn't one-
hundredth part of what is going on
at General Electric. But you will see
a few ways in which life can be made
easier, healthier, and happier. And
that's what we are trying to do.
General Electric Company, Schenec-
tady, New York.
Worit weather in the world is found atop
Mt. Washington, N.H., where ice feathers
like these sometimes grow three feet in a single
night, and where G-E scientists are conducting
cold weather research for the Air Forces.
General Electric devicesare helping the Signal
Corps, the Weather Bureau, and the Air
Forces predict the weather all over the world.
Accurate weather prediction aids troop move-
ments, saves crops, protects you.
Ever see pure vitamins? These three pinches
of vitamin crystals in the hand of a G-E
scientist are enough carotene, vitamin C, and
thiamin to supply the average man for one
day. Research at G-E Consumers Institute
helps improve diet, make food taste better.
Electrons took this photo. This picture of gold,
made by shooting electrons through a gold
sheet less than one-millionth of an inch thick,
was made in the G-E Research Laboratory,
where scientists are studying metals to
make new stronger combinations.
You can actually see It grow. New G-E foam plastic grows like magic
at the rate of an inch a second from a liquid resembling molasses.
When it stops growing, it's ready for use. Lighter for its size than
a loaf of bread, it promises to have many uses after the war.
Hear the G-E radio programs: The G-E All-girl
Orchestra, Sunday 10 p. m. EWT, NBC— The
World Today news, Monday through Friday
6:45 p.m. EWT, CBS— The G-E House Party,
Monday through Friday 4:00 p. m. EWT, CBS.
FOR VICTORY— BUY AND MOID WAR BONDS
GENERAL m ELECTRIC
A Problem
in Multiplication
X 26,000,000 = f
lake the case of John Smith, aver-
age American:
For over three years now, he's been
buying War Bonds through the Payroll
Savings Plan. He's been putting away a
good chunk of his earnings regularly —
week in, week out.
He's accumulating money — maybe
for the first time in his life. He's building
up a reserve. He's taking advantage of
higher wages to put himself in a solid
financial position.
Now suppose everybody in the Payroll
Plan — everybody who's earning more
than he or she needs to live on— does
what John Smith is doing. In other words,
suppose you multiply John Smith by 26
million.
What do you get?
Why — you get a whole country that's
just like John Smith! A solid, strong,
healthy, prosperous America where every-
body can work and earn and live in peace
and comfort when this war is done.
Fora country can't help being, as a whole,
just what its people are individually!
If enough John Smiths are sound —
their country's got to be!
The kind of future that America will
have — that you and your family will
have — is in your hands.
Right now, you have a grip on a won-
derful future. Don't let loose of it for a
second.
Hang onto
your War Bonds!
BUY ALL THE BONDS YOU CAN
KEEP ALL THE BONDS YOU BUY
Inserted by
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.
Publishers of Survey Graphic
and Survey Mid- Monthly
This is an official V. S. Treasury
advertisement — prepared under auspices
of Treasury Department and War
Advertising Council
Letters About "Juan"
To THE EDITOR: Your December issue carried
an article by Quincy Guy Burris, of New
Mexico Highlands University, "Juan: A Rural
Portrait," describing the average citizen of
Spanish-American descent.
Though Juan's earnings amount to ap-
proximately $900 a year, several members of
his family are self-supporting. The 1930's,
which brought Juan back to his village dis-
couraged over the loss of his job, affected the
whole nation as well as the Spanish-American
Southwest. I worked for the certification divi-
sion of the WPA in three counties in New
Mexico. Proportion of certifications did not
show Juan less self-supporting than others.
The Brotherhood of Jesus of Nazareth has
no political affiliation and its membership can
be roughly estimated at less than one percent
of the population instead of 50 percent.
Schools are conducted in English, Mr. Bur-
ris's assertion to the contrary notwithstanding.
Teachers are certified by the New Mexico State
Department of Education and should be ade-
quately prepared. Today's average Juan can
read, write, and speak both English and Span-
ish, or Selective Service summaries of regis-
trants are not accurately kept.
Juan has shown what he can do if given an
opportunity. Proof lies in such outstanding
leaders as Dennis Chavez, United States sen-
ator; Eugene Lujan, State Supreme Court
justice; Antonio M. Fernandez, U. S. repre-
sentative from New Mexico; Dr. George I.
Sanchez, formerly with the University of New
Mexico and now with the Rockefeller Founda-
tion; Dr. Aurelio Espinoza of Leland Stanford
University; David Chavez, formerly First Judi-
cial District judge, and now a major general
with the Army Air Forces.
"JUAN" (J. D. GARCIA)
San Juan Pueblo, N. M.
TWO ASSUMPTIONS SERVE AS THE BASIS FOR MR.
Garcia's criticism. The first is that the article
"Juan" covers the whole Spanish population of
New Mexico. The second is that the Spanish
people have been singled out for attack- Both
are unsound.
Take an instance. Mr. Garcia enumerates the
names of distinguished men from the Spanish
of New Mexico. Of course there are such.
There are also urban Spanish residents and
wealthy Spanish residents. But "Juan" does
not cover them. I set out to talk about the
average rural citizen of Spanish blood, without
comparing him favorably or unfavorably with
people of other mountain communities.
One point is perhaps debatable — the article
estimated that 50 percent of the Spanish rural
adult male citizens belong to the Society of
Jesus, as against Mr. Garcia's one percent of
the whole population. The estimate was an
average of several estimates. Since the Society
is highly secret, it is difficult for an outsider to
be accurate.
Information for the article was drawn from
a group of rural school teachers, themselves
Spanish-speaking dwellers in mountain com-
munities, and from certain local state and
county officials who work closely with the
Spanish residents. They know conditions, and
they have no reason to misrepresent matters.
Las Vegas, N. M. QUINCY GUY BURRIS
llllllillllBIIIIIBIIIIIBl
llill JULILILILIll .11 JOT
HARPER BOOKS FOR SURVEY READERS
ECONOMIC
DEMOCRACY
AND PRIVATE
ENTERPRISE
A Study of the Relation of Economic
Groups to the Federal Government
by Michael O'Shaughnessy
author of Peace and Reconstruction
How our economic system can yield a high
standard of life for all and assure at the
same time a more democratic basis of opera-
tion. The author shows how recent Papal
Encyclicals support a more widely based
system of controls and participation in policy-
making by labor and consumers as a necessary
fulfillment of democratic claims. Of interest
to all concerned to see what "religion in
business" may mean today. $2.00
TIME FOR
PLANNING
A Social-Economic Theory and Program
for the 20th Century
by Lewis L. Lorwin
Formerly Economic Consultant. National Re-
sources Planning Board. Forward by M. C.
Hedgea, Director of Research, International
Brotherhood of Electrical Workers.
How the planning essential to social stability
and economic prosperity can help guarantee
personal freedom — how we can plan for free-
dotn — is here authoritatively set forth. This
book answers effectively those recent writers
who assert that only "free enterprise" can
assure freedom. $3.00
THEY SEE
FOR THEMSELVES
A Documentary Approach to Intercul-
tural Education in the High School
by SPENCER BROWN
Department of English, Fieldston School,
>••!.• York.
Volume III in the Series of the Bureau for
Intercultufal Education is the record of suc-
cessful experiences with dramatic productions
as a vivid means of showing the contributions
of different cultures to American life and thus
striking at the roots of race prejudice and
intolerance. "In its use, students may be
guided to develop attitudes of a truly demo-
cratic nature and to obtain a better under-
standing of themselves, their community and
the people who make up our nation." — PAUL
A. WITTY, Prof, of Education, Northwestern
University. $2.00
FREEDOM'S PEOPLE
How We Qualify for a Democratic
Society
by BONARO W. OVERSTREET
Author of "Courage for Crisis," etc.
A book of personal experiences selected to
show how more attention to people's daily
habits and behavior helps to fit them for a
free society. "It is really a superb piece of
p
h
.
sychological and philosophical analysis of the
uman prerequisites for a free society. ... A
reative and original democratic weapon which
can be understood by anyone who can read."
— Dr. Joshua Loth Liebman, Temple Israel,
Boston. $2.00
All these books available at
your bookstore and from
HARPER & BROTHERS
49 East 33rd Street, New York 16, New York
IIIIIBIIIIHIIIIIBIIIIMBIBIIlllBIIIIIBIIIIMIIIIiaillliaillMIIIWIIIIBilllMM
SUttVEY GRAPHIC for July. 1943. Vol. XXXI V. No. 7. Published month b anil copyriniit 1945 by SURVEY ASSOCIATES. INC. Composed and printed
by union labor at the Hughes Printing Company. Kast Stroudsburc. Pa.. U. S. A. Publication Office, 34 No. Crystal Street. Bast Stroudsmiric. Pa. Editorial
and business office. 112 East 19th Street. New Ynrk 3. X. Y. Prire this issue 3" cents: $3 a year: Foreign postage 50 cents extra, Canadian 75 cents.
Entered as second class matter on June 22. 1940 nt the post office nt Kast St> oiitlshun:. Pa. under the Act of Starch 3. 1879. Acceptance for mailing at a
PRESIDENT HARRY S. TRUMAN
by Max Kalish
Made in 1944, this small bronze belongs in the Smithsonian Institution's collection of out-
standing Americans of the war years (see page 323). Max Kalish, sculptor of anonymous work-
ingmen as well as of distinguished men and women, died suddenly last March, with five of the
figures for this enormous project still to be completed.
S U RVEV
PH I C
Charter of the Golden Gate
Structure of peace and security hammered out in a Constitution for the United Nations-
compared with the League Covenant, the Geneva Protocol, and the Briand-Kellogg Pact.
"OH, WHAT A GREAT DAY THIS CAN BE IN
history!" These were the words with which
President Truman opened his address at
the closing session of the San Francisco
Conference in June. Printed though they
are as part of the prepared official text, they
read like a spontaneous exclamation — all
the more because this was the only part of
that quiet-toned deliverance in which Harry
S. Truman permitted himself to express the
emotion of the hour.
But thoughtful listeners — and all America
was listening 6ver the radio — caught that,
even in his innate American response to
the high impact of the occasion, he was
reminding them that the proclamation of
the Charter of the United Nations was only
one step toward its fulfillment. Like the
July day when he later delivered the his-
toric document to the United States Senate,
and the day the Senate passes it, this could
be a great day only if the Charter is carried
out.
That fact was apparently uppermost in
President Truman's mind as he hailed the
completion of the work of representatives
. of half a hundred nations at the Golden
Gate and commended it to the people of the
United States. While the address as a
whole was charged with confidence in the
adoption of the Charter at the capitals of
the world, the American president showed
clearly his consciousness of the criticisms
which have been made and those which
were sure to be made in subsequent de-
bates. As result, his treatment was all the
more convincing. His was the leadership
of understanding, a projection of ideals
within the reach of attainment, a fair ap-
praisal of the extent to which the supreme
task of the San Francisco Conference had
been accomplished.
This being the case, I cannot do better
than employ the President's own phrases as
texts for my appraisal. Here are some
of them which should not be forgotten:
"It has already been said by many that
this is only the first step to a lasting peace.
JAMES T. SHOTWELL
— By a Chairman of the Consultants at
San Francisco who brought to bear his
experience as Chief of the Division of
History at the Peace Conference in Paris
(1918-19).
Director of the Division of Economics
and History of the Carnegie Endow-
ment for International Peace, Professor
Shotwell has served throughout the 40's
as chairman of the (American) Com-
mission to Study the Organization of
Peace.
This is the fifth in his series of articles
in Survey Graphic — brought out in 1945
under the general title "Bridges to the
Future." These began in February and
have included: "What Shall We Do
About Germany" (March), "From Yalta
to Golden Gate" (April), "Four Free-
doms and the Atlantic Charter" (May).
In August will come his analysis of
those "really new parts" of the Charter
— which put an Economic and Social
Council alongside the Security Council.
That is true. The important thing is that
all our thinking and all our conclusions be
based on the realization that it is in fact
only a first step. . . .
"The Constitution of my own country
came from a convention which — like this
one — was made up of delegates with many
different views. . . . When it was adopted
no one regarded it as a perfect document.
But it grew and developed and expanded.
And upon it there was built a bigger, bet-
ter, and more perfect union.
"This Charter, like our own Constitution,
will be expanded and improved as time
goes on. No one claims that it is now a
final or a perfect instrument. It has not
been poured into a fixed mold. Changing
world conditions will require readjustments
— but they will be the readjustments of
peace and not of war.
"That we now have this Charter at all is
a great wonder. It is also a cause for pro-
found thanksgiving to Almighty God, who
has brought us so far in our search for
peace in world organization."
The Crux of the Charter
This passage in the President's speech is
so simple and straightforward that its full
significance may easily escape us. Although
the structure of a world made up of na-
tions remains outwardly unchanged, it is
in reality no longer to be the same. If the
San Francisco Charter is adopted and holds,
nations can no longer adjust their differ-
ences by the oldest of all methods of ad-
justment— war. That is the interpretation
placed upon it by the President of the
United States and stated so quietly as to be
almost unobtrusive. Let me quote that sen-
tence again: "Changing world conditions
will require readjustments — but they will be
the readjustments of peace and not of war."
The crux of the Charter is therefore to
be found in the provisions it makes for
these peaceful adjustments in the affairs of
nations. War cannot be eliminated unless
there are substitutes for it capable of
achieving what nations regard to be their
vital interests.
The promise in the San Francisco Con-
ference thus hangs on the prospect that for
the first time in history we shall have an
international agreement which, in the pur-
suit of peace and security, covers practically
the whole field of international relations;
which even extends those relations to deal
with the rights of the individual within the
state. So vast is its scope that it is impos-
sible to do justice to the agreement in any
short survey.
Our experience in the debate over the
Covenant of the League of Nations a quar-
ter century ago, shows the importance of
keeping major issues clearly in mind so
as not to be lost in controversy over details.
We now have documentary proof that
American opponents of the League Cove-
nant won the debate before the United
States Senate in 1919 by concentrating upon
309
such details in order to confuse the public
mind. If public opinion were not better
informed today, if the national conscience
were not so deeply stirred, the San Fran-
cisco Charter would offer a like chance for
confusing people by pointing out this or
that inadequacy.
Fortunately, however, the great Charter
of 1945 is fundamentally simple. Each part
was shaped with reference to the junction
to be performed. Thus, in the field of
security the framers were always conscious
that they were dealing with questions of
military power. Economic problems have
their own means of solution. Questions of
human rights and freedom have a unity of
their own, and international justice, also,
has its definite techniques. Keeping these
things in mind, we can see the Charter as
a whole.
Purposes and Principles
Fortunately, also, the Dumbarton Oaks
Proposals began with a general statement
on the nature and aims of the organization
of the United Nations. Repeated in clearer
and even stronger terms in the first chapter
of the Charter, this had no parallel in the
Covenant of the League as drafted at Paris
after World War I. Moreover, a preamble
was added at San Francisco. It was chiefly
the work of Field Marshal Jan Christian
Smuts of the Union of South Africa, al-
though some of the significant phrases were
contributed by Senator Henri Rolin of Bel-
gium and by members of the American
delegation among others.
By far the most striking phrase in this
preamble is the one with which it opens.
"We, the peoples of the United Nations,"
was consciously adapted from our own Con-
stitution of the United States. The tradi-
tional formula with which most treaties
have begun recognizes only "the high con-
tracting parties." By this was formerly
meant the negotiating governments. The
formula was employed in the Covenant of
the old League of Nations, but nations, not
governments, were recognized as members.
That, in itself, was an advance towards
acceptance of national partnership in the
world community. The Charter of the
Golden Gate takes this progress for granted
and definitely looks beyond governments
to the support of peoples everywhere for the
achievement of its purposes.
Not too much, however, should be made
of the wording of the Preamble, for pre-
ambles are not binding. The real test of
the extent to which the Charter reaches be-
yond diplomacy into the lives of ordinary
people in all countries is to be found in
the body of the document.
On the other hand, nowhere in these
opening sections — neither in the Preamble
nor in Chapter I — is there any such clear
statement of the denial of the right to make
war as was set down in the Protocol of
Geneva in 1924, which had the adherence
at that time of all the continental nations
of Europe. This protocol declared that ag-
gressive war is an international crime; and
defined aggression as the resort to war in-
stead of to pacific means of settlement made
available by the community of nations or
by parties to the dispute themselves.
, The statement of principles in the San
Francisco Charter chimes in more closely
with the Briand-Kellogg Pact of 1928. Com-
pare the two short articles of that document
on the renunciation of war — which were
themselves practically renounced or con-
veniently forgotten in subsequent years —
with the third paragraph of the second
article of Chapter I of the Charter of 1945:
"All members shall settle their interna-
tional disputes by peaceful means in such a
manner that international peace and secur-
ity and justice are not endangered."
Now, the Briand-Kellogg Pact, in which
Washington along with Paris had taken
the initiative, and which bore the signatures
of 61 nations, went this far and no further.
It made no provision for the fulfillment of
its terms, as public opinion was not yet
ready to accept the obligations which the
maintenance of peace involves. Those who
are critical of the San Francisco Charter
because it does not go far enough in the
direction of world government should
measure the distance in peace enforcement
which lies between the pronunciamento of
1928 and practical implementation in 1945.
The framers of the San Francisco Char-
ter consciously avoided any direct refer-
ence to the Briand-Kellogg Pact. Nonethe-
less, at the very time that the San Francisco
Charter anonymously incorporated some of
its principles, these were being revived in
another quarter as having opened a new
era in the history of international law.
This is clearly set forth in the impressive
state document of Justice Robert H. Jack-
son in resting our case in the trial of war
criminals.
Contract for the Living Present
As a matter of fact, the San Francisco
framers make no reference to other pre-
vious efforts to prevent war — not even to
the Covenant of the League of Nations,
which afforded suggestions for so much of
the Charter structure. The basic reason for
this absence of any reference to Protocol,
Pact, or Covenant is that the Charter is not
an historical document but a contract for
the living present and the future. It is there-
fore a part of the process of history, like
those efforts which preceded it, and should
be so regarded.
Before we leave history behind us, how-
ever, a word should be said about the ar-
ticle of the League of Nations Covenant
which was chiefly responsible for the ad-
verse vote by the United States Senate in
1919. This was Article X, according to
which the members of the League under-
took "to respect and preserve as against
external aggression the territorial integrity
and existing political independence of all
members of the League."
There is no stranger paradox in history
than that this Article, upon which President
Wilson placed so much importance, was
all but ignored by the League until the
Manchurian crisis in 1931. The San Fran-
cisco Charter has no "Article X," but none-
theless, shifting gears from obligation to
self-restraint, it restates its inherent prin-
ciple of territorial integrity. To quote:
"All members shall refrain in their inter-
national relations from the threat or use of
force against the territorial integrity or
political independence of any member or
state, or in any other manner inconsistent
with the purposes of the United Nations."
This, it is true, is only a statement of
principle and is not taken up again in the
body of the San Francisco Charter. And
yet it is unquestionably right and proper
that the general principle of national secu-
rity should thus be reaffirmed as background
for the sections which come to grips with
aggression.
Great Powers and Small
When we turn to the body of the docu-
ment, we find ourselves at once faced with
a long and complicated text. In spite of
the efforts of the Conference staff to
"streamline" the Charter in the closing days
at San Francisco, it remains difficult to
follow and therefore will need clarification.
Fortunately the U. S. Department of State
was fully aware of this and has prepared
commentaries for the use of the general
public as well as technicians and lawyers.
In addition, the consultants to the American
delegation have prepared, also, a number
of unofficial guides which are readily acces-
sible to the wide membership of those
national bodies from which the consultants
were drawn.
In its final form, the Constitution of the
Organization of the United Nations bears
little trace of the difficulties which con-
stantly arose in the course of its making.
It gained in both strength and usefulness
because every part was tested and much of
it hammered out on the anvil of debate.
Thus, members of the Conference early
became aware of the anomaly that Soviet
Russia was upholding the conservative point
of view on national sovereignty and that
Australia, which led much of the debate
against that viewpoint, acted not as part
of a worldwide empire and commonwealth
but as a champion of the smaller nations.
On either hand, there was the same realis-
tic sense of national needs — and the Char-
ter is the embodiment of such realism.
This fact undoubtedly was in the mind
of President Truman when he held that
"a just and lasting peace cannot be attained
by diplomatic agreement alone" but that the
United Nations had at last thrown open a
new era by their unity.
His warning not to look for perfection
in the document (which was repeated by
Secretary Stettinius and others) might seem
at first somewhat overdone. But it is aston-
ishing how many people there are who
are more concerned about getting an accept-
able form of words than in making sure
that promises and commitments are those
which can and will be carried out when
they come to the test.
Perhaps the best way to gauge the crea-
tive effort that went into charter-making
at San Francisco is to appraise the vast
improvements made over the Dumbarton
Oaks Proposals which supplied the frame-
work. These had themselves been the prod-
uct of careful study and team play, but
were negative rather than positive, directed
against aggressive nations and according
insufficient attention to the normal pro-
cesses of international peace. Thus, the
310
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Photos by Rosenthal for Fix
HERBERT VERE EVATT
Attorney General and Minister of External Affairs of
Australia, who in the course of Conference discussions became
a leading voice for the smaller nations
FIELD MARSHAL JAN CHRISTIAN SMUTS
Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa, chairman of its
delegation to the San Francisco Conference. The Preamble of
the Great Charter of 1945 is chiefly his work
San Francisco Conference recognized the
legitimacy of providing for international
police, but attempted at the same time to
fend against the erection of another Holy
Alliance like that which followed the de-
feat of Napoleon.
Clearly, the balance between the domi-
nance of the Great Powers and the coher-
ence of the smaller ones cannot be per-
fectly maintained so long as the threat of
war lies in the background of international
politics. But the whole trend at San Fran-
cisco was to accord increased influence to
the forces of peace as the danger of war
recedes; and these influences are by no
means the monopoly of the Great Powers.
Indeed many of the finer aspects of social
life and much of the development of justice
between nations (as well as within nations)
have come from the little peoples of the
world. In San Francisco they spoke out
fearlessly and effectively, and left their mark
upon almost every section of the Charter.
This was to be expected. Ever since the
Dumbarton Oaks Proposals appeared, it
had been evident that agreement found by
the Great Powers would have to be modi-
fied to meet the demands of the others.
The problem was whether this could be
done without a fundamental change in the
Proposals. The chief triumph of the San
Francisco Conference is that it found the
way through compromise to better the doc-
ument for the Great Powers while making
it at least acceptable for the smaller ones.
The element of surprise in the Confer-
ence was in the contribution of the con-
sultants to the American delegation. This
constituted a new chapter in diplomatic
history, for it offered the nearest approach
to public diplomacy that has yet been found.
Their appointment was a device of the
U. S. State Department to escape from the
embarrassment of having too many "ob-
servers." Some forty-two national bodies
were asked to nominate representatives to
act as consultants. There was objection in
experienced quarters lest this might prove
an embarrassment to those charged witl
negotiating delicate questions with foreign
governments. The sessions of the consult-
ants proved innocent enough, however, and
soon they were making their contribution
to the Charter. It owes to them some of
the most important clauses dealing with
human rights, with economic and social
problems. Indeed it is hardly too much to
claim for them that both by advice and by
influence they helped largely to transform
a document of international security into
one covering the whole range of normal
procedures in peacetime relationships.
This does not mean that the consultants,
or the American delegation for that matter,
had any monopoly of enlightened outlook.
It means that the American delegation was
more fortunately placed in being able to
draw upon so large a body of informed
leaders of opinion. The opportunity had
at last come to reap the full benefit of years
of study and discussion on the part of great
national organizations of business, labor
and agriculture, of education and religion,
service clubs and women's organizations.
"Veto Power"
Nevertheless, the chief interest at San
Francisco continued to center upon the
problem of security. Unless peace could be
assured, nothing else could be certain.
At Dumbarton Oaks, the Great Powers
had made it their joint responsibility to
prevent or suppress war, although the exact
method of voting was not finally settled,
and therefore the relation of their action
to that of the smaller powers remained
uncertain.
This had led to misunderstandings. Al-
though in the light of two world wars the
maintenance of peace was seen to be a
primary responsibility of the Great Powers,
the smaller ones were apprehensive of any
such monopoly in war prevention. These
concentrated their attack at San Francisco
upon what was dubbed the "veto power"
of the Great Powers in the Security Coun-
cil. So strong was their effort in this regard,
so well was their case maintained by sup-
porters in the public press as well as in
debates in committee, that this "question
of the veto" was widely held to be the
test of the Conference — of its success or
failure as a whole. The amount of atten-
tion which was concentrated upon it makes
unnecessary a full treatment of the question
here. Two or three points will suffice.
First of all, there was nothing new in
the "unanimity rule" of the Great Powers
through which any one could prevent ac-
tion. That is the customary reservation by
a government in diplomatic conferences on
matter's affecting its own interest. What
was new in the procedure of voting in the
Security Council was that the Great Powers
refused this right of reservation to the other
powers. Essentially, this issue was one of
discrimination; of drawing a line of privi-
lege between nations. It meant a lessening
of sovereignty for some while maintaining
the sovereignty of others — a situation which
the League of Nations had always tried to
avoid. More, it seemed to run counter to
that equality of nations which had been
constantly invoked in all the negotiations
and conferences from Moscow to San Fran-
cisco.
There were realists who pointed out that
the sovereignty of the small nations had
already been lessened in fact; that this has
been shown by their relative helplessness
in two world wars. Not only had neutral-
ity been impossible for any one nation in
JULY 1945
311
Photos by Rosenthal tor
VYACHESLAV M. MOLOTOV .
USSR Commissar for Foreign Affairs and
chairman of the Soviet delegation
the path of a major invasion, but the col-
lective scheme of security of the League of
Nations had broken down under the su-
preme test of power.
Yalta — and a Great Compromise
By good fortune, the leaders of the
smaller nations did not press their case
with doctrinaire insistence. They did not
look backward to the procedure of the
League. What they asked was that the
Great Powers should limit the right of veto
to acts of force in the prevention or sup-
pression of aggression. What they pressed
for was that distinction between great and
small powers should not hold in the pre-
liminary procedures of pacific settlement.
It was upon this point that the Yalta
Agreement was invoked, and the Confer-
ence ran into a dilemma of conflicting in-
terpretations as to its meaning. The Amer-
ican and British constructions of the Agree-
ment were very similar to the demands of
the smaller powers. Soviet Russia, however,
insisted that it had never made any such
concession, and that the Great Powers
should act as a unit in any and all action
taken by the Security Council with refer-
ence to an alleged aggression.
Clearly, Marshal Stalin was intent upon
preventing even the discussion of issues
arising in connection with the former Bal-
tic States or with Poland. Equally clearly
other nations — middle-sized as well as small
— were not willing to permit the inter-
national organization to be thus reduced to
what seemed hardly more than a hollow
shell. They revived once more one of the
oldest of all problems in politics: Quis cus-
todiet ipsos custodes — "Who will be the
guardian of the custodians of peace?"
It was at this juncture that President
Truman intervened by sending abroad the
two Americans in whom the Soviet Premier
had shown the greatest confidence: Harry
Hopkins to Moscow and former Ambas-
sador Joseph E. Davies to London. In a
few days Mr. Hopkins had achieved one
of the greatest diplomatic strokes in his-
tory, for the Russian delegation at San
Francisco gave up the right to veto on all
preliminaries in the pacific settlement of
disputes — reserving only a right to object
to investigation and to the final resort to
force.
Thereupon, the astute leaders of the
smaller nations joined with other liberaliz-
ing forces in moves to make the preliminary
steps themselves more important than had
been the case hitherto. The main effort was
concentrated upon extending the powers of
the Assembly. At Dumbarton Oaks the
Assembly had been subordinated distinctly
to the Security Council. At San Francisco
ANTHONY EDEN
British Foreign Secretary and chairman
of the United Kingdom delegation
this was changed. After a long struggle
Australia finally won a reluctant assent
from Russia to the extension of the As-
sembly's functions and powers so that it
could really intervene in a field which had
been staked off as preserve of the Security
Council. It was only after this compromise
that the Conference was ready to sign the
Charter.
The Article which contains the final
agreement of the Conference (Article 10
of Chapter IV), reads as follows:
"The General Assembly may discuss any
questions or any matters within the scope
of the present charter or relating to the
powers and functions of any organs pro-
vided in the present charter, and, except as
provided in Article 12,* may make recom-
mendations to the members of the United
Nations or to the Security Council or both
on such questions or matters."
It must be borne in mind, however, that
the Assembly is primarily a debating body
* This Article 12 provides that the Assembly shall
not make a recommendation with regard to a dispute
if it is under consideration by the Security Council,
unless the Security Council so requests.
and that, in questions of security, it can
make only recommendations. Nevertheless,
there is now no check upon free discus-
sion in the Assembly of all the problems
which bear upon the maintenance of peace.
If the resulting mobilization of the public
opinion of mankind should have no influ-
ence upon the decisions of the Security
Council, our conception of the nature of
government needs revision.
Pacific Settlement of Disputes
The supreme lesson of two world wars
is that it is too late to stop a war after the
fighting begins. Nor can police action be
regarded as other than an exercise of force.
Therefore, the only sure way of maintain-
ing peace is to anticipate violence by re-
sorting in time to measures of pacific set-
tlement. Unless there is adequate provi-
sion for these measures, which are the alter-
natives for force, there is no guarantee of
lasting peace. To maintain peace the Char-
ter must depend more upon provisions for
peaceful settlement than even upon final
resort to force.
These provisions are set forth in the six
articles of Chapter VI of the San Fran-
cisco Charter. The text follows that of
Dumbarton Oaks but with changes both
in emphasis and procedure.
Thus the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals
began with the statement that the Security
Council is "empowered to investigate" any
dispute which might lead to international
friction. Anyone familiar with the history
of Soviet Russia can readily see how this
initial phrase might be misinterpreted there
— especially as the Russian translation
would naturally put an emphasis upon the
word "empowered" which it has lost in
English. The phrasing at least did nothing
to uproot any suspicion in Moscow that the
capitalist governments might seek occasion
in due course to interfere in matters which
the Russians regarded as their own affairs.
It seems like a small matter to us that
HALIFAX and PAUL-BONCOUR
The Earl of Halifax, British Ambassador
to the United States, talking with Joseph
Paul-Boncour, acting chairman of the
French delegation
312
SURVEY GRAPHIC
I the word "may" was substituted for the
I word "empower," but diplomacy is highly
I sensitive to the overtones of words.
It is the first article (33) of Chapter VI,
J which throws open wide the doors of peace-
I ful settlement:
"1. The parties to any dispute, the con-
• tinuance of which is likely to endanger the
• maintenance of international peace and
I security, shall, first of all, seek a solution
I by negotiation, inquiry, mediation, concil-
I iation, arbitration, judicial settlement, resort
1 to regional agencies or arrangements, or
I other peaceful means of their own choice.
"2. The Security Council shall, when it
I deems necessary, call upon the parties to
I settle their dispute by such means."
This text is perhaps the most concen-
I trated provision of the whole Charter. Each
I of the devices named in its lexicon of so-
|> lutions for maintaining peace has a history
I and a technique of its own.
Negotiation calls for the action of for-
[i eign offices and their authorized agencies.
Inquiry (notice that the resort is not
I referred to here as investigation) brings in
I outsiders.
Mediation is the check upon hostilities.
Conciliation is the oldest of all devices,
yet it was not formally accepted as the
1 privilege of friendly powers until the mid-
i] die of the nineteenth century. It presents
I no judgments but works only toward agree-
H ment. It is, however, the essential first step
|j toward
Arbitration — which follows conciliation
ij with the acceptance of definite judgments.
Judicial settlement, contrary to wide-
4 spread American opinion, is limited to but
I a section of all this wide area of pacific
i settlement.
Finally the article gives up the effort to
I describe or even enumerate all the methods
I to be followed and calls upon the disputers
I to use any "other peaceful means of their
\ own choice."
The second paragraph in Article 33,
which states that the Security Council may
I "call upon the parties" to settle their dis-
pute by the means indicated, has much
I more to it, also, than appears at first read-
ing. For this provision is the link between
peaceful settlement and police action. If
I the disputing powers pay no attention to
the summons, the Council can then offer a
I settlement of the dispute on its own terms.
(Article 37, Section 2.)
The Charter does not state in so many
words that a nation which refuses these
pacific means of settlement — and which re-
sorts to war instead — is an aggressor. That
is the implication in both Chapters VI and
VII, but there is a conscious avoidance of
defining aggression. The Protocol of Gen-
eva was simple and clear upon this point
and it would have strengthened the Char-
ter to have faced it frankly.
The Use of Force
This brings us to the central question in
the minds of most people — the provisions
for the use of force to preserve peace. These
provisions are spelled out in detail in the
twelve articles of Chapter VII.
Article 40 (Chapter VII) begins with
JULY 1945
the mild provision that the Security Coun-
cil may request the parties to a dispute to
comply with provisional measures without
prejudicing their rights or claims. Article
41 goes on to say that then the Security
Council "may decide what measures not
involving the use of armed force are to be
employed" to influence the disputants, such
as "complete or partial interruption of eco-
nomic relations." Then come the central
articles of the security provisions— Articles
42 and 43:
ARTICLE 42
"Should the Security Council consider
that measures provided for in Article 41
would be inadequate, or have proved to be
inadequate, it may take such action by air,
sea or land forces as may be necessary to
maintain or restore international peace and
security. Such action may include demon-
strations, blockade, and other operations by
air, sea or land forces of members of the
United Nations."
ARTICLE 43
"1. All members of the United Nations,
in order to contribute to the maintenance of
international peace and security, undertake
to make available to the Security Council,
on its call and in accordance with a special
agreement or agreements, armed forces, as-
sistance, and facilities, including rights of
passage, necessary for the purpose of main-
taining international peace and security.
"2. Such agreement or agreements shall
govern the numbers and types of forces,
their degree of readiness and general lo-
cation, and the nature of the facilities and
assistance to be provided.
"3. The agreement or agreements shall
be negotiated as soon as possible on the
initiative of the Security Council. They shall
be concluded between the Security Council
and member states or between the Security
Council and groups of member staies and
shall be subject to ratification by the vgna-
tory states in accordance with their con-
stitutional processes."
It is impossible in this short survey to
analyze these commitments. They will be
discussed many times over, in connection
with the ratification of the Charter. The
main principles of the commitments are
clear. The Charter of the United Nations
has improved upon Article 16 of the Cove-
nant, which contained the sanctions of
pacific settlement of the League of Nations.
For according to Article 16, military sanc-
tions were not obligatory. The Council of
the League could only recommend "what
effective military, naval or air force" the
members of the League should contribute.
Only economic sanctions were obligatory in
the League.
Therefore it has been commonly asserted,
and with reason, that the Charter has more
force behind it than was provided in the
Covenant. But in the history of the League,
Article 16 was not so important as Article
11, which dealt "with action in case of war
or threat of war." No article in the San
Francisco Charter is quite so sweeping as
(Continued on page 333)
V. K. WELLINGTON KOO (left) and T. V. SOONG
Dr. Koo, Chinese Ambassador to Britain; Dr. Soong, Premier, head <?{ China's delegation
Lee for FSA
There are those who urge peacetime military service as a way of keeping 800,000 to 1,000,000 youths out of the labor market each year
Why Postwar Conscription Now?
The thoughful view of an educator, who urges an uneasy America to scrutinize
arguments put forth for taking at this time a step contrary to our traditions.
SHOULD THE AMERICAN PEOPLE DECIDE NOW,
prior to the cessation of hostilities and prior
to accurate knowledge regarding the nature
of the peace that will follow these hostili-
ties, to introduce a postwar program of
universal military training?
The serious public discussion of this
question illustrates dramatically the con-
trast between the spirit of 1918 and today.
In January 1918, Woodrow Wilson pro-
claimed his fourteen points in what Charles
Beard describes as "ringing periods that
flew on the wings of lightning to the re-
mote corners of the earth." These fourteen
points seemed to presage an era of democ-
racy and liberty, the end of imperialism,
and the conclusion of wars of aggression.
Since nations of the earth were hence-
forth to live in peace and good will, Amer-
icans concluded they might safely beat their
swords into plowshares and their spears
into pruning hooks. There followed dis-
armament, isolationism, and passivism.
No such confidence exists today. On
the contrary, Congress is contemplating
passage of measures that would commit the
American people to a postwar program of
compulsory military service. What response
V. T. THAYER
do we encounter to these suggestions?
Our official military spokesmen — I use
this term advisedly, since not all military
authorities are of one mind — say "Yes."
Supporting this view are the American Le-
gion, the Veterans of Foreign Wars, the
U. S. Chamber of Commerce, and citizens'
committees that favor the military training
of young men. On the other hand, educators
in schools and colleges, religious leaders,
spokesmen for the AFL and the CIO, farm-
ers' organizations, and other citizen groups
say "No."
People at large are divided, although
— By the educational director of the
Ethical Culture Schools in New York
City, and associate leader of the Ethical
Culture Society. A schoolman all his life,
Mr. Thayer questions the educational
benefits of military training as a virtue
of the peacetime draft; he demands that
we be honest with our young men and
face fundamental issues.
Readers will recall this author's in-
formative summary of programs for the
educational reconstruction of European
lands, in Survey Graphic for November.
polls of public opinion indicate a general
disposition "to avoid the mistakes of last
time" and to accept conscription as a form
of war risk insurance. In short, there is divi-
sion of opinion and considerable confusion
of mind on the part of the average citizen
with a proneness to evade cleari-cut defi-
nitions of the alternatives which actually
confront the American people.
Opposing Points of VieW
This confusion of mind is understand-
able since the arguments pro and con, as
presented in the public press and in the
hearings conducted in June before the
House Committee on Postwar Military
Policy, seem to checkmate each other. For
example, Under Secretary of State Joseph
C. Grew argued that our obligations under
the forthcoming security organization ren-
der military training essential, whereas the
spokesmen of religious and educational
groups contend that to reverse our tradi-
tional American policy at this time would
be a declaration of lack of faith in the
ability of an international organization to
assure peace. They add, moreover, that con-
scription would create a war machine out
314
SURVEY GRAPHIC
of all proportion to our obligations under
a security pact.
The advocates of conscription stress its
physical and disciplinary benefits to young
men in either peace or war, whereas its
opponents hold that it would retard rather
than further health programs as well as
the cultural and educational development
of youth.
The supporters of the draft urge im-
mediate action as an earnest indication of
our determination to maintain peace
through strength, while those who counsel
delay propose as a substitute for immediate
action the creation of a national commis-
sion representative of many interests — army,
navy, education, business, labor, agriculture,
and religion — to study postwar national de-
fense.
Confusion of mind also results from the
disposition of many people to hope for
some combination of military conscription
with education and vocational training.
Many who would otherwise reject military
training are persuaded to see some good in
this joint program, both from the stand-
point of national defense and the youth
concerned. Thus, when postwar conscrip-
tion was first proposed, President Roosevelt
hinted vaguely that conscription might be
associated with a national youth program;
and public school superintendents, in re-
sponse to a questionnaire addressed to them
by the National Education Association,
have voiced considerable sentiment in favor
of combining with military training a pro-
gram^ of national service "on useful public
projects" and camping experiences "which
emphasize such things as health, physical
fitness, outdoor living, recreation, work ex-
perience, leadership training and individual
guidance."
On the other hand, the U. S. Chamber
of Commerce and the American Legion,
as well as all who fear that military train-
ing might serve as an excuse for reviving
the work of the National Youth Adminis-
tration, insist that there be no boondoggling
or "socialistic" experiments in connection
with conscription. In this, they are assured
the support of educational groups, such as
the National Education Association, who
fear the development of any program that
might lead to a federal system of educa-
tion or deprive states and localities of an
exclusive control over the administration of
either general or vocational education.
Getting Down to Essentials
All this suggests the importance of high-
lighting the issues that Americans must
accept or reject.
The late Secretary Knox, speaking for
the navy, and General Marshall for the
army, advocated one year's training at
either seventeen or eighteen for boys who
meet the essential physical standards. Meas-
ures introduced in the last Congress, the
Wadsworth and the May bills, omitted pro-
vision for both conscientious objectors and
the physically unfit. Our military leaders
state quite bluntly that they wish to as-
sume no responsibility for either a reme-
dial health program or a system of general
vocational education.
Since, moreover, it is highly questionable
that the courts would uphold the consti-
tutional right of Congress to conscript
young men in peacetime for education or
for work projects on the public domain,
the prospects of including allied programs
of education or of public service in con-
junction with conscription are by no means
certain.
Fundamentally we face two questions:
1. Are we sufficiently certain at the mo-
ment of the character of the peace to follow
this war that our people should adopt ex-
'treme measures for national security now?
2. Granted that a high degree of military
preparedness is essential in the postwar
world, is compulsory military training the
wisest policy to adopt?
Stated thus, we can avoid befuddlement
regarding the so-called educational benefits
of military training. Let us be honest with
our young people. If it be true that na-
tional survival demands their sacrifice, why
should we not look them squarely in the
eye and request it of them? In any event,
let us. not be hypocritical not try to delude
them with false rationalizations.
Military Discipline
What are some of these false "rationali-
zations?"
First comes the argument for discipline.
For example, Congressman Costello of the
House Military Affairs Committee stated:
"The sound discipline of military training
will produce a most salutary result in our
youth who, too often, due to broken homes
or inadequate parental supervision, lack all
sense of discipline. In each young man will
be emphasized the respect for authority, at-
tention to duty, obedience to superiors, and
faithful execution of orders."
Perhaps; but many will question the
wisdom of imposing upon all young people
measures that are at best applicable to the
few. Not all homes are broken, nor are all
parents neglectful of their -children. As we
know, this offense applies only to the family
next door! Moreover, in those instances in
which children are delinquent because pa-
rental affection and guidance are wanting
or misplaced, the cure is not of necessity
military discipline.
For the one immature individual who
thrives under military routine with its regi-
mentation and subordination there are many
for whom this experience results in stunted,
if not retarded, development. On occasion
the military camp may bring companion-
ship and affection to the emotionally and.
socially undernourished individual, and he
will respond as we all respond to the reali-
zation that we are needed. But this is a
happy accident, not a product native to
military training. Indeed, the low state of
morale in the training camps prior to Pearl
Harbor and, we may add, the disturbing
moral conditions that frequently prevailed
when men were off duty, are more logically
the derivatives of military training and mili-
tary discipline when only a hypothetical
enemy is beating upon the gates.
By and large the discipline of the army
camp is not calculated to instill the qualities
of character essential for responsible citizen-
ship. The disciplined citizen takes his orders
from within, not from without. The Greeks
recognized this when they gave to the
term "obey" the meaning "be persuaded"
or "to persuade oneself."
Civilian Discipline
What then becomes of the military vir-
tues that Congressman Costello considered
so essential for our democracy?
Do free men not need to respect author-
ity? By all means. But they must likewise
possess the will and the wisdom to oppose
misplaced authority. — To give attention to
duty? To be sure, provided it be duty
understood and for that reason self-imposed.
— To obey their superiors? Certainly, so
long as these superiors are worthy and com-
petent and thus eligible for retention as
superiors. — To execute orders faithfully?
Yes, indeed, provided these orders conform
to that higher law which William Seward
in his famous speech on the Fugitive Slave
Act insisted even Americans, on rare occa-
sions, must respect and obey, if need be, in
preference to the Constitution of the United
States.
Military discipline is not identical with
the requirements of dicipline in civil life.
Why should it be? The purpose of military
discipline is to simplify action so that men
can fight and kill efficiently, unhampered
by disturbing inquiry or normal compunc-
tion.. It is of a different order from the
discipline that makes for intimate, whole-
some, and satisfying relations between peo-
ple in family and neighborhood, or for the
more impersonal associations of business,
professional, and political life.
We do not need military training in
order to prepare young men for civilian life.
There is also some reason for believing that
modern conditions of mechanized warfare
render conventional notions of military
training out of date.
Compare, for example, the German and
the American soldier. The German was
the ideal product of military discipline, the
American not. And, for this reason, the
American exercised an initiative and a re-
sourcefulness totally lacking in the German.
Harold Denny, writing for The New Yor^
Times from the Ardennes, pointed out that
the American lacked utterly the abject sub-
ordination to authority so characteristic of
the German. The American, said Denny, is
an individualist and, for this reason, he is
less likely to be bewildered and discouraged
by a new and unexpected situation.
Indeed, Denny attributed the American's
success to qualities precisely the opposite of
those extolled by. ardent advocates of mili-
tary training. It is the American's self-
reliance and initiative that enable him to
carry on in desperate emergencies when he
must think for himself. The American is
"critical of his officers and unwilling to
respect their rank alone," Denny ^continued.
"In a tight place American soldiers have
been known to disregard an incompetent or
cowardly officer and take over command
for the duration of that particular emer-
gency." This trait makes for lack of dis-
cipline, but "it certainly keeps officers up
to scratch." On the other hand, the Amer-
ican soldier is wholesouled in "admiration
for a man he is willing to consider as good
as he is."
JULY 1945
315
The value of compulsory military train-
ing as a means for discipline and character
development in thus highly questionable.
Making Better Citizens?
We are told that military training will
raise the level of citizenship. The late Secre-
tary Knox wrote that it would help young
men "to find a purpose in life, a place in
society," and other enthusiasts have added
that it would "promote a law-abiding citi-
zenry."
On the other hand, sincere and competent
students of human nature fear precisely
the opposite outcome. For example, the
distinguished sociologist, Charles A. Ell-
wood, holds that military training may
render more violent such conflicts as those
between capital and labor and rival racial
groups. Thus, he states, "When the whole
population has been trained to the use of
armed force, they naturally resort to armed
force as a political weapon."
Doubtless both of these assertions are
overly partisan. Military training, like any
experience, affects individuals differently.
It is conceivable that the routine and regi-
mentation of the army camp will meet the
mental hygiene needs of a small number of
insecure and immature individuals. This
same discipline, together with the cram-
ming, learning by rote and the mastery of
specific operations without inquiry into
underlying principles, will run counter to
the needs of others. So, too, these two
groups will vary in their response to the
indoctrination that Secretary Knox evidently
identified with instruction in citizenship.
In one respect, conscription can contribute
toward democratic understanding. I refer to
the mingling in camp of young men from
varied backgrounds and all economic and
social groups. In Switzerland, we are told,
this experience has exercised a positive
democratic influence. At best, however, this
is but a rudimentary step in a genuine edu-
cation for citizenship. To assume that in
itself it will produce the qualities essential
for responsible citizenship is naive indeed.
Nor is there anything in the military
camp designed to inculcate the habits and
the ideals which constitute the heart of
democratic procedure: the conference meth-
od and the spirit of compromise, a willing-
ness to talk things over and, in the course
of discussion, to search for an understand-
ing of the other fellow's point of view in
the hope that imagination and good will
may create solutions that can harmonize
warring interests.
Not a Health Measure
The argument that universal military
training will raise the health level of our
people is also at best an exaggeration. It is
true an annual inventory of rejections, with
their causes, might serve a useful purpose.
But to introduce military training for this
purpose is both a costly and a complicated
method of confirming the fact that the
barn is locked after the horse is stolen.
In plain fact, there is danger that reliance
upon military training as a means for im-
proving the -health of our people would re-
tard health measures at points where they
are badly needed. The easy assumption that
one year of military training can offset the
failure of home, school, and community
might encourage us to neglect health pro-
grams at their most crucial point — in the
early years of childhood. It is in these years,
rather than at eighteen and thereafter, that
the health of our nation is determined.
Nourishing food, hygienic conditions in
home and community, assured medical care,
good housing, and a sound educational and
recreational program constitute the condi-
tions of good health.
And what of the emotional and social '
foundations of good health? George Soule
wisely remarks, "There is no reason to sup-
pose that the army routine does anything
for the mental or emotional health of most
of those who experience it; sometimes it
produces neurotic injury." Obviously, mili-
tary training can not reach back and cor-
rect one of the most ominous and numerous
causes for rejection from the army — those
that originate in psychoneurotic difficulties.
For example, out of 4,000,000 rejections
between April 1942 and March 1943, 30
percent were ascribed to mental as dis-
tinct from physical causes.
There is no assurance, then, that com-
pulsory military training would noticeably
improve health conditions for youth as a
whole. Its benefits would undoubtedly be
restricted to those who meet the physical
requirements of the draft. And it would
affect only by neglect the health needs of
girls and young women.
Will-o'-the-Wisp Training
Americans are properly impressed with
the rapid and efficient manner in which the
army and the navy have acquainted young
men with the skills essential to perform the
highly specialized operations of modern
war. So hypnotized indeed are some by
this success that they would make over
the work of our schools in the image of
army instruction. It is not surprising there-
fore to encounter the argument that com-
pulsory military training can serve both a
military and a vocational function.
This overlooks certain pertinent facts. In
the first place, the army and navy programs
are not weighed down at present by a dual
purpose. They center instead upon the
skills and techniques required for specific
performance as defined by the rapidly
changing requirements of war. No time is
wasted in developing either the theory or
the basic understanding essential for flexible
adjustment to change and progress. Re-
search and inquiry, in short the genuinely
educational functions, are assigned to spe-
cialists. As machines are outmoded or de-
mands on the front change, men are shifted
from one operation to another, often at
great personal loss in time and training.
But this is inevitable, since wars are not
won by consulting the interests and needs
of the individual.
Vocational education for civilians, on the
other hand, is an altogether different prob-
lem. Success turns upon securing a general
understanding of basic principles that cut
through specific operations and are applic-
able to what we might term families of oc-
cupations. The individual is thus prepared
to meet new conditions and at best to be-
come the master and not the servant of
change.
The notion that valuable vocational train-
ing and guidance can be combined with
compulsory military training is a dangerous
will-o'-the-wisp. It will not stand inspection
as a sound procedure for the mass of indi-
viduals affected. It can not benefit young
men who will enter the professions or occu-
pations that call for a different order of
skills. Nor can anyone trained for a brief
period in the specific operations appropriate
to military performance be assured that
these will correspond to the most up-to-date
methods in business and industry or, for
that matter, in war shortly thereafter.
Each to His Last
We should hesitate to delegate training
other than military to the military. The
American people should deliberate long and
prayerfully before they entrust a national
system of vocational education to our mili-
tary establishment, thus taking education
away from the localities and the specific
characteristics and needs of the civilian
vocations.
To associate general vocational education
with military training is questionable from
an educational point of view. It is also a
doubtful military expedient, since it would
require military leaders to combine two
quite different functions. The army realizes
this and asks that it be permitted to stick
to its last. Moreover, as Hanson Baldwin
has pointed out, many military leaders fear
that the training of large masses of men
each year will keep experienced officers so
busy that they will lack time and oppor-
tunity to study the tactics and strategy
which alone can keep our military equip-
ment up-to-date and the personnel ever on
its toes.
And need I mention the very real danger
that conscription will foster the growth of
powerful groups and establishments, with
huge investments and active interests in
equipment and supply, that would operate
to retard the innovation, inventiveness and
initiative demanded in modern war? In
this connection we cannot afford to ignore
the experience of France under conscrip-
tion, where an entrenched bureaucracy op-
posed both new ideas and new military
equipment. What leads us to believe that
we shall withstand better than she the cor-
rosive influences of a military bureaucracy?
Or development within and outside the
government of special interest groups who
organize to resist change and to perpetuate
old methods and defunct equipment? Or
the exercise of influence that wins promo-
tion without respect to ability or fails to
weed out incompetence?
It is by no means self-evident that we
should have been better prepared to fight
this war had we introduced military train-
ing immediately following the first World
War. Who knows how badly this would
have weighed us down with antiquated
equipment and still more antiquated officer
personnel? It was, rather, the depression
with its debilitating effects upon American
industry and technically equipped man-
power, which caused our preparedness pro-
(Continued on page 336)
316
SURVEY GRAPHIC
minimi
Photos by Croswell Bowen
View from George Washington Bridge of the lower end of the great recreational preserve along the Hudson River
The Palisades— 3d Call
First came the clash with the quarrymen; then with the speculative builders;
and now with what might be called the highwaymen of the motor age.
BoRN AND BROUGHT UP AS I WAS IN ENGLE-
wood, New Jersey — a mile down into the
Hackensack valley from the summit of the
Palisades — I have for thirty years walked
with my friends and family over every
part of these magnificent cliffs. This water-
front of rock, with its ninety degree preci-
pice, stretches for almost thirteen miles
along the Hudson River, from just south
of the George Washington Bridge tf just
north of the New Jersey-New York State
line. It is one of the most beautiful and
exciting tracts readily available to the urban
public in America — or in the entire world.
A stone's throw from the millions of
city dwellers that make up Greater New
York, the Palisades are nonetheless still
comparatively neglected, and for a third
time confront new hazards to their sheer
natural beauty.
I have never tired of roaming throughout
the district — from the heights of Fort Lee,
where Cornwallis drove Washington into
retreat, northward to the famous Indian's
Head cliff at the far end of the Palisades.
These walks have invariably revealed some
fresh aspect of woodland charm, of rocky
structure and river grace. Happily, to date
suburban real estate development in New
Jersey has affected the area but little and
the entire range of cliffs is almost as wild
and unspoiled as it was during my boyhood.
All the more their future is a charge
CORLISS LAMONT
on those of us who know the refreshment
they can bring and who prize their en-
chantment, to report there is imminent
danger that intruding pressures of our
motor age may do permanent and needless
injury to the incomparable Palisades.
— The cause of uncounted hikers and
lovers of the outdoors is here espoused
by a native of New Jersey, an alumnus
of Harvard ('24), and post graduate
student at Oxford and Columbia. He has
taught at three universities, Columbia,
Cornell, and Harvard. Since 1943, he
has been chairman of the National
Council of American-Soviet Friendship
and is at work on a new volume, entitled
"The Peoples of the Soviet Union," to be
published by Harcourt, Brace.
Here he writes of the outdoors he
knew as a boy — and its conservation.
In 1928, Survey Graphic brought out
an article by Loula Lasker, associate
editor: "Those Private Palisades." With
construction of the George Washington
Bridge, the fate of the cliffs was then
a second time at stake. This led to active
espousal by a committee under the chair-
manship of the late Walter F. Kidde,
New Jersey engineer, and played a part
in the salvage of a great natural resource
by John D. Rockefeller, Jr.
But first let me sketch this great recre-
ational preserve. A mile across the river
from upper Manhattan, this is one of the
five main divisions of the Palisades Inter-
state Park. The other four divisions are in
New York State and run as far north as
Storm King Mountain. Most of the Pali-
sades section itself falls in New Jersey, but
lies close to the state border. And the
scenic splendor of this outstanding geologic
feature of America's eastern seaboard is
practically part of New York City's exten-
sive park system. Moreover, with the in-
finite diversity of the Palisades terrain, no
other metropolis, here or abroad, can match
such varied outdoor pleasures amid such
thrilling surroundings, or so close to home.
Yet at no time has popular use of the
Palisades Park measured up to its possi-
bilities— regardless of the advantage that it
is usable at all seasons of the year. Right
now, and for the next two months, during
the long, fine days of summer, the Palisades
will in many ways be at their best for walks
and picnics and general enjoyment.
Too many native New Yorkers have had
their chief and only impression of them by
looking across the Hudson from upper
Riverside Drive and from points north as
far as Dobbs Ferry. The panoramic view
from across the river has been shared by
countless visitors from the West, who from
the windows of New York Central trains
JULY 1945
317
have caught glimpses of the grandeur of
this wall of rock. But only one who has
actually tramped the Palisades, who has
hiked along some section at top or bottom
or clambered up the steep ravines and
trails, can fully appreciate the surprise and
wonder of this unrivaled segment of our
natural world.
The Crest — and Its Lookouts
Along the top, between the edge of the
cliffs and Route 9W (the motor road that
parallels the river to the west), there is a
luxuriant forest strip. This varies in width
from a tenth to a fourth of a mile and is
interspersed with springy, pine-carpeted
trails hemmed by flowers and undergrowth.
Following a narrow path near the brink of
the cliff, you come every hundred yards or
so upon lovely natural lookouts, often half-
hidden in the foliage. These yield long,
leisurely views up and down and across
the river, sometimes taking in the Bridge
and the uptown skyline of New York and
on clear days reaching to the Oiher side of
Long Island Sound.
Here, too, there are breath-taking mo-
ments as you peer over the edge — down
four or five hundred feet to the water level
— or admire, to left and right, the sheer
drop of the precipice and the lofty stone
columns that rise in many a strange and
picturesque shape from the base of the
wall. Great oaks and pines rival these col-
umns in height, while lesser trees grow at
every conceivable angle from every possible
crevice. Even the dead trees, losers in a
Keys to the Palisades
New Yorkers who want to begin their
adventures farther north than the George
Washington Bridge may take Bus 86, leav-
ing every 20 minutes from the New York
side; and go along Route 9W as far as
Englewood Cliffs at Palisade Avenue, a
mere 12-minute ride. From here it is a
short walk to the edge of the cliff or down
to the river near the Dyckman Street Ferry.
If you don't wish to carry your lunch or
supper with you, you can come back to
Palisade Avenue at 9W and obtain an ex-
cellent meal at either of two Italian res-
taurants on the corner.
The best bus of the pack, however, is
the Rockland Coach Company's fast-travel-
ing Nyack Express, which leaves the New
York Bridge Plaza at 25 minutes past every
hour and runs back to the city, also on an
hourly schedule. This bus will let you off
or on almost anywhere along 9W and is
the favorite mode of conveyance for pres-
ent-day Palisades hikers. The fare to the
northern limits of the Palisades section of
the park is 46 cents, and the time about 25
minutes. On week-ends and holidays it is
advisable, because of possible crowding, to
board your bus at 20 past the hour at the
regular terminal at 167th Street off Broad-
way.
The Yonkers-AIpine Ferry runs every 30
minutes from either side of the Hudson.
You can reach the ferry in about 35 min-
utes by means of any local train to Yonkers
(33 cents from Grand Central and 23 cents
from 125th Street) and then take a five-
minute walk from the station.
.plucky fight to survive, contribute to the
living beauty of the place. Grey, weather-
beaten, often grotesque, they crop out from
rocky ramparts like gargoyles from a
cathedral.
Every lookout commands a different vista.
Some jut like the prow of a ship, others
afford a wide shelf with soft grassy turf and
satiny moss reaching almost to the brim.
All are places which tempt you to linger
for hours, alone or in company, watching
the boats go by on the Hudson, the long
trains rumble up and down the opposite
shore, the restless shift of light and shade
on the river below and on the distant hills.
No more appropriate spot could be found
for a modern Omar Khayyam to take his
ease . than these quiet watch-towers along
the crest of the Palisades. Lying on your
back you look up at pale blue sky and white
masses of clouds of every imaginable shape.
Behind you, the breeze stirs an incompar-
able rustle of leaves and swaying branches.
Birds call and crickets add a lazy note. A
smell of primrose hangs upon the air; and
the air itself — clear and pure on these
heights — is good to breathe, and gives a
sense of freedom and well-being.
Down on the river, small sailboats tack
against the wind. Canoes hug the Palisades
shore. Busy motor boats leave them both
behind, along with the long, slow barges,
filled with gravel or stone, which are
pushed or pulled by puffing tugs. In
wartime, sea-going army transports and
troopships have weighed anchor from the
George Washington Bridge down to Ho-
boken; but in normal times the ranking
craft are river steamers of the New York-
Albany lines, usually crowded with sight-
seeing passengers. These set going a foam-
ing wake from the center of the stream to
the bank beneath you. At length, mini-
ature waves break on the shore and their
faint, familiar sound carries to your lookout
on the cliff.
At the Base of the Cliffs
The bottom of the Palisades is just as
fascinating as the top. So are the slopes.
For example, at one point or another you
will surely want to investigate the huge
rock-piles along the waterfront. These im-
mense masses of boulders, heaped one upon
the other in profuse and wayward splendor,
are simply broken-off sections of the cliffs
— pried loose by erosion, sliding some day
or night with a mighty roar and sweeping
down trees, underbrush and everything else
in their path. Some such landslides occurred
clearly in the distant past; others are of
recent origin. One took place opposite
North Yonkers after a storm in 1938. This
was just prior to the Munich Conference
and left a configuration of rock resembling,
of all things, the face of Adolf Hitler!
Unfortunately, the Dyckman Street Ferry,
one of the best approaches to the Inter-
state Park from Manhattan, has been closed
for the duration. But there are other fairly
cheap and convenient ways of getting to
the Palisades. In fact, all a New Yorker
has to do is to take any bus going across
the George Washington Bridge and get off
on the other side. The best walking here-
abouts is to be found at the bottom of the
cliff. A quarter of a mile to the north, a
stone staircase leads down to die broad dirt-
and-stone 'padi alongside die Hudson which
stretches die enure length of die Palisades.
In its course diis path leads past play-
grounds and pavilions, picnic grounds and
bathing beaches. (The water is radier dirty
and a decade from now a civic movement
will be due to clean up the Hudson on
behalf of swimmers.)
No fires are permitted on the top of the
Palisades; although sandwiches and beer
are in order in an atmosphere of untram-
meled loveliness. Along the waterfront it-
self, small stone fireplaces have been con-
structed in many spots, with iron grills on
which the amateur can try his skill.
The Northern Terrain
There are other entrances to the treasures
of die Palisades [see box] for diose who
have already explored the nearer reaches
from George Washington Bridge; or those
who would experience the pleasantest ap-
proach of all via the Yonkers-Alpine Ferry.
Crossing the river at this point, you see the
Palisades in all their glory as the ferry
traverses the mile of mildly flowing water
and, on Sundays, a run-down Italian or-
chestra (an accordion and two violins) plays
sweet-sounding music reminiscent of pre-
war days. In 1776, during the early months
of the American Revolution, Cornwallis
came across the Hudson here, spent a night
on die New Jersey side in an old stone
house now marked with a commemorative
tablet, and then climbed the Palisades to
march south against Washington,
For a distance of five miles north of the
Alpine Ferry slip there lies perhaps the
most superb stretch of the entire Palisades.
Along die top of this section are many of
the finest lookouts and views, as well as
die cliffs' high point of 530 feet (three miles
above Alpine) where the main boulevard
sweeps out to the edge. Meanwhile, if you
walk about a quarter of a mile north and
then turn back you can see the profile of
a hook-nosed Indian jutting out from the
mountain wall.
Still farther north you arrive at a small
monument marking the boundary between
New Jersey and New York and find near-by
a path down to the river. This connects
with the regular Hudson trail which goes
north for half a mile to Sneden's Landing*
where in 1780 Major Andre was brought in
a boat on his way to be tried at Tappan
(New York).
The trail along die Hudson south of the
state line leads through the recent land-
slide (with Hitler's face above it) and past
odier rock-piles of even greater size and in-
terest. One of these extends for a full half
mile along die base of the Palisades; and
through it winds the exciting section of the
trail known as the Giant Stair which looks
up to the precipice itself, rising sheer to its
greatest height. Here you get an overwhelm-
ing impression of rugged might, especially
in winter when there is no foliage to soften
the austere effect of the cliff.
At other seasons, in striking contrast to
* From Sneden's Landing you can walk west to
Route 9W and once an hour pick up the Nyack
Express en route to -New York.
318
SURVEY GRAPHIC
the Giant Stair, you see the soft and lovely
greensward to the south called Forest View.
Hereabouts are pavilions, stone fireplaces,
a boat dock, and ample room to play base-
ball or other games. And here again a good
trail leads up to the top of the Palisades to
9W and the Nyack Express. Or you can
walk back along the wide river path to the
Alpine landing and take the ferry across to
Yonkers, enjoying the cool of the Hudson
at sunset.
As a matter of fact, it is perfectly feasible
to stay in the Palisades Park well into the
evening; and cook your supper somewhere
along the river's edge. From either the top
or bottom of the cliff you can watch the
river soften and deepen in color • as the
sun goes down and twilight takes its place.
The sky gradually turns a blue velvet. All
along the New York shore and on the slope
behind, the lights come out, one by one at
first and then, as real darkness falls, in
spreading clusters.
If you are near the George Washington
Bridge itself at night, you will see one of
the finest sights along the Hudson, with
this great steel structure silhouetted against
the river and its central span outlined by
electric bulbs.
Wild Life in the Auto Age
I have mentioned getting to the Palisades
only by bus and ferry. But of course the
easiest way of all, though a means that for
the most part must wait until the close of
the war, is by automobile. From uptown
New York, say near Columbia University,
across the Bridge and on to the northern
end of the Palisades along 9W, is about six-
teen miles and ought not to require much
more than two gallons of gasoline for a
round trip. It is slightly cheaper to go by
way of the 125th Street Ferry or the
Yonkers-Alpine Ferry. A pleasant variation
for the motorist is to take the drive that
runs along the river from Fort Lee to Al-
pine. This can also be entered at Engle-
wood Cliffs from the road leading down to
the Dyckman Street Ferry.
Is there wild life in the Palisades region?
Yes, plenty, though mostly of the smaller
species. Once, however, a few years ago, I
saw young deer in the woods near the state
line. During the winter of 1945 two of
them, marooned on ice cakes, floated down
the river in this vicinity. Squirrels and rab-
bits and birds naturally abound in the park.
Butterflies, too, yellow and blue and red,
like to follow the contour of the cliff. And
one of my favorite pastimes is to sit near
the edge of the cliff and watch a hawk or
seagull coast along, seldom flapping a wing,
and wheeling, banking, smoothly gliding on
the currents and eddies of a vagrant wind.
Occasionally in hot weather you may
come across a snake, almost invariably of a
harmless species like the black snake which
may climb a tree if it hears you approach-
ing. Only a few poisonous copperheads,
richly colored like autumn leaves, still in-
habit this vicinity. In all my walks in the
Palisades during the past fifteen years, I
have met them but once. This was when I
went on a special copperhead hunt some
ten years ago, prying with a walking stick
behind every likely rock and exploring
The dark charm of cliffs and evergreens when the river is white with ice
every sunny glen. I finally found one in-
nocent specimen sunning himself peacefully
and in plain sight near the river; and have
always been a little conscience-stricken that
I killed him as a trophy.
In actual fact, slips are far more danger-
ous than snakes along the Palisades. But if
you exercise ordinary care and look where
you are going, the park is a pretty safe
place.
Future of the Palisades
The most considerable Palisades develop-
ment afoot at present is the Interstate Park
Commission's own plan to construct after
the war a new concrete super-highway, run-
ning along almost the entire thirteen miles
of the Palisades. This would call for two
three-lane roadways, separated by 12 to 200
feet (as well as a bicycle path and hiking
trail), and connect up with a general high-
way project that will continue through New
York's Rockland County as far as the Bear
Mountain-Harriman State Park. The New
Jersey Palisades section would cost approx-
imately $4,500,000, which has yet to be
appropriated, while the northern extension
in New York will cost approximately $13,-
500,000, already appropriated.
For lovers of the Palisades these plans
have a serious drawback. The two three-
lane roadways would run, for the greater
part of the thirteen miles, right through the
narrow forest strip between 9W and the
cliffs. They would cut down a wide swath
of woodland, slaughtering right and left
the natural growth of trees, shrubbery and
flowers. This would sacrifice much of the
wildness of the area; and bring the sights
and sounds — not to mention the fumes — of
speeding automobile traffic close to the
edge of the precipice. One of the greatest
pleasures of walking on the top of the
Palisades now is that you have a sense of
remoteness from the fury and clatter of
mechanized existence.
While the Interstate Park Commission
has undoubtedly considered the matter care-
fully, it seems to me that a much sounder
scheme would be to widen the existing 9W
route from three to six lanes and to provide
turn-outs, with ample parking facilities,
reaching close to the edge of the cliff at
strategic places. A broad hiking trail and
bicycle path could run close to the edee
without damage to the woodland area,
which could be developed throughout into
one of the most beautiful parklands in the
eastern United States. This alternative
would be fair not only to automobilists, but
also to walkers, bicyclists and nature-lovers
in general. It might even tempt some of
our demon drivers to improve their health
by hiking! Incidentally, it might save the
public considerable funds.
Everyone must agree that it is altogether
desirable to make the Palisades more ac-
cessible to urban residents. But it is clearly
to the interest of the general public that this
region should be kept so far as possible
in its original state, its native wilderness
beauty unimpaired.
These were the aims of George W. Per-
kins and other public-spirited citizens back
in 1900 when they made their successful
fight to preserve the face of the Palisades
from being blasted to pieces by quarrymen
bent on exploiting the highly profitable
traprock. These were the aims advanced
thirty-three years later when John D. Rock-
efeller, Jr., rescued the Palisades from real
esfete operators scheming to erect giant
apartment houses on the crest of the cliffs.
He bought for some $5,000,000 almost the
entire strip of land atop the Palisades and
presented it to the Interstate Park, which
now owns practically all the necessary prop-
erty to preserve this great playground for
future generations of New Yorkers, New
Jerseyites, and Americans in general. Once
again, and this time in the house of its
friends, the issue is whether we can keep the
Palisades essentially as nature, patiently at
work throughout aeons of time, built and
embellished them.
Since the final plans for the New Jersey
sector of the Parkway have not yet been
approved and the money for it not yet
appropriated, there is still time to save the
situation. The challenge runs especially to
civic bodies formerly active in helping to
preserve the Palisades, such as the New
Jersey State Federation of Women's Clubs
and the Citizens Union of New York. The
Palisades Interstate Park Commission can
be addressed at Bear Mountain, N. Y. The
governors of New Jersey and New York
are both involved in the plans for the new
Parkway. And of course the members of
the New Jersey State legislature, also, bear
a special responsibility for the crucial New
Jersey sector.
JULY 1945
319
A landslide after a storm just prior to the Munich Conference left a freakish likeness of Adolf Hitler on the rick'
'0
Along the Palisades
It is clearly in the interest of the general public that this
region should be kept so far as possible in its original
state, its native beauty unimpaired.
There are countless such crevices, with trees struggling for
a toe-hold among the dark rocks, and a place in the sun
The profile of an Indian juts from the rock at the
cliffs' highest stretch; below is green Forest View
iT
The magnificent span of the Bridge frames the snow-powdered Palisades and the ice-filled river on a quiet winter day
From a Palisades lookout, a view of New York City and of the Hudson with tug and barge
Go Political, Young Man!
"One new recruit for democratic political action is worth a dozen
flamboyant Fourth of July orations on the virtues of democracy!"
LOUIS FISCHER
POLITICS is THE NEW AMERICAN FRONTIER.
It is the twentieth century equivalent of
our Far West. "Go West, young man,"
was sage advice in that early phase of the
nation's history. Now a new signpost
reads, "Go political, young man (and young
woman)." The sign points towards an ex-
citing, expanding and neglected area of the
United States of America. Wild grass and
thick second growth cover it. Wild crea-
tures and creeping things range over its
wide plains. They await pathfinders and
bulldozers of a new epoch.
American politics has too long been the
habitat of the baby-kissing, ward-heeling,
two-by-four, petty, sometimes-corrupt, rare-
ly-political politician. Barker and drum-
mer-boy of democracy, he gets out the vote
which elects his candidate. The precinct
is his world. That made sense, perhaps,
when politics meant: Will Jim's gang or
Bill's gang win the fat contract to collect
the ashes and clean the streets of our New
World cities?
But politics has grown up. It has be-
come a matter of every American's break-
fast, lunch, and dinner — of his job, his se-
curity, his life and that of his children.
Politics now means: Will there be a third
world war? Will democracy survive? Will
we be overtaken by another and worse
depression ... by inflation ... by im-
perialism ?
I move up and down the country a great
deal as a lecturer and so talk with many
people. The Americans I encounter re-
alize the new importance of the federal
government. They want to play their part
in shaping policy. They want to do their
duty. But how? In private conversation
and at public meetings the most frequent
question put to me is: "How can an aver-
age citizen do something about it?"
The peace is being made. New economic
and social practices are coming into use.
The country is changing. Citizens ask:
"Is there a place for me, plain Mr. or Mrs.
America, in this process? Or are we to
'be passive spectators who, now and then,
go through the motions of casting a ballot
for a candidate chosen by a party machine?"
People Who Want to Belong
This divorce between politics and people
is worrying Americans. They feel they
don't belong, don't count. Democracy is in
peril when that happens. Something very
similar occurred in several European coun-
tries, notably Germany, in the 1930's. Af-
fairs of state had been dominated by old
men whose hold on politics was much
stronger than their capacity to come to
grips with national problems. The younger
generation plumped for extremist, anti-
democratic demagogues.
I say to groups of university students
»22
— By a Philadelphian who since 1921
has carried a chip of our Liberty Bell in
his kit as European correspondent and
commentator. In the 20's, he traced the
rise of the USSR, and portrayed its
social, racial and economic innovations
across two continents. In the 30's, he
interpreted the promise inherent in its
new constitution, challenged the purges
as a throwback to its hopes, broke with
the Soviet-Nazi pact.
He has known Moscow, Warsaw, Ber-
lin, Paris, London, firsthand; has been a
critic of British and French imperialism;
an adherent of the Spanish Republicans
in meeting the early brunt of Nazi and
Fascist aggression.
But here he gives the quintessence of
his impressions of what is afoot in our
own domestic life, gathered as a lecturer
from coast to coast in the 40's, and as
an active participant in the new Liberal
Party in New York.
Notable among Mr. Fischer's recent
books are "Men And Politics," 1941,
and "Empire," 1944. He is at work on a
third volume in the series, "Men and
Politics— 1940-46."
whom I meet in various parts of the coun-
try, "Go political." They reply, "We
would, but do the parties want us?" The
road is blocked.
A section of labor has already catapulted
itself into politics through the Congress
of Industrial Organization's PAC. In some
parts of the Pacific Coast, a few commu-
nists on reconnaissance found the Demo-
cratic Party so fast asleep and so completely
moribund that they simply walked in and
captured the whole works. In a number
of states, third-party movements have
sprung up; they attract honest liberals who
loathe equally the right-wing reactionary
and the left-wing totalitarian. But for the
great mass of Americans the question of
their future political effectiveness remains
unanswered.
This situation has ceased to be academic.
For examples: When Sumner Welles was
dismissed from the State Department, many
who valued him highly for his diplomatic
experience, asked, "What can we do to
bring him back?" Congress discusses the
tariff. Tariffs help to intensify interna-
tional rivalry. The question you hear is:
"Shall we send telegrams to our senators
and representatives?" The answer is:
"Yes, but next time elect senators and rep-
resentatives who won't need your tele-
grams." The veto privilege given each of
the Big Five may enable them to get away
with aggression. "Is there anything we
can do about it?" people asked when the
issue came to boil at San Francisco. Or, is
the individual citizen too insignificant to
pull any weight? Must he watch helpless-
ly while governments in their infinite folly
repeat the mistakes of 1919-1939?
Governments and People
A study of world affairs shows how often
governments act against the interests of
the countries they govern. Neville Cham-
berlain, appeasing prime minister of Great
Britain, was a bad Englishman. His poli-
cies got his country into war. By the same
token, Daladier was a bad Frenchman. His
policies laid France open to conquest. His-
tory will certainly condemn Hitler as anti-
German and Mussolini as anti-Italian. They
ruined their countries.
Then, the old saw that "nations get the
governments they deserve" has been under-
mined by modern political techniques. Did
the British people deserve pusillanimous
Chamberlain one day and militant Church-
ill the next? Do the Spanish people de-
serve Franco after fighting him for three
years and finally succumbing only because
he had overwhelming military aid from
Hitler and Mussolini?
Especially in dictatorships, classes create
regimes and are then overpowered by them.
That is the story of Nazi Germany and
the story of Soviet Russia. The middle class
and the industrialists set up Hitler's regime
expecting him to be their puppet. He was
soon strong enough to boss them. Simi-
larly, Russia's working class launched the
Bolshevik revolution. Later, the dictator-
ship stripped the workers of political power.
In a dictatorship, the government wields
such irresistible might that no one outside
it has any influence. A democracy must be
different.
The essence of democracy is the ability of
the people to remove one government and
substitute another. But is that enough?
How can the people impress their views
on a government after it has been installed?
Campaign pledges are not binding. Failure
to be reelected is a petty punishment com-
pared with the crime of disregarding the
wishes and interests of the people during a
term of office. Intervals between elections
are so long that governments can do a lot
of mischief before they are checkreined at
another election.
This is the central problem of American
democracy. It is giving daily concern to
millions of citizens.
The average American, I find, likes to
criticize his government. It gives him a
sense of freedom and power. The cult of
governmental infallibility has few followers
in this country. Wendell Willkie, between
his defeat in 1940 and his untimely death,
had the ear of the nation more than any
other private citizen and much more than
most officials. Why? Because he was
SURVEY GRAPHIC
critical, constructively critical — and coopera-
tive.
The American rebel or liberal or populist
once aimed his sharpest shafts at Wall
Street and the bankers. He still has arrows
in his quiver for them, but somewhere in
the 1930's the capital of the United States
moved from New York to Washing-
ton. The legislator who enacts laws and
the executive who carries out the laws, both
make policy and are together responsible for
the shape of things in America. Today,
therefore, the critic, the reformer, and the
skeptic have their eyes on the federal ad-
ministration; the desire of the individual to
influence it is mounting steadily. The
citizen knows that, more than ever before,
the government has a hand in his life. He
wants to have a hand in the life of the
government.
Meanwhile, the government has gone
into business. Some citizens fight this and
hope to change it; some welcome it; others
adjust to it. All are aware of it — whetting
their own appetites to control their fate by
becoming active in government. Once upon
a time, "newsboy to company president"
was the rule of thumb of free enterprise.
Nowadays the company 'president may take
orders from another former newsboy who
has climbed up a second ladder to a govern-
ment job.
As a by-product of the war, Uncle Sam
has in truth become the biggest business-
man in the United States. The federal gov-
ernment owns 96 percent of productive
capacity in the magnesium industry, 90 per-
cent in the shipbuilding industry, 90 per-
cent in synthetic rubber manufacture, 90
percent in the aircraft industry, 70 percent
in the aluminum industry, 50 percent in
machine tools manufacture, and 10 percent
in the steel industry.
It's easy to say, turn the new plants over
to private hands. But why did it happen?
In the first World War, the industrialist
who wanted to expand and make more
munitions got a loan from a bank. In this
second World War, the government has
made the loan or, often, built the new plant.
In the first World War, our Allies went to
J. P. Morgan and Co., the National City
Bank, and other commercial banks for
loans. In this war they went to the U. S.
government for lend-lease. The job grew
too big for any private body. So the govern-
ment stepped in to do part of the job and
coordinate the rest.
Full Employment and Politics
After the war, an equally big task will
confront the American people. The ten
million men who come back from the war
and the other millions of men and women
who come out of the munitions plants will
balk at being demobilized into unemploy-
ment. The right to work has come to be
recognized as inalienable — as natural and
as necessary as free speech. America wanted
its youth when it was time to fight and
die. "Don't they want us," they will ask,
"when it is time to work and live?" Any
system that uses its men and women for
war and throws them to the breadlines in
peace will stand condemned.
Until V-E day, America had full employ-
JULY 1945
ment because there were customers for
everything we made. The ultimate consum-
ers were symbolized by Hitler and Hiro-
hito. They took everything we gave them.
But with Nazi Germany knocked out, the-
USA is again faced with the responsibility
of supplying jobs and economic security for
all.
Wjgjjt
WENDELL L. WILLKIE
who, "between his defeat in 1940 and his
untimely death, had the ear of the nation more
than any other private citizen." This is one
of the 48 small bronze statues of notable
figures of wartime America, made by the late
Max Kalish and presented to the Smithsonian
Institution by the Kiplinger Washington
Agency, which selected the subjects.
Despite our high standards of living and
earning, all the Americans who could fill
and use jobs have never had them in peace-
time. Private enterprise has not solved the
great modern problem of utilizing the full
productive capacity of every person who can
work and wishes to. This is not my opin-
ion; this is the record.
Even before the war, therefore, govern-
ments in many lands were called upon to
intervene and grapple with tasks which
baffled individual capitalists. Witness Win-
ston Churchill, conservative, and General
de Gaulle, also conservative, promising that
their governments will participate actively
in economic affairs. This is a phenomenon
which transcends boundaries, parties, and
leaders. It is a universal trend that ante-
dates Hitler. Indeed, Hitler was part of the
trend.
Wherever, as in the dictatorships, govern-
ment intervenes and does everything in
economic affairs, the chances are you get
jobs for all. There is no freedom, however.
In no dictatorship does the citizen enjoy
genuine personal liberty. But he gets work.
Wherever, on the other hand, as in old-
style capitalist democracy, the government
has kept hands off economic affairs, the citi-
zen has had freedom; yet that freedom has
too often included the freedom to be un-
employed, uneducated, and unhappy.
Consequently, the challenge to America
and the rest of the world in the decade after
the war will be to achieve a synthesis of
economic security plus freedom. Man craves
both on this earth. One leaves him discon-
tented.
The role of government in economic af-
fairs will have to be so limited and con-
trolled that we get economic security with-
out losing our liberties. An America that
attains this goal will have solved its fore-
most domestic problems and at the same
time be in a position to make major con-
tributions to the peace and welfare of the
world. But if we fail, and if in turn the
peoples of the earth must make a choice
between jobs and freedom, the chances are
that hundreds of millions of men and
women on this planet, who have been tor-
tured by decades of oppression and poverty,
will choose the jobs and forego the freedom.
Now, work without liberty is the totali-
tarian way of life; it is also totalitarian so-
cialism. Unless America and the other
democracies open a road to economic secur-
ity along with personal liberty, the world
may follow Russia. A tendency in that di-
rection is already discernible in Europe and
Asia and here at home as well.
The Joust of the Giants
Victory in this war will not decide the
issue between totalitarinism and democracy.
The competition will continue. To my way
of thinking, democracy with its faults is
better than any dictatorship. Yet democracy
must provide economic security for all or
itself succumb.
This then is the century of the joust be-
tween two giants: between dictatorship and
democracy. To win, democracy must de-
ploy every one of its resources. They are
three: labor, capital, and government.
The United States government relies on a.
system of checks and balances provided by
the Constitution. The executive is checked
by the legislature and both are checked by
the judiciary. This arrangement has worked
fairly well throughout the years to preserve
the American way of life.
Today, the nation requires an additional
system of checks and balances in the eco-
nomic field. In fact, such a system is ac-
tually emerging. Under it, labor, capital,
and government will check and balance one
another. On occasions, government and
labor will combine to stop excessive and
monopolistic encroachments by capital;
capital and labor will unite to halt any
move towards an all-powerful state; and at
other times, government and capital will
pool their power to check excessive acts by
labor.
Early in the spring, a meeting, fathered
by Henry J. Kaiser, the great industrialist,
brought together Eric A. Johnston, presi-
dent of the U. S. Chamber of Commerce,
323
Philip Murray of the CIO, and William
Green of the AFL, in an attempt to create
a united front of management and workers.
Similar endeavors will multiply in the com-
ing years. Labor, capital, and government
will be found groping for checks and bal-
ances iii America's economic and social af-
fairs. Thus the government, in addition to
being in business, will be standing at the
fulcrum of the seesaw between labor and
capital. Trade unions and employers for-
merly fought a straight, two-way- fight.
Henceforth, however, both of them will
strive to influence the government, for the
decision about a strike or any other capital-
labor dispute may be made in a government
office. The class war has a new battle-
ground.
Private citizens with means and ambition
will continue after the war to determine
when and where new industries, farms,
towns, and stores shall rise. Yet to
an increasing extent, government-sponsored
TVA's, government-built roads, govern-
ment programs for soil and forest and
water conservation, government laws and
government officials will mold America.
In such circumstances, it becomes more
important than ever to have a government
which serves the interests of the nation and
reflects the will of all the people.
We used to speak of politics as a "game."
It's now serious business, the business of
life.
Democracy, a Necessity
Americans have considered democracy a
right, a privilege, a convenience and a pleas-
ure. It remains all of these. But it has also
become an indispensable necessity.
Wherever the government does more
than in the past, it becomes stronger. Where
it does everything, as in a dictatorship, it
tends to become omnipotent — so much so
that the individual counts for nothing.
Democracy must be on guard against
both the all-powerful state and the too
feeble state. In avoiding the Scylla of a to-
talitarianism that does everything and domi-
nates everybody, democracy must not crash
into the Charybdis of laissez faire that does
too little, satisfies too few, and consequently
provokes the many into favoring dictator-
ship. The democratic ship of state needs
more hands. It needs able and firm hands,
and brains skilled in navigating through
reefs, shoals, and narrows.
For the whole world is entering a politi-
cal era. Politics will invite the talent of all
nations. Politics will bring adventure,
danger, power and the opportunity to serve.
Here in the USA only a comparative
handful, however, can man positions inside
the apparatus of government. The vast bulk
of Americans have another role to play.
They can be active in political organization.
Our two big political parties are the
scorekeepers of America. At regular inter-
vals, they come out with scorecards which
they hold while passers-by mark them. And
then things usually subside for at least a
year, usually for two years, sometimes for
four years. Voters follow their fathers or a
popular leader. Party platforms and party
principles count for less than either of these
in making up the public's mind. Party edu-
cation is negligible between polling days,
when the parties try to find jobs for the
faithful. A chief purpose of partisan victory
is to get those jobs.
Such parties have lived their day.
To elect is one function of politics. But
is it impossible to direct those whom you
elect? Americans are now groping for an
answer to this key question. Under our
representative form of government, a great
deal must be left to chosen representatives
of the people — provided they are really rep-
resentative. And provided they are really
nominated and elected by the people. This
is the crux of American democracy.
Participation vs Frustration
The sense of frustration that I have dis-
covered among members of all groups and
professions in this country is born of the
conviction that in the nomination and elec-
tion of legislative and executive officers the
voting public carries less weight than the
engineers of the party machines. It is born,
too, of the suspicion that, once elected, the
representative gives his ear and vote to nar-
row "interests" more often than to national
interests.
Various devices seek to cope with this
situation. Lobbies are one of them. Floods
of inspired telegrams are another. Letters
to the editor are a close third. In one way
or another, throughout the length and
breadth of America, the population yearns
to be vocal, to end the frustration. It also
thirsts for knowledge and for more constant
political communication among citizens.
Hence the spread of community forums,
town halls, discussion groups, and debating
societies which are finding less difficulty in
getting both audiences and finances. In sev-
eral cities in which I have spoken, officers
of such groups responded enthusiastically to
the suggestion that congressmen and sen-
ators be invited to address their meetings
and render account of their services.
Thus the impulse is towards participa-
tion. Committees to do this and that crop
up everywhere, organizations to fight for
this and against that. Their multiplicity and
lack of coordination often defeats them.
They are themselves critical of their ineffec-
tiveness— which is a first step towards ef-
fectiveness. They are, in truth, lobbies on
the outside trying to influence politicians on
the inside. They wonder, therefore, wheth-
er it isn't time to go on in — to go political.
Two immediate problems present them-
selves: first, to make American representa-
tive government more democratic, more
intimately connected with the people's
thoughts, wishes, and interests; and second,
to make American democracy more repre-
sentative, more a function of the social spec-
trum rather than the business of profes-
sional politicians.
Particularly in the Middle West and on
the Pacific Coast, reformers, idealists, civic
leaders, social workers, and internationalists
are increasingly conscious of the necessity of
being inside.
"We tug at the coat-tails of the poli-
tician," a newspaper editor said to me.
"Would not groups who urge city, state,
and federal governments to adopt various
measures, advance their causes further if
they could nominate and elect persons who
are enthusiastic supporters of those causes?"
"Why not nominate and elect members
of those very groups?" I asked.
"Would they accept the nominations?" he
replied ruefully. "Could we get them in?"
he added as an afterthought.
The bulk of thinking Americans still con-
sider politics too crowded with cigar-chew-
ing self-seekers and manipulators. But poli-
tics also includes decent, clean-cut people
and they need reinforcement. Those who
recoil from the shady side of American poli-
tics help that side by being inactive them-
selves.
A prominent woman in Pittsburgh saic
to me: "My husband would subscribe tc
many of your ideas on international affair
and America's future. But he is a success
ful lawyer, earns $75,000 a year. How cat
he think of running for Congress?"
That is only one paradox on the road to
the new American "go-political" frontier.
Many more obstructions exist. The solution
of every important life problem has faced
such snags and difficulties.
At the Roots of Democracy
In traveling throughout the United States,
I have been astounded to find earnest, sin-
cere democrats giving their approval to
flagrant anti-democratic acts of totalitarian-
ism. Double standards corrode morality.
Some who are ready to die to check one dic-
tatorship's aggression condone another dic-
tatorship's aggression. Little nations are
snuffed out amid the applause of men and
women who think themselves international-
ists and democrats. Plebiscites in the pres-
ence of conquering armies are accepted as
true expressions of the will of the people.
Puppet governments set up by a foreign
autocrat are taken to democratic hearts.
When Mussolini made the trains run on
time and removed the beggars from the
streets, certain Americans threw their hats
in the air and forgot fascist atrocities. Sup-
port of some features of a foreign dictator-
ship may lead to acceptance of more fea-
tures of dictatorship and thence to a gradual
rejection of democracy at home.
American democracy is a sturdy oak. Yet
thin wedges of totalitarianism are cutting
into its trunk. One wedge is this uncritical
attitude towards totalitarianism abroad.
Another ft totalitarian-like intolerance of
criticism at home. Critics of certain pro-
posals at Dumbarton Oaks and San Fran-
cisco, for example, were subjected to a bar-
rage of new American cuss words like
"perfectionist," "pessimist," and so on. Still
other wedges take the form of divisive
racial differences. But the sharpest wedge
of all is the individual's feeling th;.t he
does not count for anything.
It is a mark of health that many persons
who have shared this feeling are trying to
correct it by taking part in the processes of
democracy. America may be on the eve of
going political. One new recruit fo'r demo-
cratic political action is worth a dozen flam-
boyant Fourth-of-July orations on the vir-
tues of democracy.
Politics is calling all men and women
with vision, imagination, energy, enthusi-
asm, idealism, and a faith in democracy.
324
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Photos from the War Relocation Authority
The Yasamuras set a place for the boy next door, Seiichi's new friend. Mr. Yasamura now is manager of a store in Brooklyn
We're Americans Again
With gallant objectivity two Japanese Americans give a very human account of how
the people are faring who left relocation centers to live in the East and Midwest.
The part played by the churches and the schools.
THERE ARE THOUSANDS OF AMERICANS WHO
are returning to America without having
left the country. They are the Japanese
Americans, and their foreign-born parents
who are aliens because by law they cannot
become citizens. By Presidential proclama-
tion and military orders, we were evacuated
from our homes on the West Coast early in
1942 and placed in "relocation centers." It
was in one of these centers that we heard
a child say, "Mama, I want to go back to
America." Now we are going back to the
American way of life, and to an America
strange to us — an America at war.
At the request of the Board of National
Missions of the Presbyterian Church, the
writers were given leave of absence from
the Heart Mountain Relocation Center in
Wyoming, where we had been doing
Christian work for the past two and a half
years. The reason for our leave was to en-
able us to visit areas in the Middle West
and the East where people from the reloca-
tion centers are resettling.
When we left the Center in November
1944, the process of withdrawal was fairly
steady but somewhat slow. The chief indi-
cation of a decreasing population was the
fact that the mess-halls were not so crowded
as they had been. On the other hand, many
SOPHIE and DONALD TORIUMI
— Sophie Tetsuko Toriumi, daughter of
a Congregational minister, was born in
Riverside, Calif. On receiving her B.A.
degree from Occidental College, Los
Angeles, in 1938, she served as group
work and girl reserve secretary of the
Japanese Branch YWCA in that city
until January 1942. In Heart Mountain
Relocation Center she was choir director
and children's leader.
— Donald Kaoru Toriumi, son of a Pres-
byterian elder, was born in Sacramento.
After graduating from the University of
California in 1936, he studied for several
years at the San Francisco Theological
Seminary at San Anselmo. He was direc-
tor of the work with Japanese young
people in the Presbytery of Los Angeles
and had become pastor of the' Japanese
Union Church there. In Heart Moun-
tain Center the Reverend Toriumi has
been in charge of the youth work of the
Community Christian Church, and is
now chairman of the church board.
The Toriumis, who were married just
prior to evacuation, are now three —
there is a little girl, fourteen months old.
They are still at Heart Mountain, but
hope to relocate soon under the super-
vision of the Presbyterian Church.
were taking their meals back to their family-
units because they could eat more quietly
there and the family could be together at
least for a few minutes each day.
The majority of young adults had gone,
and many of the positions in the administra-
tion offices, open to the evacuees, were filled
by inexperienced teen-age youth or by
elderly people. Many parents were saying
that they were too old to be relocated and
questioned the wisdom of going to strange
places to start their lives' over. Many said
that they did not have capital to start again,
for what they had owned had been wiped
out by the evacuation. Some said, "Let us
go back to the West Coast. That is our
home. Our friends and customers and em-
ployers are there. Our business is there."
Many looked with suspicion and distrust
at reports sent back by relocatees from mid-
western and eastern communities. They
pointed to the few adverse reports, saying,
"See, that's what happened on the outside.
You're taking chances when you go out."
Confusion and indecision had driven the
majority of the people to state, "We do
not know what to do or where to go.
Therefore, we are going to stay in the
Center for the duration."
Meanwhile, there was a continuous
JULY 1945
325
stream of the braver souls to the "outside."
It was to meet these resettled Americans,
that we left Heart Mountain.
We Find Friends
As the Burlington bus carried us away,
it was a thrill to breathe the "free air" of
America again. With no regrets the barbed-
wire fences and the self-imposed and com-
munity-imposed mental barbed-wire fences
were left behind. What a change from the
dusty monotony of the Center to the fa-
miliar American landscape — houses of dif-
ferent sizes and colors, trees, greenery, wind-
ing roads, shop windows. "We're back in
America! We're Americans again!" These
thoughts filled our minds.
Transferring from the bus to a train, we
became aware of the presence of Caucasians
(the term used by the relocatees to differ-
entiate white people from other racial
groups). We had become accustomed to
seeing Japanese faces all the time. "I won-
der what they are thinking about. I won-
der if they know whether we are Japanese
Americans or Chinese," we thought self-
consciously. But when our fellow-passen-
gers realized that conversations with us
could be held in English, all kinds of sub-
jects were brought up for discussion, from
the weather to war news. Most servicemen
were very friendly.
Like many of our fellow Japanese Amer-
icans, we found the USA a kindly disposed
place. A great deal of the favorable public
reaction, we are sure, is due to the news-
paper and magazine accounts of the fine
performance of the Japanese American com-
bat teams in Germany, France, and Italy,
and to the presence of Japanese Americans
in the uniform of the United States Army
on the streets over here. It is reported
that there are close to 18,000 of these in our
army — a great many, proportionately speak-
ing, among the racial mmuiny groups of
the United States.
Perhaps some relocatees have been over-
sensitive about possible discriminatory acts
by people "on the outside." Many of them
have been pleasantly surprised to find
Americans fair-minded and friendly. Thus
one alien-relocatee walked up and down
the main street of a large city with the
attitude, "Might as well meet the discrimi-
nation and get used to it," and no one even
looked at him.
Not long ago, the daughter of a family
relocated in a suburban town was very
fearful of what might happen to her at
school. On the Sunday before her first
day, to her amazement and relief, the prin-
cipal of the junior high school and his
wife called on the family and told the girl
that he would be looking forward to having
her as a student. It made it easier for
her to go. That principal was more than '
a principal; he was a -friend.
A bashful boy was relocated with his
family in a large city. His parents were
worried as to how he would get on with his
new classmates. When that dreaded "first
day" came, he went to school in fear and
trembling. Some of the boys approached,
offered to show him around, and helped
him find his classrooms.
An elderly alien relocatee was traveling
alone to visit friends. She could barely
make herself understood in English, but
she was too energetic to be frightened. A
fellow-passenger, a doctor, managed to
carry on a pleasant conversation, invited
her to lunch with him in the diner and saw
her safely to her destination.
In the Philadelphia area we met a Metho-
dist minister and his wife who had opened
their home to relocates and helped them
become adjusted to their new environment.
Many of the young people now call them
Mildred Sasaki is using her special training at a Cincinnati day nursery and school
326
"Mom" and "Pop," and whenever some-
thing happens, good or bad, they hasten
to share it with these foster-parents.
In Cleveland there is another Caucasian
family which has welcomed one hundred
relocatees, giving them a temporary home
until they find jobs and places of their own.
They have done this solely because of their
desire to be of practical help.
These are only a few of the many friend-
ly gestures we heard about on our trip. On
the other hand, there were some unfortu-
nate instances where, through the ignor-
ance or prejudice of Caucasian neighbors,
relocatees had unpleasant experiences. But
they were the exceptions — not the rule.
Success Stories
What are the reactions of these Japanese
Americans to their new environment? How
do they like it in the Midwest and East?
Are they thinking about going back to the
West Coast? Will there be "little Tokyos"
springing up here and there?
Of the many hundreds we met on our
travels, a great majority expressed a prefer-
ence for remaining in their new environ-
ment, at least for the next few years. They
feel that they are as settled as they can be in
these unsettled times. Many said that they
do not wish to return to the West Coast,
that they have greater opportunity to use
their abilities and their training in other
sections of the country. They remember
how, on the West Coast, many college
graduates and professionally trained men
and women were forced into such unskilled
work as fruit-stand helpers, farmhands, and
the like. Those engaged in a professional
field usually had only Japanese clients or
patients. Now these same people are part
of the communities in which they have set-
tled, at work not on the basis of racial
background but of their own ability, train-
ing, and experience.
Thus a young woman is employed in the
national headquarters of one of the Protes-
tant denominations in New York as an
office secretary. She is much interested in
her work, and feels that she is an accepted
part of the organization. Although she
comes from sunny southern California, she
loves New York and plans to remain.
In Washington, D. C., a young man is
doing confidential work for the govern-
ment. While he realizes his is only a ten
porary war job, he is enthusiastic about h
experiences since he relocated, and mea
to stake his future in the East.
In a midwestern city, the manager
the only company which offers window di
play and department store decoration ser
ice is a relocatee from northern Californi;
There is a young man in New York City
who used to be a boys' worker in a Japanese
Branch YMCA. He is now very happily
engaged in doing similar work in a "Y"
branch where he deals with young boys
of many racial strains. During our trip we
found four other Japanese Americans with
full time YMCA jobs.
A former Japanese Branch YWCA sec-
retary is now serving as the girl reserve
secretary in another city. She works with
over 1,600 girls and is fully accepted by
them and other staff members.
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Many physicians, surgeons, and graduate
nurses of Japanese ancestry are serving in
the hospitals across the country, as are
nurses aides, and members of the Cadet
Nurse Corps. Most of them are well re-
ceived by the patients, and many have been
commended for their courtesy and consid-
eration.
A young man applied for a position in a
financial firm in an eastern city. Although
there was no opening there, he was given
an introduction to a New York City firm,
where he was hired almost immediately as
an analyst. He was the first Japanese
American to secure a Wall Street job.
These are only a few of the "success
stories" in our notebooks. There are hun-
dreds— even thousands — of relocatees work-
ing in war industries. Even alien relocatees
are working in some of them, doing their
part for our country. In colleges and offices,
many Japanese aliens are teaching or using
their difficult native language in the work
of Army and Navy Intelligence and other
confidential government agencies.
The Search for Companionship
Yet our people are not finding it easy to
go into a strange community and settle
there. When so many Americans are beset
with housing problems, it is especially dif-
ficult for a group with a different racial
background to find homes. In some large
cities only the undesirable types of housing
are available. Thus in Chicago, where the
heaviest relocation has taken place, some
are "getting along" in substandard, even
unsanitary dwellings.
Although many of the more progressive
Japanese Americans and interested Cauca-
sians urge the relocatees to try to become
an integrated part of the community, we
found some tendencies toward the forma-
tion of relocatee-communities in several
cities, including Chicago, Cleveland, and
New York. The settlement of relocatees
in fairly concentrated areas is not primarily
due to their own' choice. One rather unex-
pected reason was that as tenants they keep
their apartments so well that landlords
welcome more of their kind. Here and
there we found whole apartment buildings
completely occupied by Japanese American
families, who had come one by one.
In several cities where they are few in
number, the relocatees told us they felt
lonely and wanted social contact with
others who had resettled. Thus, a young
woman in a New England town said that
there were so few Japanese Americans in
the area that those who could preferred
to go to New York for social activities.
The alien relocatees were especially
troubled by the lack of customary contacts.
A couple with splendid jobs in a small
Michigan town are practically the only re-
locatees in the community. Although the
wife is reasonably happy, the husband is
very lonely and longs for the companion-
ship of people who speak Japanese.
In many places where there are a num-
ber of relocatees, community committees
have been formed, composed of Japanese
Americans, aliens, and in most instances
Caucasians, to arrange and sponsor dances,
lectures, forums and informal gatherings.
Hiromu Komori and Hitoshi Fukui, with a fellow employe, in a Cleveland
Everywhere there is in the minds of relo-
catees the growing realization that Japanese
Americans should become part of the gen-
eral life of America. Having been so defi-
nitely isolated along racial lines on the West
Coast and then in relocation centers, a great
number of them find it difficult to make
new friends among Americans of other
backgrounds.
The Churches Play a Large Part
Wherever we went, the church people
seemed particularly alert to the needs of
these new neighbors. In too many of the
general accounts of relocation, the part
played, by the churches of various denom-
inations, as well as by such general bodies
as the Home Missions Council of North
America, is minimized or even omitted.
In almost every community we visited, we
found either the local church federation or
the denominational offices establishing close
ties with the relocatees.
In a number of cities, various denomina-
tions have selected ministers of Japanese
American and also of alien background,
so that the general needs of both the Eng-
lish-speaking and the Japanese-speaking
relocatees may be met more effectively.
Their primary responsibilities are to help
the relocatees adjust themselves in the new
communities and to present the work of
relocation to interested organizations and
groups.
In some cities where the alien relocatee
population is fairly large, Japanese-language
services are conducted in established Cau-
casian churches. Relocatees are employed
in many of the national denominational
headquarters as well as in several local
churches. Almost every major denomina-
tional and interdenominational magazine
has carried articles giving an accurate pic-
ture of the relocation program, and some
Sunday School papers have published
stories written to help the children of
Christian America become acquainted with
Japanese Americans and their parents.
Most of the 3,000 college students affected
by the evacuation order were assisted in
continuing their education primarily
through the Japanese American Student Re-
location Council, composed of representa-
tives of the various denominations and ad-
ministered through the cooperation of the
American Friends Service Committee. A
great many of these students were attend-
ing denominational colleges, where they
were helped to continue their studies.
Several of the denominations are operat-
ing hostels for the relocatees, in order to
provide temporary housing for the,m until
they are able to find jobs and more
permanent accommodations. It is interest-
ing to note that in denominations like the
Lutherans and the Quakers, which formerly
had very few Japanese American members,
there is a notable increase from among
the relocatees.
Student Friendships
The student relocation program has had
some interesting by-products. Hundreds
of the Japanese American students, formerly
concentrated in West Coast institutions,
were scattered by evacuation among the col-
leges and universities of the Midwest and
East, and even in some of the southern col-
leges. This has given them an opportunity
to become better acquainted with this coun-
try and to make friends with young people
of many backgrounds. Many of the evacu-
ated students have made the honor rolls
and scholarship societies. But more im-
portant, they have been able to join in extra-
curricular activities, a'nd even to become
class and student body officers. Many of
them had never participated before in
campus affairs. In the new environment
(Continued on page 334)
JULY 1945
327
The Legs of the Hospital Bed
MICHAEL M. DAVIS
SIXTEEN MILLION AMERICANS WERE sup-
ported last year on 6,800,000 legs. The per-
sons were sick people in hospitals; the legs
belonged to the 1,700,000 hospital beds in
the United States.
Suppose we held a clock on people as
they enter hospitals and let the alarm ring
every time a patient is admitted. The bell
would sound every two seconds on the
average every day and every night of the
year. Suppose we watched with our alarm
clock on every hospital rooftop as the storks
fly down with their warm little burdens.
Three out of every five of Uncle Sam's
babies are born in hospitals. The stork
alarm would go off every 165/2 seconds.
Hospitals are big business. The land,
buildings, and equipment of our 6,600 hos-
pitals represent an investment of more than
five billion dollars. The work of the hos-
pitals takes a million people — from doctors
to doormen.
These people are engaged in health serv-
ice. The hospital is in the business of serv-
ice. It serves people in three stages:
Horizontal patients — sick people in the
hospital beds.
Vertical patients — sick people who are
able to walk to and from the doctors' offi-
ces, the "clinics," and the laboratories in
the hospitals.
Well people — who pay the bills and who
are helped to keep well by the knowledge
gained through hospitals.
The Hospital Picture
Hospitals thus have the hard task of sat-
isfying everybody. How well have they
done it? What do hospital trustees and ad-
ministrators want? What are they worry-
ing about? What are the public's gripes,
what are its demands concerning hospitals?
There are many points of view. For
example:
"A hospital's a place where the doctors
and nurses give you everything that medi-
cine's got, and kindness besides." That's a
satisfied patient's definition.
"I never had truck with a hospital. When
anybody from our cove gets taken off to
the hospital, they generally come back in
the dead wagon." Here talks the father of
a North Carolina mountain family who
lives twelve miles from a doctor and forty
from the nearest hospital.
"The hospital is the doctor's workshop
and training ground," says a physician.
"Whether or not the surgeons take any-
thing out of you in the operating room,
the hospital will try to take a big check out
of you at the cashier's desk." The white-
collar man speaks.
An administrator of a voluntary hospital
prays: "Help us balance our budget, keep
our doctors happy, and hold our hospital
safe from government domination."
A United -States senator urges: "Let us
have a national health program which will
HEALTH— TODAY & TOMORROW
— A series by the chairman, Committee
on Research in Medical Economics;
associate editor, Survey Graphic.
make hospitals physically accessible and
hospitalization financially available to every-
one everywhere."
Beneath these diverse views lie the issues
which hospitals and the public face today.
A brief review of facts will focus these
issues.
During the past seventy-five years, the
population of this country has increased
less than four times, but the number of
hospital beds has multiplied thirty-four
times. Ninety-five percent of the five
billion hospital capital has been contributed
on a non-profit basis by governments or
private agencies or individuals. Here is big
business without stockholders or dividends.
Local, state or federal governments own and
operate a third of the 6,600 hospitals, and
have 1,350,000 out of the 1,700,000 beds.
The government figure is swelled by 400,-
000 federal beds added since 1940. State
and local governments have largely pre-
empted hospital care for mental diseases
and for tuberculosis.
The non-governmental hospitals receive
a larger proportion of the acute, short-term
illnesses. For this reason ten million .of the
sixteen million hospital admissions last year
were to non-governmental hospitals. These
voluntary hospitals outnumber the govern-
mental hospitals two to one. They 5re the
typical American general hospital. Their
boards of trustees, their auxiliary and
financing committees, draw community
leaders in all large and most small cities.
A third of them are under church auspices.
Doctors in areas without community hos-
pitals and city doctors who can't get on
community hospital staffs, have set up over
1,000 hospitals. These proprietary hospitals,
however, are mostly tiny ones. They in-
clude less than four percent of all hospital
beds and they are declining as community
organization grows: but in some rural sec-
tions they still dominate.
Tallying Gains and Headaches
I have been in a few small hospitals that
are ill-equipped, dirty, and unsavory in
management, but most American hospitals
are places of which their doctors and their
communities can rightly be proud. In the
past generation the hospitals of America
have made great progress towards solving
such major problems as these:
1. A basic type of hospital organization
— tested and standardized as a non-profit
body under a lay board of trustees, govern-
mental or voluntary.
2. Professional freedom for the physicians
appointed to the hospital staff by the trus-
tees.
3. Standards of organization and of per-
formance, maintained mostly by voluntary
professional bodies — the American College
of Surgeons, the American Medical Associa-
tion, the American Hospital Association.
The enforcement of these standards is un-
even, especially as regards fee-splitting, and
hardly touches the numerous little hospitals
with less than twenty-five beds. Yet con-
ditions today represent an outstanding ad-
vance over those of a generation ago.
4. Education for physicians, nurses, medi-
cal social workers, and many technical voca-
tions, integrated with hospital, clinic, and
laboratory.
5. Professionalizing hospital administra-
tion. The American Hospital Association
has become a powerful, self-conscious body.
6. Relations between voluntary hospitals
and governments. Tax payments from local,
state, and federal funds for the care of
needy persons now exceed philanthropic
gifts to hospital maintenance. Through co-
operation with public welfare authorities
and otherwise, the hospitals have trans-
formed many of these arrangements from
politically determined lump-sum grants to
businesslike payment for service on a per
diem cost basis.
7. Painless payment of hospital bills. The
Blue Cross hospital insurance plans were
initiated largely by hospitals. They are
sponsored but not controlled by the Ameri-
can Hospital Association. In twelve years
they have gained over 17,000,000 members.
Problems Ahead
Unsolved problems stand on the hospital
floor, among them:
1. Many hospitals are the private work-
shops of the surgeons who "feed in" a ma-
jority of the hospital's paying patients. Com-
petition among staff doctors and between
different hospitals often lowers standards.
2. Many physicians are without any hos-
pital staff connection — especially general
practitioners in large cities. The interest of
the individual hospital is to maintain high
quality in its staff. The interest of the com-
munity is to see that every doctor has op-
portunity to keep professionally up-to-date.
3. The advantages and economies of
group medical practice exist in many organ-
ized hospitals staffs for non-paying patients,
but in only a few for paying patients.
4. No private or public agency collects
facts annually on a nationwide scale about
hospital financial operations — especially
current income and expenses — data essential
to community and national planning.
5. Negro patients, doctors, and nurses get
slim pickings from the hospital table. Negro
medical needs are great. Negro paying
power is low.
6. Many hospitals should have more trus-
328
SURVEY GRAPHIC
tees who will represent community needs
rather than institutional interests.
7. Most hospitals are still repair shops,
related neither to preventive services on the
one side nor to convalescent and social
services on the other.
Where and How Questions
Three big problems sit on the hospital
door step:
Maldistribution of facilities. The estab-
lishment of hospitals in American com-
munities has long followed the precept, "To
him that hath shall be given." Now in 1945,
the American Hospital Association has
sponsored the Hill-Burton Bill (S. 191) for
statewide surveys of hospital needs and for
federal aid in hospital construction. The
American Medical Association, the big farm
agencies, and organized labor all support
the bill in principle. If the measure is en-
acted, after some needed amendments, a
new chapter in rural medical service will
begin.
Coordination of hospitals. Dr. Thomas
Parran, Senator Claude Pepper and many
hospital leaders declare that hospitals should
be interrelated in local and regional schemes,
so that the small ones — and thus the people
of small communities — can obtain special-
ized and quality services beyond their local
hospital's resources.
This plan has been the subject of a hand-
ful of local experiments and of many
mouthfuls of speechmaking.
Making hospital care financially available
to everyone. The leaders of the Blue Cross
hospital insurance plans project their pres-
ent rate of growth in membership over
happy futures, until the whole population is
covered. If last year's unprecedented in-
crease of three and a half million members
were continued for fifteen years, half of our
people would be covered. In accepting a
decade or two of delay, the Blue Cross
leaders are generous with other people's
time.
Will this rate of growth continue? So
far, experience shows a marked decline in
the rate of increase of most plans after the
first five or six years. How much would
this tendency be changed by more vigorous
campaigns for membership? By offering
fuller benefits at the same or possibly lower
rates? Certainly the Blue Cross plans would
be boosted if many private employers would
do what a few do now — pay half or more
of the charges for their employes; and if our
governments could and would do this for
their employes, too.
To enthusiasm now add a dose of realism.
There were 1,822,000 business firms report-
ing in 1940 to the Social Security System,
with some twenty-seven and a half million
employes. Less than 2,400 of these firms
employed 1,000 or more persons. About
one and a half million employed less than
ten persons. Besides these businesses there
are over one million other employing units,
mostly very small, and beyond these some
ten million farmers and self-employed in-
dividuals. The administratively easiest and
financially safest enrollment in voluntary
insurance plans comes from large employed
groups. As the plans move to small units
the going gets tougher. The same is true
as they try to tap that half of our population
with family incomes under |2,000.
Government Participation
Another adventure in realism leads us to
the $64 question: government— boon or
bogey? Of the four legs of the hospital
bed, "Professional Service" represents the
hospital's primary function. "Education
and Research" are essential if professional
service is to be high-grade and progressive.
As to "Community Support," the typical
American hospital is in a fortunate position.
Five sixths or more of the maintenance ex-
penses of most voluntary general hospitals
are met by payments from patients. These
hospitals depend little, many of them not at
all, upon philanthropic gifts toward current
expenses. They seek gifts mainly for capi-
tal— new buildings, renovations, and dur-
able equipment.
Community support is, however, sought
and given in other ways than money. Gifts
of personal service are numerous. By or-
ganizing personal service, many hospitals
tap churches, employers, men's clubs, wo-
men's clubs, fraternal organizations, and
other major groups in their localities. Yet
even though most voluntary hospitals are
relatively independent of gifts for current
maintenance, they cannot stand securely if
they violate the obligation of community
service. On this principle their status rests.
"Government Participation" in hospital
service is more than financial. Of primary
importance is the tax exemption which is
accorded non--profit hospitals in almost all
states. Second is the direct supply of general
hospital service by institutions maintained
by cities, counties, states, and federal agen-
cies. These government hospitals not only
furnish services, they also may serve as
yardsticks of cost. Third, are the increasing
payments by local, state, and national gov-
ernments to voluntary hospitals for services
rendered needy persons. These payments
have rarely been accompanied by interfer-
ence with the administration of the insti-
tutions.
Indeed the American Hospital Associa-
tion asks for more — more tax payments for
more people; and for payments covering
full cost.
Government participation in hospital
service is thus a boon, but one does not
have to advance far in realism to appre-
ciate that obligations go along with benefits.
The Hospitals' Strength
A third adventure in realism would bring
those concerned with hospitals to appraise
the strength of their position. The roots of
the voluntary hospitals strike so wide and
deep in most American .communities that
increasing participation by local, state or
national governments is no reason for fear.
The real dangers of government-from-a-dis-
tance must be prevented. The perversions
of partisan politics must be combated. But
these dangers must be fought realistically,
and with enough humor to appreciate that
non-governmental as well as governmental
agencies are operated by self-centered hu-
man beings.
The recent expansion of voluntary health
insurance plans has double motivation. The
carrot of public service lures. The whip
of the government bogey drives. Large
growth of voluntary plans will require a
unity and a militant spirit which arise only
from strong, positive motivation. The ex-
perience of the plans promoted by state
medical societies shows that the whip often
brings rearing and shying and little progress
along the road. These plans offer very
limited services and have obtained hardly
7 percent of the Blue Cross membership.
If the hospitals would appreciate the true
strength of their position with the public
and with the medical profession, their trus-
tees would control the costly internecine
warfare with X-ray and other specialists
who want to charge patients all the traffic
will bear, and many hospitals and some
Blue Cross plans could proceed, without
seeing bogeys under the bed, to offer com-
plete prepaid medical care through group
practice by the hospital and clinic staffs.
As hospital people discard their fears, gov-
ernment health insurance will cease to cause
chills and fever. Both hospital and govejn-
ment leaders would do well to watch them-
selves more and the other fellow less.
Governmental
Participation
Community
Support
Professional
Service
Education and
Research
JULY 1945
329
LETTERS AND LIFE
Governing a Troubled Community
WHEN PEACE RETURNS, THE AMERICAN PEO-
ple — at least the thoughtful ones — are go-
ing to examine once more the validity of
humanitarian principles. We have waged
war "for humanity's sake" since 1898 and
have been ridiculed by other nations be-
cause our brave talk about ideals did not
tally with our practical politics. In the
present war the cry is democracy, which
somehow seems to imply legal -instead of
sentimental rights. Already we are greatly
concerned with the application of democracy
— and the word takes on new meanings as
men of differing opinions use it.
Under our laws every citizen has specific
rights. Certainly he is innocent of breaking
laws until proved guilty; moreover, he is
entitled to a fair trial. It might serve to
remind us that if historians of a vanished
people were guided solely by the principles
that these people announced in their high-
est and noblest hours, they would fail to
grasp many essentially human elements.
In the United States, for instance, we are
committed to treat on equal terms all citi-
zens, no matter what their race or color;
yet everyone is aware of the constant ten-
sions created by the feeling of superiority.
This is accentuated in time of war. Dur-
ing the first World War it produced many
harsh attitudes toward German-born citi-
zens who had arrived in the great immi-
grations of the nineteenth century. In this
war it has led to even more bitter expres-
sions of hate and suspicion against those
among us who were born in Japan, and
against their children who were born and
educated in the United States.
Poston as Laboratory
The position of Japanese Americans in
wartime America has had the attention of
several earnest students, notably Carey Mc-
Williams, and the conclusions reached are
that many honest individuals have suffered
because a few sided violently with Japan.
The hostility of the California communities
in which so many of them lived was
marked, and for their own protection as
well as ours they were placed in supervised
camps.
This dislocation provided opportunity for
a study of social influences and organiza-
tion by a psychiatrist and social anthro-
pologist with experience in Eskimo and In-
dian affairs, Alexander H. Leighton, now a
lieutenant commander in the U. S. Naval
Reserve. "The Governing of Men," pub-
lished in cooperation with the American
Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations
(Princeton University Press; $3.75), is his
attempt to formulate certain general princi-
ples from observation of the adjustment of
human relations at the Poston relocation
camp near Parker, Ariz. Here about 18,000
(All boo1(S
HARRY HANSEN
evacuees were placed in three large unit?
of flimsily constructed wooden barracks.
Since Commander Leighton takes his title
from Danton's regretful remark: "Oh, it
were better to be a poor fisherman than to
meddle with the governing of men," it is
obvious that he is dealing with difficulties
at the camp. To draw conclusions of a
general nature from the ferment, the tur-
moil of human needs, desires and fears, and
conflict with authority, calls for an eye for
essentials; Commander Leighton has it and
.also has the patience to wait for evidence
before stating his conclusions. Thus "The
Governing of Men" is a careful, step-by-
step examination of the rise and fall of dis-
content at Poston; the leadership which
brought it about and that which quelled it.
A "People-Minded" Leader
In dealing with groups of human beings
several attitudes are always prominent. Men
in authority, responsible for decisions, pre-
fer to delay drastic action if peaceful solu-
tions can be reached. They know that vio-
lence leads to further violence. Police and
the military, used to repressive measures,
invariably represent the opposite extreme
when called in to help. Subordinate offi-
cials, who do not have full responsibility
for what happens, also are more aggressive
than their superiors.
Talk of being "soft" and "appeasing" is
always thrown at leaders at such moments.
Perhaps ultimate success determines the
validity of method. At Poston the assistant
director, who was "people-minded," as
Commander Leighton puts it, won a victory
by patience and forbearance with the dis-
affected, who were led by troublemakers
into a strike. "Every administrator must be
prepared when the time comes to back him-
self against the world and if necessary take
the consequences of losing," Commander
Leighton maintains. The assistant director
is identified only as a forty-year-old son
of Yale, member of a wealthy family; his
mother is a well-known New York liberal.
Opposing him were the "stereotype-minded
group of administrative employes," whose
patience gave out.
Much patience was needed. The evacu-
ees here were a heterogeneous crowd. Thev
included the Issei (34.9 percent) or origin-
al immigrants from Japan, some of whom
had hoped to return there and had, like
the Germans during the first World War,
a degree of pride in the rise of their native
land, though others had been disillusioned;
the Nisei (51.3 percent), their children,
born and educated in the United States,
with no desire to live in Japan; the Kibei
(9.2 percent), Nisei who had gone to Japan
as children, and had returned with conflict-
ing ideas and become troublemakers. The
ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will
camp also contained the Sansei (4.6 per-
cent), young children of Nisei and Kibei.
Herded together in camp, where every
way of life had to be improvised, these
evacuees were the victims of fear and
alarms. Reports from the Pacific Coast
did not reassure them. Talk about democ-
racy by the directors was contradicted by
the restrictions imposed on citizens who had
no dealings with the en::my. They felt
themselves "deserted by America." The
troublemakers worked up discontent.
Reactions to Stress
As fear and anxiety were reduced there
was "an increase in aggressive expres-
sions of dissatisfaction." Commander Leigh-
ton's comment on the rise of belief in Jap-
anese victory among some of them applies
to many other situations: "It was the usual
retreat from reality into the fantasies of
hope that is often seen when human beings
are under stress, a retreat which can stir
whole groups to fanaticism and messianic
movements." This accelerated "the ten-
dency to live in melodrama," when "mis-
interpretation had a hair trigger." We see
here the workings of prolonged frustration
on the human imagination. Such a situa-
tion should teach us much about mass
movements that result in violence. Poston
did not reach the stage of violence because
it was ably administered.
In the second part of the book, Com-
mander Leighton discusses his conclusions.
This is excellent reading for all of us. It de-
scribes the reactions of individuals to stress
and the position to be taken by those re-
sponsible for the public welfare. Aggression
must be guided, says he. "It is the horse
with spirit that is balking," hence it must
be carefully led. Administrators are as
much under stress as those who oppose
them; it is an error to suppose that the re-
sponsible heads are always cool.
Of importance, too, is Commander Leigh-
ton's emphasis on the peculiar social or-
ganization of people and the need for work-
ing inside such organizations to get coopera-
tion. Much of this has been applied by
American leaders in zones of occupation.
It is no longer a sentimental attitude to-
ward underdogs that dictates our attitudes
and methods; it is practical and scientific,
the result of a half century of searching for
social principles.
The men who apply these principles of
humanitarian action are trained specialists,
but in proportion to the population they are
few. Outside a huge crowd is yelling:
"String up the spies!" "Wipe out the enemy
to the last man!" Books such as this, pa-
tiently rehearsing an effort to be just to
war's victims, may enlarge the circle of
understanding.
be postpaid)
330
JAPANESE MILITARISM, ITS CAUSE
AND CURE, by John M. Maki. Knopf. £3.
FOR ANY PERSON WISHING TO LHARN QUICKLY
yet fundamentally the nature of our remain-
ing enemy, Mr. Maki's book is almost per-
fect. Although the title suggests a concen-
tration on strictly military matters, such
is not the case. At the very start the author
sets forth the thesis that militarism is not
a new or ephemeral phenomenon in Japan,
but an integral product of an entire social
system and a long history.
Though the winning of the war is being
carried out boldly, brilliantly, and swiftly
by our side, this is only a beginning. "True
statesmanship," says the author, "must
build on the accomplishments of the fight-
ing man. It must go beyond the battlefield
and attack Japanese ideas and institutions."
It must destroy the roots of Japanese mili-
tarism after our fighting forces have lopped
off the branches. It must purge the Japan-
ese people by letting them suffer in their
own land the destruction and chaos that
they have inflicted on others. Then it must
see that they rebuild their social order along
lines radically different from those of the
past.
With this thesis in mind the author gives
a lucidly written, carefully conceived ac-
count of Japanese social evolution. In chap-
ters on the Political Oligarchy, the Eco-
nomic Oligarchy, the Emperor Idea, Anti-
Foreignism, and the Authoritarian State,
he shows that Japan has had a remarkable
continuity of rule by a select few, but-
tressed always by economic and religious
controls.
Such changes as have occurred have been
engineered from the top. The transforma-
tion from feudalism to modernism, for ex-
ample, was the result not of a spontaneous
popular revolution but of a shrewdly con-
trolled change by authoritarian leaders asso-
ciated with the Imperial faction. It was for
this reason not a complete transformation.
The philosophy of feudal authoritarianism
was kept and made the basis of a fascist
state disguised by a facade of parliamentar-
ism.
A series of remarkably successful wars
gave the people the feeling that navy and
army domination of the government was a
good thing. In a final chapter on Japan's
future, the author emphasizes the necessity
of a drastic policy to shake the Japanese
out of their insular illusions and their oli-
garchic society.
The book is profound and yet crystal
clear, an invaluable contribution to Amer-
ican understanding and the formation of
public policy with reference to the enemy.
A fillip is added by the fact that the author
is an American citizen of Japanese ances-
try. His scholarship, objectivity, and first
hand acquaintance with the Japanese, his
ability to write, his excellent judgment, are
a credit to him.
Princeton University KINGSLEY DAVIS
LET US CONSIDER ONE ANOTHER, by
Josephine Lawrence. Appleton - Century.
#2.75.
To HER GROWING LIST OF VIVIDLY HUMAN
novels, Josephine Lawrence now adds the
moving story of a "mixed marriage" on
which crowd in the petty prejudice, the
blind bigotry, the cruel stupidity of middle-
class society, family and friends. Cecilia and
"Tag" — so called from his mother's family
name of Taget — are deeply, irresistibly in
love. Both are children of mixed marriages,
she of Catholic-Protestant parents, he of
Jewish-Gentile. Both have abundant experi-
ence in family tensions and truces.
"Tag" is charming, handsome, and intel-
ligent and "no one would suspect him of
being a Jew." But his name is Hymen
Silverstein and with its first mention comes
a stiffening of Cecilia's every social contact,
however casual. "I know how it is," says
Tag. "When you say you are Mrs. Silver-
stein . . . then the vicious, the stupid and
the cruel begin to bay you like hounds. . . .
Prejudice is a seeping dark stain I think,
more difficult to fight than hatred — which is
powerful and violent and somehow more
honest, too."
Miss Lawrence portrays the baying
through all its endless round — the hotels
and apartment houses, "restricted" because
"once you let one in you can't keep the rest
out"; the nurse whose last patient was "a
Jewish lady, but nice"; the rapacious south-
ern landlady "careful about whom she takes
in; the man on the train who "always told
my wife that some Jews are white folks."
And always there is the family, down to the
"You Must Have Spent Years on Shorthand91
NO: I Learned in 6 WEEKS!
You, too, can master SPEEDWRITING, the modern shorthand, in one-quarter
the time required by symbol systems. It is far easier and more accurate to write
and transcribe. Tens of thousands of shorthand writers have been freed from the
drudgery of old-fashioned methods of learning and writing shorthand through the
marvelous SPEEDWRITING system. It has no signs or symbols but uses the
familiar letters of the alphabet. It eliminates the strain of taking dictation and u
easy to read back.
SPEEDWRITERS are employed in the better jobs all over the country. Prepare
now for one of these jobs — and for the post-war opportunities that await you
just ahead!
YOU CAN QUALIFY AS A FAST, ACCURATE SHORTHAND WRITER
IN 72 HOURS OF HOME STUDY BY THIS FAMOUS METHOD.
With no interference with your present work, with no sacrifice of your hours of
recreation, you can master this easy, natural modern shorthand in six weeks of
home study. You can take longer if you wish; many have learned Speedwriting in
less time. Over 100,000 have studied Speedwriting at home in their spare hours.
The cost is only a smell fraction of what you would expect to pay. Speedwriting; is
nationally recognized and highly endorsed by educators and
business leaders. It has been used for over twenty yean in
leading corporations and Civil Service. Mail coupon below for
No cost, no obligation; no salesman will call.
FREE!
FASCINATING NEW
ILLUSTRATED BOOKLET
Gives you full informa-
tion about Speedwriting,
and includes easy lesson
that will have you writ-
ing typical business sen-
tences in shorthand in a
few minutes!
School of Speedwriting
55 West 42 Street
N. Y. 18
illustrated booklet.
SCHOOL OF SPEEOWRITINC.
Dept. 3507, 55 West 42 Street, New York 18, N. Y.
MAIL THIS COUPON TODAY
School of Speedwriting, Dept. 3507
55 West 42 Street, New York 18, N. Y.
Please seed me without obligation or expense your new
illustrated booklet containing full information on Speed.
writing — The Modern Shorthand ; also your easy, Inter-
exliig demonstration lesson.
Name
City and State
(Include P.O. Zone No., if any)
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
331
last cousin, torn by its own hales and
jealousies, frustrated by grim personal rela-
tionships, but joined as one in baying at the
heels of Cecilia's marriage.
Most of the baying sprang from stupidity,
from the thoughtless acceptance of stencils
— Irish are noisy and dirty, Italians beat
their wives, Negroes are lazy and light-
fingered, Jews are aggressive and "Oh, you
know. . . ."
Tag saw it clear: "But those traits are
human, not racial. You may find them in a
Gentile or a Jew. ... It is so simple and we
make it so complicated. Each of us will be
judged by God as an individual soul. Why
do we insist on passing judgments on the
mass?" Cecilia, secure in her personal hap-
piness with Tag, but groping for light on
the crude unreason that surrounded her,
puzzled out a backhanded answer, "What
I don't understand is why any church in
the United States thinks it necessary to go
outside this country to teach the Christian
gospel. None of us has yet learned it here
at home."
Miss Lawrence's skill as a writer lies not
in suggesting the overtones and undertones
of human relationships but in depicting the
details of the often unlovely business of
people living together in the ties of blood
and marriage. She is no respecter of skele-
tons in closets, be they of individuals, of
families, or of society. In "Let Us Consider
One Another" — a title drawn from St.
Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews — she brings
them all out and if you or I recognize a
familiar rattle, that is exactly what she set
out to accomplish. Incidentally, she has
written a story that commands interest
and emotion from beginning to end.
Osterville, Mass. GERTRUDE SPRINGER
CAN REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT
DO THE JOB, by Thomas K. Finletter,
Reynal Si Hitchcock. $2.
Whattodo BOOKS ON GOVERNMENT ARE
almost as numerous and as popular as who-
dunits in current fiction. This new volume
has even the suspense of the latter, and the
argument is built up so that the whattodo
is not revealed until the important con-
clusions.
The first section on "Ends and Means"
is the best popular presentation which this
hardened political scientist has read of the
interrelationships within American govern-
ment in the world today and the years to
follow the war. Mr. Finletter raises the
fundamental question: can governmental
machinery designed to achieve political
negatives and the laissez faire state develop
the steady flow of power which the new
policies of the American people demand?
He shows clearly that the present system
of American government in peace results
in strong and weak alternating periods. In
this swing he sees a basic conflict between
the historic purposes of the Constitution
aimed at a weak government and the need
today for strong government.
The book goes to the heart of our diffi-
culties when it points out the conflict be-
tween the Executive and Congress as the
most significant fact in American govern-
ment today. The most urgent need is for
a powerful Executive and at the same time
a strong legislative body, to do away with
the battles between the two — battles which
ultimately will jeopardize the very existence
of Congress and defeat all executive plans
for domestic prosperity and international
peace.
In the past, whattodo literature has in-
cluded proposals ranging from the right
of the President to dissolve the House and
Senate to a complete parliamentary system
and the consequent abandonment of the
popular election of the President. Mr. Fin-
letter joins the long procession of those
who advocate the appearance of Cabinet
members on the floor of the House and
Senate for questions. But he realizes that
this alorte would offer too little, too late.
He therefore suggests, first, a joint bi-parti-
san Cabinet between the Executive and
Congress, with jurisdiction over domestic
as well as foreign matters. The present
rigid terms of office for the President and
members of Congress would be a barrier
to the effective operation of any joint Cabi-
net. He ' suggests amending the Consti-
tution to give the President the right to
dissolve Congress and the Presidency and
to call a general election when a deadlock
arises between Congress and the joint Cabi-
net. He advocates terms of Senators, Repre-
sentatives, and Chief Executive of the same
length, say six years from the date of each
election.
This is an important little book. Whether
or not one agrees entirely with the some-
what drastic solutions the author proposes,
one cannot fail to agree that a continued
acceptance of the principle of conflict be-
tween two branches of government imperils
the authority of Congress and even the ex-
istence of self-rule in the United States. It is
to be hoped that Mr. Finletter's discussion
will stimulate action as to what to do about
it. The plan already working effectively
bf which combined groups of the State
Department and the congressional Foreign
Relations and Foreign Affairs Committees
work together is an encouraging straw to
show which way the wind is blowing.
JANE PERRY CLARK CAREY
Barnard College
THE NEGRO IN AMERICAN LIFE, by
John Becker. Messner. $1.
ONE OF THE MOST NECESSARY STEPS IN THE
campaign against racial and other forms
of social intolerance is to shatter the stereo-
types which serve as the customary molds
of prejudice. This attack has become one
of the most novel and effective devices in
the growing educational crusade for more
democratic living and thinking. An im-
portant and pioneering instance was the
photographic placard exhibit worked o"t
under the supervision of John Becker for
the Council Against Intolerance in Amer-
ica, and exhibited for the first time at
Henry Street Settlement in New York last
year.
.The unusual success of this pictorial and
graphic panorama of the more constructive
relationship of the Negro to our American
society has been duplicated in a number of
1
centers. Now this booklet brings the ex-
hibit into arm's reach of any reader. It is t
be hoped that in this form it will have the
larger circulation which it deserves as one
of the most helpful bits of sound demo-
cratic propaganda yet worked out in this
gravely important area of interracial anc
intercultural education. ALAIN LOCKE
Professor of Philosophy
Howard University, Washington, D. C.
DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA, by Alexis d
Tocqueville, the Henry Reevt text as re-
vised by Francis Bowen, now Uxrther cor-
rected and edited with introduction, ed
torial notes and bibliographies by Phillips
Bradley. Foreword by Harold J. Laski. Two
volumes; Knopf. $6.
ALMOST ANY EDITION OF THIS GREAT CLASSIC
would have been justified at this time. Bu
when a new edition possesses the superioi
merits of the present work, its appearance
is greeted with enthusiasm. Both publishei
and editor have done justice to the import
ance of their material; the one in design
and typography, the other in introduction,
notes, translation revisions, and bibliog-
raphies.
The Reeve translation as revised b;
Bowen has been further emended in more
than 275 instances in an effort "to eliminate
. . . the most obvious difficulties in Tocque-
ville's meaning" and to make the text
"more comprehensible to the contemporary
reader." Two appendices, one dealing with
major variants in the standard translation,
and the other providing comprehensive
Tocqueville bibliographies are valuable
scholarly contributions.
Professor Bradley's introduction includes
a biographical summary, a concise account
of Tocqueville's purpose and method in
writing this major work, a brief compari-
son of his and Beaumont's distinctive treat-
ments of their American theme, an illumi-
nating historical outline of the critical re-
ception of the book in France, England, and
America within the past century, and a
critical analysis of the author's appraisal of
American democratic institutions and of
democracy in general.
The most valuable section is that in
which Professor Bradley extracts the es-
sence of Tocqueville's thought with respect
to the basic and crucial areas of democratic
theory and practice. He analyzes Tocque-
ville's views on such issues as "the tyranny
of the majority," centralization of govern-
ment and administration, the relationship
between economic, sociological and political
conditions, and the place of religion and
education in the evolution of democratic
concepts. Proceeding with the thesis that
"we must, as Tocqueville did, look deeper
to discover the contradiction in democratic
politics, the sources of its strength and
weaknesses," Professor Bradley evaluates
the author's theories in terms of present and
future as well as of past applications. This
100-page essay is, in effect, a chart pointing
the directions which must be followed if
our highest democratic aspirations are ever
to reach fulfillment.
As for Tocqueville's book itself, nothing
more need be said than that it has been
recognized by the most competent critics of
332
the past one hundred years as one of the
most significant treatises ever written on
American institutions and democratic
theory. It has gained rather than lost in
timeliness. Now more than ever before it
is practically indispensable for those who
would acquire a sound understanding of
the evolution of our own democratic institu-
tions and of the major issues involved in
the ultimate establishment of democratic so-
ciety on a national as well as on a uni-
versal scale. The conflict between liberty and
equality is still a focal point in the struggle
of social ideas and forces. Moral and
spiritual values, as Tocqueville so clearly
saw, are still the foundations of the demo-
cratic ideal.
"The citizen who has drunk deep of
Tocqueville's wisdom," says Harold Laski
in his foreword to this edition, "will be well
equipped for the battle in which this gen-
eration has, of its necessities, made him a
soldier." This excellent new rendition
should serve not only to strengthen and in-
spire those already engaged in the struggle,
but to enlist new recruits.
HOWARD W. HINTZ
Co-director of American Studies,
Assistant Processor of English,
Brooklyn College.
GOLDEN GATE CHARTER
(Continued from page 313)
the opening sentence of this central Article
in the League Covenant:
"Any war or threat of war, whether im-
mediately affecting any of the Members of
the League or not, is hereby declared a
matter of concern to the whole League,
and the League shall take any action that
may be deemed wise and effectual to safe-
guard the peace of nations."
While it is well to spell out the obliga-
tions of enforcement as was done in Chap-
ter VII of the Charter, history will not
justify the claims of those who assert that
the Covenant lacked adequate provision for
the purpose of securing police action.
Article 11 was an emergency clause, but
aggressions call for emergency action. From
the purely theoretical point of view, which
is not that of practical politics, a revision of
Article 16 of the Covenant could easily have
been drafted which would have imple-
mented Article 1 1 along lines fundamentally
similar to those of the Charter.
Men of Vision
The really new parts of the Charter are
those dealing with international economic
and social cooperation, with the creation of
an Economic and Social Council, and with
international oversight of non-self-governing
peoples and an international trusteeship
much stronger than the mandates of the
League.
These economic, social and political pro-
visions were largely lacking in the Covenant
of the League of Nations. Here they are
not mere appendages to the security sys-
tem. They provide alternatives for war in
the development of justice and human wel-
fare. So well has the task been done that
already the Economic and Social Council is
recognized as ranking in importance along-
side the Security Council.
Analysis of these far-reaching institutions
for the enrichment of peace itself must,
however, be left to a later review.
Even a summary of the chapters dealing
with security makes it evident that the San
Francisco Charter is more than "a first
step" in reshaping international relations.
President Truman was fully aware of his
own understatement when, towards the
close of his address, he pointed out that it
marked the continuity of the history of ef-
forts of this kind and paid tribute to his
predecessors. It is fitting therefore that we
close this survey by quoting his words:
"By this Charter, you have given reality
to the ideal of that great statesman of a
generation ago — Woodrow Wilson.
"By this Charter, you have moved toward
the goal for which the gallant leader in this
second world struggle worked and fought
and gave his life— Franklin D. Roosevelt.
"By this Charter, you have realized the
objectives of many men of vision in your
own countries who have devoted their lives
to the cause of world organization for
peace.
"Upon all of us, in all our countries, is
now laid the duty of transforming into ac-
tion these words which you have written."
To People
who want to write
but can't get started
Do you have that constant urge to write but the fear that a beginner hasn't a
chance? Then listen to what the editor of Liberty said on this subject:
"There is more room for newcomers in the writing field today than ever before.
Some of the greatest of writing men and women have passed from the scene in
recent years. Who will take their places? Who will be the new Robert W.
Chambers, Edgar Wallace, Rudyard Kipling? Fame, riches and the happiness
of achievement await the new men and women of power."
SELLS FOUR
AT BEGINNING
ARTICLES
OF COURSE
Before I had finished the third assignment, I sold four articles that
have brought in over twice the cost of the complete course. Had any-
one told me when I began the N.I.A. Course, that I could do that, I
would have considered them crazy." — Walter F. Roper, 95 Benedict
Terrace, Longmeadow, Mass.
WRITING APTITUDE TEST FREE!
THE Newspaper Institute of America offers a FREE Writing Aptitude Test. Its object is to
discover new recruits for the army of men and women who add to their income by fiction
and article writing. The Writing Aptitude Test is a simple but expert anaylsis of your latent
ability, your powers of imagination, logic, etc. Not all applicants pass this test. Those who do
are qualified to take the famous N.I.A. course based on the practical training given by big
metropolitan dailies
This is the New York Copy Desk Method which teaches you to write by writing! You develop
your individual style instead of trying to copy that of others.
You "cover" actual assignments such as metropolitan reporters
get. Although you work at home, on your own time, you are
constantly guided by experienced writers.
It is really fascinating work. Each week you see new progress.
In a matter of months you can acquire the coveted "profes-
sional" touch. Then you're ready for market with greatly im-
proved chances of making sales.
Mail the Coupon Now
But the first steps is to take the Writing Aptitude Test. It re-
quires but a few minutes and costs nothing. So mail the coupon
now. Make the first move towards the most enjoyable and profit-
able occupation — writing for publication! Newspaper Institute
of America, One Park Avenue, New York 16, N. Y. (Founded
1925.)
NOTICE TO
CANADIANS
Newspaper Institute's
operations in Canada
have been approved by
the Foreign Exchange
Control Board, and to
facilitate all financial
transactions, a special
permit has been as-
signed to their account
with The Canadian Bank
of Commerce, Montreal.
Newspaper Institute of America
One Park Avenue, New York 16, N. Y.
Send me, without cost or obligation, your Writing Aptitude Test and further
information about writing for profit as promised in the Survey Graphic, July.
Miss
Mrs.
Mr.
Address
••irl nt: -1
, Copyright 1945 Newspafe' Institute of America
(Jn answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
333
WE'RE AMERICANS AGAIN
(Continued from page 327)
they found they were expected by their fel-
low students to take part as a matter of
course in the school and college social life.
For example, we met a student from
southern California who had gone to a
midwestern college to finish his senior
year. Through grammar school, junior and
senior high schools, and college, he had
been isolated in clubs for Japanese Ameri-
cans only. In the Midwest, associating with
very few of his own background, this stu-
dent had to learn to mingle with Cauca-
sians. To his surprise, he liked it.
In one of the northern cities of Min-
nesota, one relocatee was voted the most
popular student and another the best athlete
in the school. (They were the only Jap-
anese Americans on the campus.) A young
man in Ohio was elected president of the
student body for a term. In a midwest col-
lege, a young Japanese American repre-
sented not only his college but also the
state in an intercollegiate debating contest.
Restless Youngsters
On the other hand, there are signs of in-
creasing delinquency among teen-age Japan-
ese Americans and those in their early
twenties. These are young people who have
suffered from the unnatural life in the relo-
cation centers, from unforunate influences
on the outside, and the sudden freedom
from parental control. Some of those with
zoot suit tendencies are beginning to draw
the attention of the police, the clergy, and
the social workers. They tend to congre-
gate in the larger cities where the rate of
pay is high and where there are many re-
locatees. Their life is molded to the familiar
neighborhood gang pattern.
Some of these restless youngsters frequent
gambling establishments in cheap hotels.
They get into fights. They are lazy and
sometimes impudent on their jobs, resenting
any kind of criticism or suggestion. In some
gangs the members draw lots to see which
ones must work and support the rest for
the coming week or weeks. The army,
through selective service, is taking some of
them out of circulation. A few are recalled
by their parents to unite the families for re-
location. Some of them are outgrowing
their violent adolescence. Unfortunately,
their behavior, which is obnoxious to decent
people, Japanese as well as Caucasian, in-
vites discrimination not only against them-
selves, but against the relocatees in general.
Negroes and Japanese Americans
In the course of our travels, we noticed
that in several communities there seemed to
be tension between Negroes and Japanese
Americans. While these communities usu-
ally had a large Negro population, they
were not necessarily in southern or border
states. Many Negroes resent the coming of
relocatees. They see this smaller group of
another racial minority well received on the
whole. The relocatees are seldom handi-
capped by restrictive covenants. They do not
have to submit to the many kinds of dis-
criminatory prejudices and practices to
which Negroes are subjected. Some of them
aic employed in desirable positions which
Negroes seldom have been permitted to at-
tain.
In the main, Negroes resent relocatees as
potential economic competitors. There is a
comparable situation on the West Coast
where Negroes have moved into areas- pre-
viously occupied by the Japanese. When re-
locatees return to their former homes and
business establishments, there may be fric-
tion between the two groups — and for much
the same reasons, only with the Negroes as
"the interlopers."
Some relocatees and servicemen who have
lived in the South and seen the actual oper-
ation of Jim Crowism told us that they
were disturbed for the first time about the
whole situation. They were made to under-
stand something of the realities of Negro-
white relations in this country. In southern
communities, where they themselves were
regarded as white, many of the relocatees
realized that their problem was relatively
simple as compared with that of native
Negroes.
In our journey from Minnesota to Boston,
from Washington, D. C., to Kansas City,
we found not a single person who was
sorry he had left the centers to live in
normal American communities. Most of
them admitted that it was not easy, but
they insisted it was worth more than all the
carefree, unreal experience which life in
the relocation centers offered them.
A Glimpse of the West Coast
Early in March, we went back to Heart
Mountain, Wyo. How we hated to return
to a place which is a monument to some-
thing so strangely un-American! After an
absence of almost four months, we had
forgotten a great deal about it.
As we left the highway and approached
the Center, we left America behind us. We
passed the Military Police area and reached
the main gate. We turned in our leave
papers and ration books at the office. We
were no longer free Americans; we were
evacuees once more. The black barracks
were unchanged, but we had not realized
before how dismal they looked with no
trees or green grass.
But things were no longer the same. The
West Coast exclusion orders had been lifted,
all centers were to be closed between June
of this year aad next January. The public
schools were to close at the end of the
current term. There would be no summer
school, no agricultural work. The chicken
farm, the pig farm, and the other projects
were to be wound up. In many of the de-
partments the staff was being cut. A num-
ber of barrack units were empty. Local
stores were having a special sale to get
rid of surplus goods.
About a month later one of us was able
to visit Los Angeles, which makes our pic-
ture a little more complete. So far as could
be discovered, there had not been much
change in attitude towards our people. We
seem to have a few more friends, and a
few more enemies — with the bulk of the
people on the indifferent side. In general,
the reception of returning evacuees was
good in the large urban areas and not soi
good in rural districts.
The fruit and vegetable produce markets,!
the floral wholesale businesses, were jealous- 1
ly guarded, to prevent the reestablishment
of any Japanese competition. The insurance
companies at that time were not selling
business policies to returning evacuees.
Gardening jobs were almost unlimited.)
Small business seemed to have a better
chance. It was very definitely reaffirmed that
the reason for the evacuation and the an-
tipathy of certain groups has a lot more to
do with economic interests than is generally !
understood. Yet economic barriers and social
and religious exclusion can very easily force
the returning evacuees to form "little
Tokyos" and renew the solid Japanese busi-
ness competition of the pre-evacuation era.
These undesirable conditions are home
grown; they are nurtured to a great extent
by local people who permit or force them
to exist. The ugly un-American acts against
returning evacuees in some of the Pacific
Coast communities are proving to be boom-
erangs to their instigators and have brought
loss of prestige to their communities. In the
meantime, the people who are determined
to return to the Coast are going on with
their plans.
As Centers Close
Now summer has come. The schools have
been closed. The mess-halls are being shut
down one by one as the people relocate,
and the remaining residents in these blocks
are consolidating with other mess-hall
groups. More and more neighbors and
friends are leaving. Attendance at various
community activities and church services
is decreasing noticeably. Whenever a special
relocation train leaves, about half of the
Center population turns out to see friends
off.
As we see it, there are three groups in
the Center population. The first group is
composed of the aged, the sick, the handi-
capped and the large families with small
children. In some quarters, the people of
this group are referred to as the unrelc
eatables. They are being cared for throup
the social welfare department of the Wa
Relocation Authority, and their cases
handled by their home town social welfar
agencies. Included 'in this group are those
whose means of livelihood has been swept
away in the evacuation and drain of re-
location center living.
Many hesitate to accept assistance be-
cause they do not wish to be regarded as
charity cases. According to a responsible
worker of the local social welfare depart-
ment, most of this unfortunate group will
be relocated within a few months. How-
ever, the hardships and mental suffering
involved cannot be minimized.
The second group is made up of those
who want to stay in the Center until it is
closed and who hope to be transferred then
to a center of some kind. They feel that
since the government brought them here at
the cost of jobs and businesses built up
through years of hard effort, it is up to the
government to look after them and help
put them back on their feet. They do a
great deal of talking about the adverse
334
situation on the "outside."' They always
emphasize how hopeless relocation is be-
cause of the housing shortage and West
Coast trouble makers. They do a lot of
talking to those who are confused or hesi-
tant about relocation. Yet lately, some of
these "die-hards" have gone to the Relo-
cation Office, made their plans, and sud-
denly and unobtrusively left the Center.
. The third and the largest group bows to
what is considered inevitable; they accept
the necessity for relocating whether they
like it or not. Parents with school age chil-
dren hope to resettle before the start of the
fall semester.
But there are two things that challenge
the sincerity and integrity of the United
States government if all centers are to be
closed by January 2, 1946. One is that
thousands of people who are eagerly anti-
cipating relocation, have no homes. Unless
effective action is taken to make sufficient
housing available, we believe that some of
the centers will have to be kept open be-
yond the closing date.
The second challenge is the fact that law-
less acts committed against the returning
evacuees on the West Coast have not been
properly dealt with. It is indeed a pathetic
situation when the government (local, state,
and federal) cannot provide adequate pro-
tection to the families and property of
citizens who, in spite of the difficult personal
situation, are fighting to defend the coun-
try. The glaring miscarriage of justice, the
insults to common decency are no longer
local problems, to be mishandled at will.
They Only Want a Chance
It is interesting to see that small homo-
geneous groups from the same West Coast
areas are talking more definitely about re-
turning to their former homes. Although
many of them do not own any property,
they feel that they can find jobs and houses
of some sort if they go back. Several hostels
have been opened on the West Coast to
facilitate the return of the relocatees to the
communities where they hope to resettle.
People will be seeing more of the re-
locatees as they strive to readjust themselves
to the normal way of life. They will try to
contribute to the country's welfare in the
spirit of their brothers, sons, and fathers
on the battlefronts. They do not want to be
coddled. They only want a chance to prove
their worth as Americans.
Many customs, habits and behavior pat-
terns of the older generation will have to go
with them as they relocate, but these will
vanish gradually, even as the "foreignness"
of European groups is disappearing. We
hope that the average American will help
these older people to find a place in the
life of America. The younger, larger and
the more vigorous group of citizens will
have far less difficulty in picking up the
strands of their pre-evacuation lives. A few
of them may be so affected by their recent
experiences that it will lake them a little
longer to make the transition. They will
be the exceptions.
The vast majority are readjusting them-
selves with new hope in their hearts. They
are "back in America" once more.
GROUP WORK SCHOOL OF CHICAGO
800 S. Halsted Street
(Hull-House)
September 24, 1945 to June 7, 1946
Basic theoretical courses in group work Technical courses in
recreational activities Supervised field work.
Preparation for special fields:
1. Community — rural and urban recreation
2. Dramatics for amateurs — acting, producing, and supervised field work
3. Hospital recreation in veteran's, civilian's, and children's hospitals — orientation in psychiatry;
theoretical and technical courses. Supervised field work and interneship.
SCHOOL OF NURSING of Yale University
A Profession for the College Woman
An intensive and basic experience in the various branches of nursing is
ottered during the thirty months' course which leads to the degree of
MASTER OF NURSING
A Bachelor's degree In art*, icience or philosophy from & college of
approved standing is required for admission.
For Catalogue and Information addrett: The Dean, YALE SCHOOL OF NURSING
New Haven, Connecticut
BLOOD DONORS NEEDED!
•^ RED CROSS plasma is saving the lives of hundreds of wounded
soldiers and sailors. But thousands of additional blood donors are
needed.
GIVE A PEST OF BLOOD TO SAVE A LIFE.
MULTICRAPHING
MIMEOGRAPHING
ADDRESSING
FILLING-IN
FOLDING
METERING
COMPLETE MAILINGS
• • •
Quick Service Letter Company
INCORPORATED
S3 PARK PLA£E — NEW YORK
TELEPHONE— BARCLAY T-»6M
SPRING
and
SUMMER
Comfort In
Big-City Living
Large, airy, outside room*. Terraced
rood facing 10-acre park. Observation
dining room. Pool and gymnasium.
Rate #8.50 up, weekly — meals optional.
A Residence Club for men and women.
CHRISTODORA HOUSE
601 East 9th Street, New York
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
335
POSTWAR CONSCRIPTION?
(Continued from page 316)
gram to resemble an empty sack in the
critical days of 1940 and 1941.
What Is Conscription Worth?
This takes us head-on into the question
of the military expediency of conscription.
Many distinguished military authorities
regret the official decision of the army and
navy to take advantage of the war in order
to force peacetime conscription upon the
American people. Liddell Hart in his book,
"Why Don't We Learn from History,"
maintains that conscription does not fit the
conditions of modern warfare — its special-
ized equipment, mobile operations, and
fluid situations.
General Frederick C. Fuller, writing in
the Encyclopedia Britannica, states that
"conscription is the military expression of
an agricultural democracy and when natives
cease to depend on agriculture — it rapidly
becomes a burden. . . . Military power to-
day," he continues, "depends on the num-
bers of skilled mechanics, not only to manu-
facture war machines but to fight them.
The advent of the motor-driven battle ve-
hicle has re-introduced armor as an essential
in tactical organization." Therefore, he
argues, the trend of the future is toward
smaller armies "in which quality will re-
place the quantity theory of the present can-
non fodder masses." He concludes that:
"The theory of conscription has run its
course and is today out of date. A few
years hence no conscript army will be able
to face an organized attack by armed motor
cars, let alone by tanks and kindred
weapons. The fighting armies of the future
will be voluntary, highly professional and
highly paid; consequently, comparatively
small. This is the whole tendency of pres-
ent-day military evolution."
John Fischer's thoughtful article in the
January Harper's on "The Future Defense
of the U.S.A." does not deal directly with
conscription; however, it does argue that
defense requires not a huge military estab-
lishment but a relatively small army, a flow
of fighting machinery as against a big
reserve of equipment and munitions and,
above all, an industrial plant operating at
high efficiency and' maintaining a generous
pool of technically equipped personnel.
Affirmative Measures
The arguments of these authorities, who
look to the future rather than to the past
in order to formulate the conditions of
sound national defense, suggest the wisdom
of going slow on this issue of peacetime
conscription. For some years to come we
shall have available a reserve of millions
of men tempered in the fires of actual war-
fare. Surely we can safely employ as a
substitute for mass conscription a policy
designed to keep us up-to-date in the re-
quirements of modern war:
1. We can subsidize military research so
that in the event of war we shall not be
fighting with the ideas or the machines of
a previous war.
2. We can provide generous scholarships
in mathematical and engineering skills so
that we shall have available always a re-
serve of technical experts.
3. We can establish officer training
schools with adequate financial and profes-
sional inducements so that officer personnel
will always be at hand to train a citizens'
army.
4. And we can maintain through ade-
quate financial inducements a professional
army sufficiently large to serve our peace-
time purposes and our obligations under the
Charter of the United Nations, and to act
as a nucleus in case of war.
Such a policy, supplemented by generous
federal subsidies designed to insure the
adequate health care of children, a fair
measure of educational opportunity for all
young people, together with governmental
responsibility for maintaining our indus-
trial plant at a level sufficient to ' provide
both trained personnel and essential equip-
ment, would seem adequate for any emer-
gency we are likely to face in the foresee-
able future.
Such a policy would avoid alike the
waste and the evils of conscription and
would carry the assurance of intelligent and
adequate preparation for war, if, alas, war
must come.
An Expression of Defeat
I have endeavored to show that conscrip-
tion is not a healthy measure to employ
with our youth; that it is open to question
as a military expedient."1
In addition, to press now for peacetime
conscription seems to me highly inappro-
priate from a moral point of view.
There is no evidence before the American
people to justify this expression of cyni-
cism and moral defeat. President Dodds of
Princeton remarks wisely: "The most
cogent reason for delaying action on uni-
versal compulsory military training is
[that] the question cannot be decided until
the terms of peace are known. To adopt
universal training today would confirm the
dangerous spirit of cynicism toward all
proposals to expand the scope of collective
security and the reign of law."
Conscription is foreign to our traditions.
Americans have always opposed it except
in times of the greatest national danger and
they have discarded it once the crisis was
past. It would indeed be ironical if the
American people should decide to reverse
this historical position at the moment when
many of our best military minds envisage
not conscription but rather a highly trained
and relatively small army, skilled in special-
ized and mechanical warfare, as the most
adequate military protection against ag-
gressors.
And what political grounds have we to-
day for reversing our tradition? Only the
vaguest insinuations that the state of the
world following this war will require it.
This is a dangerous way to think on a mat-
ter of such profound importance.
Who are the sponsors for this revolution-
ary measure? Army leaders who, in session
and out, in peacetime and war, have sought
these many years to convert Congress to
their point of view. Let us remember John
Fischer's acute remark, "It is the duty of
the military planner to be a professional
pessimist."
Under normal circumstances the military
mind is the worst possible guide for the
establishment of friendly and understand-
ing relations among people. We do not
want our foreign policy determined in ad-
vance by decisions a military group would
impose on us now. We should seriously
question the competence of our military
leaders, engrossed as they are and should
be in the conduct of this war, to portray
for us the nature of the postwar world.
Moreover, we should scrutinize the cre-
dentials of many who are aiding and abet-
ting the army in this compaign for com-
pulsory military service. Some of these
people have never understood or sym-
pathized with democracy and they are
working constantly to exclude from our
schools and colleges both the materials and
the methods which give reality and sub-
stance to democracy as a way of life.
What are we to conclude, for example,
when they laud the health benefits of
compulsory military training and oppose
the appropriations in local community and
federal government alike that are designed
to equalize educational and health facilities,
or to insure open opportunities for youth?
No modern army can operate apart from
an effective industrial plant and a highly
trained and resourceful industrial person-
nel. John Fischer states, in the article from
which we quoted, that "from a strictly
military standpoint, we cannot afford an-
other depressicfn." Consequently, we have
cause for concern when we observe many
of the advocates of military training oppos-
ing measures designed to insure full em-
ployment and welcoming rather a conscrip-
tion policy that will keep each year from
800,000 to 1,000,000 eighteen-year-olds out
of the labor market.
With Confidence 'and Courage
I repeat, there is nothing in the evidence
at present that warrants the decision now
that peacetime conscription is necessary. We
have not lost the war and we need not lose
the peace. But the times are indeed critical.
The United States occupies a position of
great responsibility. As our country goes,
so the United Nations may go. President
Roosevelt stated: "We can gain no lasting
peace if we approach it with suspicion and
mistrust — or with fear. We can gain it only
if we proceed with the understanding and
the confidence and the courage which flow
from conviction."
We manifest this confidence and courage
when we pledge our loyalty to the Atlantic
Charter with its commitment to collaborate
in all efforts designed to bring about the
abandonment of the use of force and,
specifically, to "aid and encourage all prac-
ticable measures which will lighten for
peace-loving peoples the crushing burden of
armaments."
The road thus pointed to is not the road
of compulsory military training. Such a
program is not good for our youth. Nor
is it clearly the most effective measure to
insure adequate national defense. And na-
tional honor cannot afford it.
336
WORKERS WANTED
WANTED: Two trained and experienced case wurk-
ers to work in a private child placing agency.
Good salary. Write Children's Bureau, 225 N.
Jefferson Street, Dayton, Ohio.
NEW MEXICO DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC
WELFARE needs trained social workers in Pub-
lic Assistance and Child Welfare. Entrance sal-
aries $145 to $205. Applications accepted con-
tinuously. Write Merit System Council, Box
939, Santa Fe, New Mexico.
CASE WORKERS who meet requirements of
American Association of Social Workers; CASE
AIDES who have B.A. Degree; full-time day or
night employment. American Red Cross, 529
Soutb Wabash Avenue, Chicago 5, Illinois.
Wabash 7850.
WANTED: EXPERIENCED GROUP WORK-
ERS. Men and women. B'nai B'rith Youth
Organization expanding its field offices through-
out the U. S. and Canada. Positions open for
Directors and Assistant Directors. Social group
work training and experience required. Salary
commensurate with experience and job responsi-
bility. Apply BBYO Headquarters, 1746 M
Street. N.W., Washington 6, 1). C.
WANTED : A couple for resident position — Boys
Dormitory. Must be able to supervise school
work, recreational activities, direct the conduct
of the boys. There are housekeeping duties en-
tailed. For full details write to Superintendent,
Friendship House, 2000 Adams Avenue, Scran-
ton 9, Pa.
PUBLIC WELFARE DEPARTMENT one hour
from New York City. Small agency needs Case
Supervisor. Integrated case loads ; participation
in community planning; prefer experience in chil-
dren's work, especially adolescent boys. Salary
and working conditions good. Write Commis-
sioner of Welfare, Greenwich, Conn.
CASE WORKERS, Men or Women, wanted for
Home Service Department expanding Massachu-
setts Red Cross Chapter. Professionally trained
workers preferred but college graduates with social
work experience accepted for training. Adequate
salary. Apply with details to 8180 Survey.
WANTED: A case worker with case work super-
visory experience to supervise one worker, and
possibly a student, and to be responsible for own
case load in a small private agency in the suburbs
of New York. Agency case load, approximately
80. 8181 Survey.
OPPORTUNITIES AVAILABLE
WANTED — (a) Supervisor of social service depart-
ment; duties consist of supervising medical social
service of crippled children's organization ; mini-
mum five years' experience in medical social serv-
ice including three years in administrative capac-
ity ; master's degree or equivalency required ;
$300-$375. (b) Two medical social workers; de-
partment of social service, university medical
school and hospitals; department provides service
to several hospitals including out-patient depart-
ment; Pacific Coast, (c) Medical social worker
or public health nurse interested in evaluation and
treatment of congenital syphilis ; work involves
case load of 150 children treated with penicillin
specifically designed for evaluation of this form
of therapy ? department of pediatrics ; university
medical school. (d) Medical social worker to
direct department division of epidemiology of mu-
nicipal health department; Middle West. (e)
Chief and assistant psychiatric social workers;
mental hygiene clinic operated in connection with
department of psychiatry of university medical
school; salaries, respectively. $4,000 and $3500.
SG7-1 The Medical Bureau (Burneice Larson, Di-
rector), Palmolive Building, Chicago 11.
POSITIONS OPEN IN ALASKA
ALASKA DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC
WELFARE
DISTRICT WORKERS-
SOCIAL SERVICE WORKERS
Apply: Alaska Merit System, Box 201, Juneau,
Alaska, via airmail, supplying minimum qualifica-
tions.
There are positions open at the present time for two
District Workers and two Social Service Workers.
District Worker : salary range-^$250 to $280 per
month; appointments at the minimum; minimum re-
quirements— college, 4 years ; graduate study, 1
year at recognized school of social work which must
have included courses in Child Welfare and Public
Welfare administration and supervised field work in
child and family welfare; experience — three years in
the past six years of social work, one year of which
must have been in Child Welfare, one year in Public
Assistance and one year in a supervisory capacity.
Social Service Worker; salary range — $225 to $255
per month; appointments at the minimum; minimum
requirements — college, 4 years ; graduate study, 1
year at recognized school of social work which must
have included courses in Child Welfare and Public
Welfare administration and supervised field work in
child and family welfare ; experience — two years in
the past five years in social work, 6ne year of
which must have been in Child Welfare and one
year in Public Assistance.
WORKERS WANTED
PROFESSIONAL GROUP WORKER for Council
of Social Agencies as secretary for group work
division. Teaching opportunities. $3,000 to $3,600.
8177 Survey.
CASE WORKER, Spokane Branch, Washington
Children's Home Society. Graduate training re-
quired ; experience desirable. Standards stressed.
Starting salary $2,040 to $2,400, depending on
experience and training. Transportation paid to
Spokane. Agency provides car for work. Address
John F. Hall, State Director, Box 90, University
Station, Seattle 5, Washington.
CASEWORKER— Catholic family or child welfare
caseworker, salary range $1920 to $2340. Must
have graduate training. 8178 Survey.
CASE WORKERS— 2— professionally qualified, who
would be interested in working in a Jewish family
agency in a large eastern city. Excellent super-
vision, salary, and working conditions. 3183
Survey.
WE OFFER EMPLOYERS AND CANDIDATES
in all fields of social work everywhere an en-
tirely new, unique medium for finding just the
right person or position. Because screening tech-
niques have been streamlined, commissions and
registration fees eliminated, and placement fees
reduced to a flat $25.00, the widest selection
current conditions permit is attracted. Why leave
any stones unturned ? Perhaps the very person
you would most like to get in touch with is also
reading this ad. Write for details. Central
Registry Service, 109 South Stanwood, Columbus
9, Ohio.
SITUATION WANTED
INSTITUTION OR SpCIAL AGENCY EXECU-
TIVE, man, now with large modern children's
agency. Thorough psychiatric social work train-
ing. Extensive experience and interest especially
in institutional and foster care planning, adoption,
guardianship, custody, recreation and vocational
activities. 81 82 Survey.
EMPLOYMENT AGENCY
GERTRUDE R. STEIN, INC.
AGENCY, 64 West 48th Street, New
York. Wise. 7-4961. A professional
bureau specializing in fund-raising, group
work, institutional, casework and med-
ical social work positions.
RESORTS
NORTH CAROLINA
WOODLAND COTTAGES: High in the moun-
tains of Western Carolina. Quiet, clean and com-
fortable. Equipped for Housekeeping. For infor-
mation address: Miss Martha Armstrong, Wood-
land Cottages, Spruce Pine, North Carolina.
VERMONT
DORSET, VERMONT: View across golf course,
GREEN MOUNTAINS, tranquil home, unusual
food, good beds, six guests. Average rate, $40
weekly. Garden House for two guests. Mrs.
Sears.
REAL ESTATE
FOR SALE: Sixty-five miles from New York in
Connecticut, seven room house, garage, six acres,
electricity, bathroom, fireplace, near improved
road, secluded, hillside view. 8179 Survey.
FOR RENT
IDLEWILD AIRPORT vicinity. Furnished 10
rooms, baths, refrigeration, heat, $75 monthly, less
value owner's vacation suite. Her son navy.
Service family welcome. Anderson, 223 Lexing-
ton, Manhattan.
LANGUAGES
PHONOGRAPH COURSES. Mail Orders. All
Makes. Booklet C. LANGUAGE SERVICE,
Div. of Schoenhof's Foreign Books, Inc., Harvard
Square, Cambridge 38, Mass.
29 LANGUAGES BY LINGUAPHONE. Russian,
Spanish, Portuguese — Direct conversational
method for mastering any language quickly,
easily, correctly at home. Send for FREE book.
LINGUAPHONE INSTITUTE, SO RCA Bldg.,
New York 20. CI 7-0830.
THE BOOKSHELF
DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION
by Ordway Tead
Part I Creative Management
Part II Democracy in Administration
What democracy as a wav of life requires on its
operational side Is the subject of this study com-
bining a revision of an earlier brochure and a
new essay that expands the original theme, clari-
fying wider applications and implications. $1.00.
ASSOCIATION PRESS
347 Madison Avenue New York 17. N. Y.-
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
Official Journal of the American Sociological Society.
In addition to papers and proceedings of the So-
ciety, it contains articles on sociological research,
news notes, book reviews, and foreign correspondence.
Subscription $4.00 a year . Special library rate $3.00
Address: Managing Editor
American Sociological Review
U. 8. Department of Agriculture. Washington. D.C.
Write for our FREE bargain catalogues of books
at 30%-70% reductions. Any book mailed post-
paid in USA. THE NATIONAL BOOKSELL-
ERS, 1182 Broadway, New York City 1.
PSYCHOANALYSIS
ALERT. INTELLIGENT READERS AND
WRITERS should belong- to BASIC BOOKS
. . . the new time and money-saving way of keep-
ing posted on current literature on psychoanalysis,
psychosomatic medicine, psychiatry and psychol-
ogy. For information, write to Dept. Gl. BASIC
BOOKS, 714 Madison Ave., New York 21.
PAMPHLETS AND PERIODICALS
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF NURSING
shows the part which professional nurses take in
the betterment of the world. Put it in your
library. $3.00 a year. 1790 Broadway at 58 St.,
New York 19, N. Y.
FREE! Sample copy of the finest Socialist journal
in America, THE WESTERN SOCIALIST, 12
Hayward Place, Boston, Mass.
BOOKPLATES
FREE CATALOG, showing several hundred beau-
tiful designs.
ANTIOCH BOOKPLATES, Box 218, Yellow Springs, Ohio
PRINTING
LET US PRINT YOUR PAMPHLETS. Send
for free circular giving terms. Haldeman- Julius
Company, Box P-1003, Girard, Kansas.
FOREIGN BOOKS
SCHOENHOF'S FOREIGN BOOKS, INC.
1280 Massachusetts Avenue, Dept. SV
Cambridge 38, Mass.
PROFESSIONAL SERVICES
SPECIAL ARTICLES, THESES, SPEECHES,
PAPERS. Research, revision, bibliographies, etc.
Over twenty years' experience serving busy pro-
fessional persons. Prompt service extended.
AUTHORS RESEARCH BUREAU, 516 Fifth
Avenue, New York, N. Y.
RESEARCH: Congressional Library, Government
Bureaus, etc. Questions, literary or scientific in-
vestigations, genealogy, business errands, attended
by experts. Valuable circular free. Crehore,
Box 2329-G, Washington 13, D. C.
"POWHATAN" INDIAN PIPE
SEND a dollar bill for genuine "Powhatan" hand-
made Indian clay smoking pipe, replica famous
original Virginia antique, two long stems, his-
toric booklet, directions, enjoyment, and care.
Rustic container, postage prepaid. PAMPLIN
PIPE CO., Richmond, Virginia.
Buy War Bonds
AMONG RECENT CONTRIBUTORS: EDWARD C. CARTER • JAMES T. SHOTWELL • DAVID E. LILLIENTHAI
HONORA BRUERE McIVER • WILLIAM L. BATT • ROBERT R. MULLEN • VICTOR WEYBRIGHT
MALLORY BROWN • VERA MICHELES DEAN • IRA S. HIRSCHMANN • MICHAEL M. DAVIS • DA VII
CUSHMAN COYLE •
MacCORMAC • ALLAN
H. BENNETT • WALT-
STEELE COMMAGER
J. P. McEVOY
HARRY HANSEN •
KARPF • JOHN DEWEY
ELSIE McCORMICK
P. CHAMBERLAIN
MAXWELL S. STEWART
LEON H. KEYSERLING
LEWIS S. GANNETT
ANSEL MOWRER •
ROSSIN • PHILIP M.
H. LEHMAN • PAUL
V. T. THAYER
"Survey Graphic gives us a better
insight into the economic thought
of the day than any other magazine
we've yet had our hands on. Not
only to me, but also to a number of
other service men in my outfit,
Survey Graphic serves as the miss-
ing link to keep us 'hep' to the
domestic and worldwide problems
confronting the United States."
Corporal KRR
London, England
"Survey Graphic is always carefully read by
several of us before it winds up in the library.
We've used it in several of our current events
discussions, too."
A "Seabee"
Somewhere in the Pacific
JOSEPH BARNES • JOHP
NEVINS • HUG:
ER MILLS • HENR^
ELLSWORTH S. GRANT
IAGO GALDSTON, M.I
JOHN J. CORSON- RUTt
C.-E. A. WINSLO^
BRUNO L ASKER • JOSEPI
• W. KAEMPFFER'
HERBERT E. FLEMINC
ROGER WILLIAM RIIS
D. LEWARS • EDGAR
• MAURICE CLAUDE
KLUTZNICK • HERBERT
HAGEN • FRANK BROCK
LESTER B. GRANGER
DOUGLAS H. MacNEIL • ETHEL RAYNOR McDONALD • JOHN HAYNES HOLMES • FLANDERS DUNBAR, M.D.
STUART CHASE • BEULAH AMIDON • KATHRYN CLOSE • RUFUS TERRAL • BLAIR BOLLES • CLARK M.
EICHELBERGER • ERNESTINE PERRY • CHARLES OLSON • ELEANOR LAKE • KATHERINE GLOVER
GEORGE SOLOVEYTCHIK • PHILIP D. REED • GERTRUDE KUMMER • WALTER KONG • HERBERT AGAR
flUGUST IQ45
SURVEV
3O CENTS fl COPY
GRflPHI
Television in I960 by Waldemar Kaempffert
Fortunate City by Roger William Riis and Webb Waldron
Our Health by Michael M. Davis • Letters & Life by Harry Hansen
PACIFIC TELEPHONE BOOTH . . . U. S. MARINE, BURROWED IN HIS FOXHOLE, TELEPHONES FOR ARTILLERY SUPPORT TO WIPE OUT JAPANESE MORTARS.
In just one landing operation against the Japs,
our Navy used more than seven hundred ships
equipped with 48,000 telephones. With their switch-
boards and associated equipment, that's enough to
serve a city of 160,000 people. These shipboard
telephones were equipped with 5,000,000 feet
of wire.
Add to these figures the needs of other naval units
and the millions of men in the Army's ground and
air forces and you get some idea of the tremendous
amount of communications equipment required by
war. It helps to answer the question of why tele-
phone equipment is scarce on the home front.
Fro/n -factory
it's
a telephone War
BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM
Among Ourselves
THIS is A "TOKEN" ISSUE OF Survey Graphic —
token of the resolve of editors and printers to
get back on our normal publishing schedule,
disrupted by the size of the May special num-
ber, "The British and Ourselves," by the
problems of transatlantic collaboration, and by
last minute changes in that number following
the death of President Roosevelt. Readers have
been patient with the confusion of recent pub-
lication dates. We bespeak an extension of that
patience to the limitations of this small issue —
in the very definite hope that we shall be back
on the beam next month.
AFTER THIS ISSUE WAS ON THE PRESS CAME WORD
of the sudden death of Webb Waldron, co-
author of our leading article, "Fortunate City."
This story of how a neighborhood house is
helping change the face of a community, is
told with the insight and the charm which
distinguished Mr. Waldron's writing over a
long journalistic career and made his articles
so enthusiastically welcomed by the editors and
readers of many magazines.
THE FIRST LONG FORWARD STEP IN IMPLF.MENT-
ing the "Charter of the Golden Gate,"
analyzed for Survey Graphic readers by Prof.
James T. Shotwell in our July issue, was its
ratification by the U. S. Senate. This came on
July 28, after less than a week of debate. On
the final roll call there were only two negative
votes, both from the Middle West — Senators
Shipstead of Minnesota and Langer of North
Dakota.
SINCE THE LABOR LANDSLIDE IN BRITAIN, MANY
Survey Graphic readers undoubtedly have been
looking back to our May special issue, "The
British and Ourselves," for clues to news de-
velopments, and for behind-the-headlines in-
terpretations. In "When the Coalition Ends,"
by Joseph Barnes, they found vignettes and
photographs of many of the personalities whose
names are "top news" today.
Mr. Barnes wrote, ". . . there have been
political leaders inside and outside the present
government, convinced that the public will not
continue to accept gladly endless delays of re-
form, getting no further than Royal Com-
missions and White Papers. They know that
Britain has been churned from bottom to top
in the last five years. They know that Bever-
idge has become almost a common noun in the
English language. It stands for the desire of
the common men and women in Britain to
achieve the same miracles in ordering their
peacetime lives that they have achieved in
fighting through a bitter, often hopeless war
— to a triumphant close. It stands for full em-
ployment and for social security. It stands for
hope. . . .
"At the present time, there is little ground
for crediting either a reactionary capitalist
In July Survey Midmonthly
The Veteran Returns to Dayton, Ohio
by Bradley Buell and Reginald Robinson
Undergraduates Look at Social Work
by Herbert H. Stroup
The Blind Have Fun, Too by Walter Duckat
Here in Washington by Rilla Schroeder
VOL. XXXIV
CONTENTS
No. 8
Survey Graphic for August 1945
Cover: A television control room. Center, the director and his assistant;
far left, the audio technician; right, the two video technicians ("switcher"
and "shader"). The picture on the right-hand screen in front of the
director is on the air. The director is "setting up" the picture he wants
on the second screen for a "quick switch." Photograph courtesy of the
Columbia Broadcasting System.
338
Planner House: Photographs
Fortunate City ROGER WILLIAM Rns and WEBB WALDRON 339
More Things Than One MICHAEL M. DAVIS 342
Television in 1960 WALDEMAR KAEMPFFERT 344
Letters and Life 347
Back into the Democratic Stream HARRY HANSEN 347
Copyright, 1945, by Survey Associates, Inc. All rights reserved.
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.
Publication Office: 34 North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburg, Pa.
Editorial and Business Office, 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
Chairman of the Board, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN; president, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR.; wet-
presidents, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, AGNES B«OWN LEACH; tecretary, ANN RIID BRENHEI.
Board of Directors: DOROTHY LEHMAN BERNHARD, JACOB BILLIKOPF, NELLIE LEE BOK, JOSEPH
P. CHAMBERLAIN, EVA HILLS EASTMAN, EARL G. HARRISON, SIDNEY HILLMAN, FRED K. HOEHI.ER,
BLANCHE ITTLESON, ALVIN JOHNSON, WILLIAM W. LANCASTER, AGNES BROWN LEACH, WILLIAM M.
LZISERSON, THOMAS I. PARKINSON, JUSTINE WISE POLIER, WILLIAM ROSENWALD, BEAKDSI.EY UUMI.,
EDWARD L. RYERSON, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR., LOWELL SHUMWAY, HAROLD H. SWIFT, ORDWAY
TEAD.
Editor: PADL KELLOGG.
Associate editors: BEULAH AMIDON, ANN RKED BKENNER, BRADLEY BUELL, HELEN CHAMBERLAIN,
KATHRYN CLOSE, MICHAEL M. DAVIS, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, HARRY HANSEN, FLORENCE LOBB KEL-
LOGG, LOULA D. LASKER, VICTOR WEYBRIGHT, LEON WHIPPLE. Contributing editors: HELEN CODY
BAKER, JOANNA C. COLCORD, EDWARD T. DEVINE, RUSSELL H. KURTZ, ALAIN LOCKE, MAIY Rosa,
GERTRUDE SPRINGER.
Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINGEX; Circulation manager, MOLLIE CONDON; Advertising
manager, MARY R. ANDERSON; Field representatives, ANNE ROLLER ISSLER, DOROTHY PUTNEY. .
Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue, 30c a
copy. By subscription — Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year — Foreign 50c;
Canadian 75c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book ReTiew Digest, Index to Labor Articles, Public
Affairs Information Service, Quarterly Cumulative Index Medicus.
Survey Midmontkly published on the 15th of the month. Single copies 30c. By subscription —
Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year — Foreign 50c; Canadian 75c.
Joint subscription to Survey Graphic and Survey Midmonthly: Year, $5.
Cooperative Membership in Survey Associates, Inc., including a joint subscription: Year, $10.
group or any proletarian party with enough
strength to interrupt the slow but steady evo-
lution of popular British thinking. The trend
is socialistic. . . . But all signs point towards
the finding of at least temporary common
ground in ideas, among men with wholly
divergent backgrounds who yet share the con-
viction that promises made during the war and
by the war will have to be fulfilled."
And writing on British foreign policy in
her article on "Europe and the Mediterranean,"
Vera Micheles Dean acutely observed, ". . . it
is well to bear in mind that the British by no
means think alike among themselves on con-
troversial issues. For the sake of winning the
war, all parties have loyally supported the
coalition government of Winston Churchill.
But Liberals and Laborites disagree with the
Prime Minister on many fundamental points;
nor do young Tories see eye to eye with Old.
"Yet there is an underlying unity among
political groups in Britain concerning the main
objectives of British foreign policy — a unity
springing from dangers and glories shared in
common over the centuries. . . . There is a
large measure of agreement among the British
about aims, but considerable divergence about
methods of achieving them."
THE FIRST ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BARUCH
Committee on Physical Medicine reports "truly
remarkable progress" since Bernard M. Baruch
made his gift of $1,100,000 a year ago. As
reported by Dr. Ray Lyman Wilbur in Survey
Graphic for June, 1944, the grants "for the
advancement of physical medicine" were in
the form of substantial sums to a relatively
small number of key medical schools, to
establish centers for research and teaching in
the field. The first year of the committee's
work has seen the launching of ten-year pro-
grams at the College of Physicians and
Surgeons, Columbia University, the Medical
College of Virginia, and New York University
College of Medicine.
As THIS ISSUE GOES TO PRESS, THE PLANET IS
reverberating with the blast of the first atomic
bomb, which has shattered established concepts
and institutions as completely as it leveled
Hiroshima. Coming in the September Survey
Graphic: "Some Social Implications of the
Atomic Bomb," by S. Colum Gilfillan of the
University of Chicago, a sociologist whose
special study is the effect of inventions on
human life.
SURVEY GRAPHIC for August. 1945. Vol XXXTV No. 8 Published monthly and copyright 1945 by SURVEY ASSOCIATES. LNC. Composed and printed
by union labor at the Hughes Printing Company, East Stroudsburg, Pa.. U. S. A, Publication Office. 34 No. Crystal Street. East Stroudsburg. Pa. Editorial
and business office. 112 East 19 Street. New York 3. N. Y Price this issue 30 cents: $3 a year: Foreign postage 50 cents eitra. Canadian 75 cents.
Entered as second class matter on June 22 1940 at the post office at Hast Stroudsfourg. Pa., under the Act of March 3. 1879. Acceptance for mailing at a
special rate of postage prortded for ia Section 1103. Act of October 3. 1917. authorized Dec. 21. 1921.
The House the Neighborhood Built
PLANNER HOUSE
This settlement house affords the people of Indianapolis, white and
black, fresh and vital experience in community cooperation, in
creative work and recreation, and in practical use of the techniques
of sound race relations. It is a heartening story, told here and in
the following pages in pictures and in text.
'Teen Agers in Their Canteen
Testing the Sealer in the Cannery
S U RVEV
PHIC
Fortunate City
There is still race cleavage in Indianapolis; but, thanks to Planner House, something
negative, even hostile, is giving way to something positive, friendly, and significant.
ROGER WILLIAM RIIS and WEBB WALDRON
"WHAT'S THIS CRAZY ITEM HERE — Soap for
Quakers, 50 cents?" demanded the comp-
troller of a big downtown department store
in Indianapolis. "Here, right under the
$38,000 for truck maintenance. Since when
have we been buying soap for Quakers?"
"Just the last month," answered the
superintendent eagerly. "But I hope we
can keep it up. They've been using the
showers out at our warehouse — they and
the Negroes around there who are working
on that Planner House project."
Now, Quakers need soap perhaps less
than the rest of our soiled humanity, but
they needed this soap. Both they and those
neighbors were getting good and dirty,
cleaning brick on the site of an old tile
factory. The item for soap went up the line
of executives to the company president,
Theodore B. Griffith, and drawn as by a
magnet, he went around to see. So, in
those days, three years ago, did a goodly
portion of Indianapolis; and they remained,
some to bear a hand and others like Mr.
Griffith to back the enterprise with whole-
hearted support. The editor of Indiana's
biggest newspaper chuckles as he recalls
that strange phenomenon:
"Everybody had a good time cleaning
brick."
So they did. First, they helped sort out
the ruins of the abandoned tile plant; then
helped build the bricks into a new, attrac-
tive, and efficient structure. They built and
painted the interior equipment, doors, cup-
boards, and such. Now, by the same method
of direct, personal team play, the proposal
is to rebuild the neighborhood slums by
putting an idea to work in overalls, and
sleeves rolled up.
This idea of people building for them-
selves has, of course, ancienPand honorable
lineage in the community barn-raisings of
our pioneer days. What it can flower into
today is an eye opener. It nourishes a strong,
civic spirit of mutual interest and local
action. Recently, when one of the great war
plants of the town was threatened with
— By two "roving editors" of the Read-
er's Digest who made independent ap-
praisals of innovations Cleo Blackburn
brought with him to a midwestern city
from two great outposts of Negro edu-
cation— Fisk University in Tennessee,
Tuskegee Institute in Alabama.
Both authors had earlier been major
editors of Collier's Weekly and applied
here its seasoned techniques in first-hand
inquiry. Last October, Survey Graphic
carried Mr. Riis' illuminating article on
the annual wage movement. He was
called to the Pacific Northwest shortly
after turning in his Indianapolis findings.
Mr. Waldron is a Michigander, who
was the first magazine correspondent to
enter Germany after World War I and
cover its revolution. His books go back
to 1922; most recent, "Americans," 1941.
Arthur E. Morgan, pioneer at Antioch
College and the TVA, has been one of
Mr. Blackburn's counselors. Our own
lead came from another — Lillie M. Peck,
secretary of the National Federation of
Settlements, who points out that the
northward migration of Negroes has had
its parallel among whites from the rural
South. To her mind, therefore, the
Planner House demonstration has double
relevance in a wide belt of industrial
centers. Especially in working with muni-
cipal departments — health, park, water,
recreation, city planning; and in enlist-
ing state and national agencies.
strikes because of "upgrading" Negroes, it
sought help not from Washington but at
Planner House, which has found the secret
of Negroes and whites working together
at the problems of the community — not
merely by talking on committees and in
clubs. Planner House was an obscure settle-
ment house on the outskirts of a midwest
city. But that city is the geographical center
of the population of the United States.
Naturally, such an idea springing from the
heart of the country will be bound to cir-
culate.
Planner House
You'll rarely find a town as stirred by
an enterprise and a man as Indianapolis is
by Planner House and its director, Cleo
Blackburn. "A bright and shining achieve-
ment," says Booth Tarkington. "Best thing
this town ever did," says Dr. Thomas
Noble, distinguished surgeon. "An inspired
program," says Charles Lynn, industrialist.
"I'd almost call Cleo our leading citizen,"
says Norman Isaacs, chief editorial writer
of The Indianapolis News. "Any ticket he
writes, this city backs!"
It is incidental that Cleo Blackburn is a
Negro and Planner House a Negro neigh-
borhood center. The fundamental thing is
that Planner House has been making head-
way on a terrific local problem — which is
rampant also in every industrial city in the
North. This is the problem of how Amer-
icans can live and work happily together
when some happen to be white and some
happen to be black.
Indianapolis, a center of the northward
migration of southern Negroes, is the per-
fect proving ground. This city, whose in-
habitants are overwhelmingly native-born
Americans, now has the greatest percentage
of Negro population of any city north of
the Mason and Dixon line — 65,000 Negroes
to some 335,000 whites. Moreover, some of
the ugly Ku Klux Klan spirit, once rather
active in the state, still lurks there, just
under the surface. But while race clashes
have smirched many northern cities, In-
dianapolis— where they would seem almost
inevitable — has had none. The answer lies
largely in the calm, wise leadership among
both whites and Negroes which finds its
expression in Planner House.
"If a development like Planner House
can succeed in Indianapolis," declares Row-
land Allen, personnel manager of the city's
largest department store, "it will succeed
anywhere."
339
I
The wretched, unwholesome Negro slum area of Indianapolis is soon to be rebuilt. Under Planner House leadership, the community will
pool skills and time, and help create a neighborhood with decent homes, modern comforts and conveniences, and safe playgrounds
Founded 45 years ago, Planner House
was still a small, shabby service center for
Negroes when its directors brought Cleo
Blackburn up from Tuskegee Institute to
take charge, and things began to happen
that affected the whole Indianapolis scene.
For Planner House has recruited and
trained a small army of Negroes to work
amicably in Indianapolis factories and
homes. By an amazing piece of community
teamwork, it has built a new settlement on
the edge of what former U. S. Housing
Administrator Nathan Straus called the
worst Negro slum in America. It has been
instrumental in constructing a new health
center nearby. It is operating perhaps the
largest community gardening and canning
project by and for Negroes in the United
States. But above all, it has shown whites
and Negroes how racial troubles lift when
two races work together for their common
good, absorbed in the job. The settlement's
very able staff, by the way, is made up of
twenty-five Negroes and nine white asso-
ciates from the American Friends Service
Committee.
Cleo Blackburn
That is why Planner House has been
backed by the Community Fund, the
Indianapolis Foundation, the city govern-
ment, the state government, the Children's
Bureau of the federal government and thou-
sands of plain citizens. That is why the In-
dianapolis Junior Chamber of Commerce,
four years ago, picked Cleo Blackburn as
the man who had done most for his city
in that year — the first time a Negro has
been so honored there, perhaps the first
time in any American city.
"I am not interested in what people call
the Negro problem," declares the 34-year-
old director of Planner House, his eyes blaz-
ing. "I am interested instead in Negro de-
velopment. In the history of the United
States the Negro has faced two crises. The
first came when 3,500,000 freed slaves were
dumped into a competitive world for which
they had no training. [Indianapolis had
been an active station of the Underground
Railroad during the Civil War and before.]
"The second crisis is with us now, when
2,500,000 southern rural Negroes are here
in the North to stay, bringing neither the
aptitudes nor the attitudes necessary for
city and industrial life. In essential read-
justments it is further for the Negro who
goes from the fields of Alabama to the
factories of Indianapolis than it is for the
Italian who goes from industrial Milan to
industrial Indianapolis."
Cleo Blackburn had been a research as-
sociate at the Tuskegee Institute in a study
of the great migrations of history when he
was called to Indianapolis to help solve the
problems of just such a migration. Always
reenforcing his dreams with facts (he works
with drawing boards around his desk), he
persuaded the Indianapolis Foundation to
appropriate 84,000 for a survey of the local
Negro situation. This revealed that the
movement of Negro population in the town
was northwestward toward a slum already
overcrowded. Right there, on the edge of
that slum, Blackburn said, was the place
for the desperately needed new home for
Planner House.
Adjoining that Negro slum was a whole
block occupied by a deserted and wrecked
tile factory. Here would be room for a
neighborhood house, health center, work-
shops, playgrounds. Planner House and its
friends persuaded the city to buy this block
for $35,000 and rent it to the Settlement for
$1 a year. Now for a building.
"We'll help build it ourselves!" Black-
burn eagerly announced.
From the Ground Up
There were some 2,000,000 bricks in the
wrecked tile factory." They would do for
the bulk of the new structure. But first the
old mortar had to be carefully knocked off,
good bricks separated from broken ones
and piled up. For this tough job, all hand
labor, Blackburn enlisted some of his own
people. Some white neighbors joined them
in off hours. The Quakers, who have a
way of turning up on worthwhile projects
and making a good job better, had early
appeared on the scene with a work camp
of the Arnerican Friends Service Committee.
One afternoon a policeman stopped to
stare at a white woman and a Negro
woman side bv side cleaning brick. What
was going on? The policeman went home
and told his wife about it. Next day she
was there, cleaning brick. So the news
spread across the city and far beyond.
Thirty-five eager young Quakers came from
all over the map to help. A Kentucky man-
340
SURVEY GRAPHIC
ufacturcr, shocked to hear what his daugh-
ter was doing, rushed north to snatch her
back home — and stayed to clean brick be-
side her.
Volunteers couldn't do it all, of course,
but they helped not only in salvaging the
old tile factory but in building the new
community house, admirably designed by
the Negro architect, Hilyard Robinson of
Washington, and costing about half what
had been anticipated. This volunteer work
by whites and Negroes stirred the whole
city, gave Planner House a community
aspect as nothing else could have done.
More than that, it disclosed the simple fact
that when a man sandpapers a board his
forearms become covered with fine gray
dust — and that dust is exactly the same
color on black arms as on white ones.
Stepping Stones
Lured from the South by war jobs flowed
a tide of rural Negroes. They came from
a timeless, clockless world of their own.
What matter when you got to work? So
they had to learn about alarm clocks and
time clocks, what modern toilets are, why
doctors examine you, what a foreman is,
why you have to wash up and what is a
pay check. All this Planner House under-
took to teach them in classes in the settle-
ment house and in factories and shops. For
Planner House lives and works in many
places in the city.
An Indianapolis factory wanted girls to
sew parachutes. Planner House picked and
trained fifty Negro girls — not only in how
to sew but also how not to be too brash
because you have a job at the same wages
and under the' same working conditions as
white girls. These girls did so well that the
company hired 100 more Negro girls with-
out consulting Planner House. Instantly
there was trouble, fights with the white
girls and the foremen. The factory had to
fire almost all of the new group, and
thereafter conformed with Planner House
standards.
At a large garment factory, word came
suddenly that all the newly-hired Negro
employes were quitting. Nobody could
make out the trouble. There was a rush
call for Cleo Blackburn. He found they
hadn't understood the deductions for social
security and war bonds. Explanations by
the management had only tended to con-
firm their notion that they were being
slicked. When he had put it before them,
they understood.
An electrical plant called him to talk to
the foremen on how to deal with Negro
workers. Many of these foremen were
southerners. To see a Negro up on a plat-
form addressing them was a real shock. But
Blackburn's talk was so skillful, had such
a warm plea for patience and understanding
of the peculiar qualities of the Negro, that
it went over with a bang.
Classes at Planner House train potential
housemaids how to handle electric stoves,
vacuum cleaners, electric refrigerators, and
washing machines. And manners along
with tools. When a girl has a chance to
move on from household work to tearoom
waitress or soda fountain clerk, she is
taught more work habits, new attitudes.
More and more employers look to Planner
House for help. Last year the House placed
6,385 Negroes in such jobs, had 2,425 re-
quests unfilled. And it carefully checks on
Dr. Walter H. Maddux of the Children's Bureau. He will head the new health
center, adjoining Planner House, which will specialize in child and maternity care
CLEO BLACKBURN
Director of Planner House
the performance of each worker; and 92
times out of every 100, "satisfactory" goes
down on the record.
Negro women nurses, dietitians, and
wives of Negro professional men formed
the Planner House Guild, which cooperates
in carrying on a day nursery for young
children of working mothers made possible
by a grant from the Community Fund.
The fees are from 10 cents to 75 cents a
day, depending on the mother's income.
Also, they set up a toy library from which
children of all ages can draw toys for a
week. Since the hard-used toys wear out
there is a workshop where fathers and
mothers come evenings to repair and re-
paint them. Also, under the direction of a
Negro expert, they are introduced to such
crafts as cabinet making and carpentry.
Planner House has a Make-Over Shop,
too, where women, under skilled direction,
turn old, unusable bits of cloth and tag-
ends into wearable garments, curtains, rugs,
towels; napkins and doilies out of old sugar
sacks; handbags out of discarded felt hats.
Helping people to help themselves. Last
year Planner House spent $44,000 on
training people to wor\.
At the same time Planner House started
community gardens where last year 200
Negro families raised $25,000 worth of
vegetables. This year it's 300 families. The
Indianapolis Water Company lent twenty
acres; the president of a large printing
company, twenty more. A family gets a plot
50 x 100 feet for $1 a season. But if they
don't take good care of it, it is given to
someone else. If a man is sick, fellow mem-
bers care for his plot and deliver vegetables
to his house. Planner House projects always
spread out. The gardening grew into a can-
nery where last year they put up 19,000
cans of food. This year they expect to do
60,000. An Indianapolis canning factory,
short of skilled help, called on Planner
House, which sent over enough of its own
trained canners to fill the gap.
The other day work started on the
Missouri Street Health Center adjoining
Planner House. Everybody rushed out to
(Continued on page 350)
AUGUST 1945
341
More Things Than One
THE WINDS BLOW ON A HEALTH COLUMNIST
from all directions.
"Why do you always tell us what we
should do for other people's health?" asks
one reader. "What about ourselves?"
"Why do you preach government medi-
cine when our schools are poor and half our
roads are full of holes?"
This puff from the right is balanced by
gusts such as: "Why not state medicine,
with health and public service for everyone,
like education, and doctors like university
professors? Are you afraid to advocate
that?"
"Why don't you tell what's doing in the
fights against tuberculosis and venereal
disease? Aren't they still important?"
"Mental ill-health is our biggest trouble
today. How will health insurance solve
that?"
A friend in the most toothsome of pro-
fessions complains: "In six months you've
hardly mentioned dentistry. Where's your
perspective?"
I haven't knowledge or space enough to
answer half the questions. From time to
time, as today lengthens into tomorrow, I
shall try to tackle the other half.
Doctors for Farm Folk
The Journal of the American Medical
Association has lately been publishing in-
formation intended to help physicians in
locating themselves after the war. Here,
for instance [see table below], is part of a
report of some Illinois counties, furnished
through the state medical society (publish-
ed May 19, page 215).
About Pike County the local medical
society comments: "Better than average
facilities for practice in a county of this
size." The remarks about Sangamon
County are less favorable: "All doctors now
in service from this county plan to return.
The present prosperity is largely due to
war work. After the war this will be a
poor location for new doctors, as about
fifteen local boys who have not practiced
expect to locate here."
Doctors seeking a postwar location are
invited to write the state society, and will
"be referred to the local medical societies
concerned for further investigation. Since
vacancies are being held open in many com-
MICHAEL M. DAVIS
HEALTH— TODAY 8i TOMORROW
— A series by the chairman, Committee
on Research in Medical Economics;
associate editor, Survey Graphic.
munities for doctors now in military service,
direct correspondence with the county medi-
cal societies will always be necessary to in-
sure an accurate report of the needs of in-
dividual communities."
The reports seem intended to indicate
community needs. On the face of the fig-
ures, Jasper County has the greatest need,
with only one doctor for over 10,000 people.
On the other hand, Jasper's economic index
does not make it attractive. It shows the
lowest number of telephones in proportion
to population. The demobilized doctor may
be interested in needs, but he must seek
opportunities. On the face of the figures,
the counties with greatest need would
generally offer fewest practical attractions.
Local medical societies cannot create op-
portunities even when they would like to
have more doctors start practice in their
areas. It is farmers and businessmen serv-
ing rural sections who must develop the
opportunities which will attract doctors —
as for example by establishing or improv-
ing a local hospital, by assuring income
through a prepayment plan, or by a tie-up
with an industry, a health department or a
local cooperative association.
After I wrote about these points a few
months ago, in "Farmers Must Go Fishing"
for doctors (Survey Graphic for April), it
was good to learn that copies had been
reprinted and circulated widely by Farm
Bureaus and Farmers' Union locals. Medi-
cal societies can do much to inform demo-
bilized doctors about opportunities, but the
people who support the services must get
busy in order to create them.
What Price Tonsils?
Just as I was writing the preceding, there
came a U. S. Public Health Service report
with the formidable title, "Disease and Re-
moved Tonsils in Farm Families." It con-
tains tables based on physical examinations
of members of low income farm groups,
Economic Features of Fourteen Counties in Illinois
County
Principal
Cities
Population
Physicians
under 65
Persons per
Physician
Persons per
Telephone
Cook
3.968,320
3,245
1,223
5.8
Chicago
3,396,808
Oak Park
66,015
Evanston
65,386
Jasper
10,872
1
10,872
13.7
Pike
20,927
4
5,232
8.5
Sangamon
113,393
63
1,800
7.5
and on other surveys. "The prevalence o:
diseased tonsils," it says, "probably does not
vary greatly in urban and rural areas."
That is, the examining doctors who looked
into the throats recorded about the same
proportion of diseased tonsils in both
groups.
But, the taking out of diseased tonsils is
another matter. Look at the chart on
page 343.
Tonsils come out when there are doctors,
hospitals, and money available. Even famil-
ies' who were receiving public relief in
cities had more tonsillectomies than the
farm families. The southern rural families
are at the bottom, the city families with
$3,000 or more a year at the top.
This excursion into throats thus opens
up the economics of medicine also. It is
not an argument for more tonsillectomies.
It is evidence that under present conditions
the medical profession is often unable to
carry out its tradition of service according
to needs.
Senator Wagner and the AMA
The following chronicle is for the instruc-
tion and entertainment of those who enjoy
a ringside seat.
May 24, 1945: The 1945 Wagner-Mur-
ray-Dingell bill was introduced.
The health provisions of the bill were
summarized in the June issue of Survey
Graphic (page 180), and in the June 2
issue of the Journal of the American Medi-
cal Association (page 369).
May 31: Senator Wagner writes the edi-
tor of the Journal of the American Medical
Association, and all state medical journals,
asking "earnest study of the provisions of
the bill relating to health. There is abso-
lutely no intention on the part of the au
thors to 'socialize' medicine, nor does the
bill do so. We are opposed to socialized
medicine or to state medicine. The health
provisions of the bill are intended simply to
provide a method of paying medical costs
in advance and in small convenient amounts
... we invite constructive suggestions from
the medical profession."
June 2, Journal of the American Medical
Association (page 364): Senator Wagner
to the contrary, "compulsory sickness in-
surance with federal control is both so-
cialized medicine and state medicine." The
freedoms for doctors and patients stated in
the bill are illusory. In preparing this bill,.
Senator Wagner says he consulted with
various groups, but "he has not consulted
with the American Medical Association or,
as far as is known, with any of the mem-
bers of its representative bodies or councils."
The Physicians' Forum, one of the profes-
sional bodies with which he says he con-
sulted, "is a group of several hundred physi-
cians, mostly inclined toward communism
342
SURVEY GRAPHIC
and practically all living in New York
City."*
June 30: Senator Wagner's response to
the editorial of June 2 is printed in the
AM A Journal (page 672), with counter-
comments interpolated in bold face. This
colloquy in inadequately briefed thus:
Senator Wagner: "I did consult the
American Medical Association," writing Dr.
Olin West, its secretary and general mana-
ger, on December 7, 1944, "listing a series
of suggestions for the revision of the 1943
bill and inviting the association to com-
ment on these proposals." Dr. West an-
swered to the effect that only the House of
Delegates can state the association's views,
and enclosed principles adopted by the
House in June 1944. He said he was for-
warding copies of the correspondence to
various officers of the association. No fur-
ther comments were received from Dr.
West or the others.
Dr. West: Senator Wagner's "letter
merely asked for comments on certain pro-
posals, it did not suggest or invite a con-
ference. ... In the discussions of the Wag-
ner-Murray-Dingell bill at meetings of the
House of Delegates previously held, it had
been clearly evident that the members of
that body, representing fifty-four constituent
state and territorial medical associations,
were convinced that federalization of medi-
cal service in the United States or the sub-
jection of medicine to political domination
would result in bringing about deterioration
of the quality of medical service and would
lower professional standards which the
American Medical Association for nearly
one hundred years has attempted to estab-
lish and maintain on the highest possible
plane."
Senator Wagner: The Journal's editorial
misapprehends various parts of the bill.
Your charge of "communism" against
some medical proponents of the bill repeats
your editorial of December 3, 1932, when
you condemned the majority report of the
Committee on the Cost of Medical Care —
advocating mainly voluntary insurance —
as "socialism and communism, inciting to
revolution."
AMA Journal (June 30, page 667):
"The Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill — 1945
version — is 185 pages long. It is simply
impossible, with the space available, to
make the detailed line-by-line analysis of
this proposal that will be necessary should
it ever come to public hearings."
Senator Wagner (page 673): "You re-
fer to the 'obstinacy' typical of the manner"
in which Senators Wagner and Murray
and Representative Dingell "have tried 'to
impose their notions regarding the care of
the public health and of the sick on the
people of the United States.' . . . Many
millions of people are members of those
organizations [which have endorsed the
bill], and many tens of millions of people
*A sequel to this Wagner-medical interplay is
brought to the public too late to he served except
as a side dish: The Physicians' Forum "has nothing
to do with communism ... its members are not com-
munists. They are physicians, members of the Amer-
ican Medical Association.*' . . . One third of them are
"outside the city and state of New York." Thus a
letter from the Forum, published in the journal of
the N. Y. County Medical Society after Dr. Fish-
bein. to whom it was ori«?imllv spit had failed to
publish it in the Journal of the AMA.
REMOVED TONSILS
e
i
M
d 40
5 20
<L
WHITE'
A/\
-NORTH
- SOUTH
COMMUNICABLE D'SCASt SUftVCY; LAAGC CITIIS ir FAMILY INCOMC
\
— - — JlSOO- J2»f»
— — --.. $3000 AND OVtH
N URBAN, $3000 & OVER
''•^ URBAN, $IJOO - $299»
"'•-.URBAN, NONREUIEF UNDER $ISOO
V.
^ URBAN, RELIEF
ACE IN YEARS
Percentage of persons at specific ages who had tonsillectomy performed prior to examination
or to the date of survey among (1) members of Farm Security Administration borrower families
in northern and southern localities, 1940, and (2) children of urban families by size of annual
family income, 1936 (unpublished data of the Communicable Disease Survey. Large cities in
northeast, north central, intermediate, and southern sections). — Chart from Public Health
Reports. June 22, 1945.
are represented by them and their families.
When they endorse legislation, is it still
only the sponsors of the bill who are try-
ing to 'impose their notions?' '
AMA Journal (page 668): "It is the
simple contention of The Journal of the
American Medical Association that the
Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill — 1945 version
— -would also mean the end of freedom for
all classes of Americans."
Health Is You
When a questioner asks whether "health
programs" are just altruism, my answer
is an emphatic No.
Health is You. Your powers and pain are
in your own insides. Biologically you are
an individual. Your health depends partly
on your inheritance. You can not change
that, but after you are old enough to de-
cide how you really feel about spinach,
you can do something about your eating
and drinking, your work hours and sleep
hours, your play, your sex relations, your
patronage of drugstores and doctors. All
these and other things are part of your
personal health program.
You can acquire knowledge about
health, but it takes wisdom and ingenuity
to apply it, especially when you live in a
city and want to keep up with whatever
Joneses are your gods.
As you mature, you become aware of
your powers and your limitations. As you
grow old, the ratio of these will change.
Using to the best your mind, muscles, and
emotions, within the limitations which cir-
cumstapces and experience impore, calls
for the same ingenuity which you bend to
managing your spouse, your boss, and your
bank balance.
Pediatricians are the one group of prac-
ticing doctors who are concerned with pro-
moting health as well as caring for sick-
ness. Doctors generally may help you to
improve fractions of yourself, and they
can help a great deal to mend you during
disease or accident. Finding the doctors
that fit your person and your purse is your
opportunity, maybe your despair.
Health is You, but water and winds and
your fellowmen control it as well as you.
Even if you milk your own cows, your
family's milk supply will not be safe un-
less the health department tests your herd.
The quality of your food, your drugs and
your doctors, your safety at work and in
traffic, depend not only on you but on the
organization which you and your fellow-
citizens set up for your mutual benefit.
The miracles of modern surgery rest not
only on the surgeon's trained mind and
muscles. The expensive quarters, equip-
ment, and the skilled human teams with
which he operates are provided by the so-
cial organization we call a hospital. The
uneven and unpredictable burdens of sick-
ness costs cannot be handled by you alone.
They need human teamwork, too.
Thus, health programs arise because the
preventive and reconstructive powers of
medical science can be fully available to
You only through group action, applied on
whatever scale — a self-interest group, a com-
munity, a state, a nation — may be com-
mensurate with the problem in hand.
AUGUST 1945
343
Photos courtesy of the Columbia Broadcasting System
Three stages in a television studio, set up for an evening's telecast: left, a news period has just ended, the animator is
still in position; center, a golf lesson is in progress; upper left, ready for the next program, "The Missus Goes A-Shopping"
Television in I960
After one world war, radio. After V-J day, television — "an industry now bawling
in its crib" — will feel its way into millions of homes, creating jobs as it grows.
WALDEMAR KAEMPFFERT
GENERAL DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER'S TRI-
umphant return to his native land in June
gave television another opportunity to
demonstrate its potentialities. In the homes
of a few thousand fortunate owners of tele-
vision sets the Supreme Commander and
the jubilant crowds that lined the proces-
sions in Washington and New York were
reincarnated. At the Polo Grounds in New
York the engineers were on hand to tele-
vise a baseball game while the General
smiled, waved his hand, and kept a box
score. Skillful operators "panned" the
video camera so that it followed each player.
Outfielders were only animated specks on
the home screen, but, on the whole, this
was another enchanting preview of a post-
war world in which the eye will drink in
distant events.
Such previews are not rare. Every day
the great metropolitan newspapers print a
little program of films, plays, and news
events that can be seen on the home screen.
For television has been in a chronic state
of readiness and of commercial inactivity
for years. In 1928. when it first electrified
us in a form that now seems woefully
crude, we were told that "It's just around
the corner."
It was still around the corner when, with
much fanfare, the National Broadcasting
Company inaugurated regular service on
April 30, 1939 at the opening of the World's
— By the science editor of The New
York Times, who is serving as Survey
Graphic's counselor in the 1945 series
of articles, "The Future Is Already
Here." Readers of Mr. Kaempffert's
earlier contribution to the series, "Alad-
din's Wonderful Lamp," (March) know
his gift for making a complicated subject
crystal-clear and exciting to the non-
technical mind.
Also previously published in this
group of articles: "Air-Age Transporta-
tion" by William Fielding Ogburn (Feb-
ruary); "Public Health in the Postwar
World" by C.-E. A. Winslow (April);
"The New Life Savers" by lago Gald-
ston, M. D. (June).
Fair in New York. Up to that time about
$25,000,000 had been sunk in research by
half a dozen companies here and abroad.
How much more has been spent since no
one knows. Research has continued in
secret because television has its military as-
pects. There is no doubt television is far
better today than it was before the war.
And yet, commercially speaking, it is still
"around the corner."
Some of the companies, naturally those
which have spent millions for research and
want to get some of their money back, are
convinced that television is ready to serve.
Others, which have no such heavy invest-
ment in research, are pleading for delay,
arguing that between the television broad-
casting station and the receiving set in a
home there is a lock-and-key relation, by
which they mean that if the station is
ordered to use another frequency or wave-
length, every receiving set within range
must be changed, and that no one knows
what frequencies will be assigned ten years
hence for the transmission and reception
of images.
344
SURVEY GRAPHIC
There has never been a spectacle quite
like this. Free enterprise had organized
research for the express purpose of devel-
oping practical television as a means of
mass appeal before a single receiving set
was offered for sale. And when free enter-
prise was ready, it had to face wrangling
within its own ranks and within the Fed-
eral Communications Commission, which
is charged with the duty of policing the
ether and of protecting the public interest.
So far as quality of its images are con-
cerned television at this stage is about as
good as a 16 mm. movie and therefore
good enough for the public. Images that
measure 24 x 18 inches for home contem-
plation are practical. Both British and
American companies have televised news
events on large screens in motion-picture
theaters.
Snowstorms and Ghosts
This does not mean that all technical
difficulties have been overcome. As you
sit at slippered ease in your living-room,
more or less enthralled by a performance
of the "Mikado," a snowstorm may sweep
over the screen. Here you have the tele-
vision equivalent of static. A nearby doctor
has switched on an X-ray or a diathermal
machine, or the taxicab driver on the
corner has picked up a fare and started his
motor. The doctor's machine and the taxi-
cab's ignition system have sent out waves
on their own account, and these independ-
ent waves have caused the snowstorm. The
only solution of the problem is to shield
every potential wave-generator in a city,
or to provide more powerful television
transmitters and more directional receiving
antennas. Bad as the snowstorms can be
on occasion, they are no more a hindrance
to the general introduction of television
than static was in sound-broadcasting.
And then there is the erratic behavior
of the television waves. They are very
short from crest to crest and hence much
like light waves, so that they are reflected
by mountains and tall buildings. In a city
of skyscrapers there may be half a dozen
such reflections, and on the screen half a
dozen overlapping images or "ghosts."
Sometimes they can be laid, these ghosts,
by receiving not the direct wave but one of
its reflections, which is like looking at a
man in a mirror.
In the open country the difficulty is
nothing to worry about. Unfortunately,
the open country is not likely to have many
television sets after the war for the simple
reason that the population is huddled
largely in small towns and large cities
where the tall buildings have been erected.
Though the "ghosts" can be as much of a
nuisance in the suburban home or the city
apartment as poltergeists in a haunted
castle, the public will probably accept them.
The engineer seems confident that he will
ultimately banish them.
Because the waves are so much like those
of light the range of a television station is
largely limited by the horizon, a matter of
about twenty miles at sea level. We may
as well dismiss the dream of attending the
Durbar in Delhi as we sit in Chicago or
New York. Even if we are content to see
only what is happening in this country,
there are difficulties. It would take about
ninety stations to bring television to most
of the population, and there is no inexpen-
sive way of interconnecting them into a
national network which would simultan-
eously broadcast a single program.
Relay Stations
It is easy enough to hook-up radio sta-
tions by ordinary telephone wire, but tele-
vision demands far more and wider chan-
nels than can be crowded into such a wire.
Before the war the Bell Telephone Labora-
tories had developed the coaxial cable to
carry 480 simultaneous telephone conversa-
tions without interference. The cable would
meet current television's requirements, but
it costs 15,000 a mile or $200,000,000 for
the 40,000 miles required to hook-up stra-
tegically located stations. Hence the broad-
casting companies look with more favor on
radio relay stations which would be strung
along at intervals of twenty-five miles, each
station picking up a television-carrying
beam and passing it on. The cost would
be less than that of the coaxial cable, but
still a matter pf millions. A television sta-
tion 300 miles high in Nebraska or Kansas
could serve the whole country, but no one
has ever troubled to estimate its cost be-
cause no one broadcasting company could
afford to build it, even if engineers knew
all that they must know about the pressure
of such a steel colossus on rock and soil
at a depth never contemplated for struc-
tural foundations.
This brings us face to face with the
problem of cost. Since we are committed
to free enterprise and since there is no
prospect of taxing the radio public directly
as in Great Britain, it is the advertiser who
must pay the bill. With him rests the
future of television as a medium of mass
appeal. Like the preat public he wants
television, but he is not quite sure that he
can afford the high cost of programs.
Translated into terms of running time
on the screen, a motion picture play may
cost from f 1,000 to $30,000 a minute, with
$1,000 representing about the worst that
the public will tolerate. If we are to have
every day a new sponsored television play
lasting an hour or more (the British prefer
the full length play to the "short"), the
studios and hence the advertisers face a
staggering outlay. Even if we assume an
expenditure of perhaps $5,000 a minute,
viewing time, a half-hour sketch means
|150,000 with no allowance for broadcast-
ing time. Probably this will prove pathetic-
ally inadequate for the simple reason that
we have been spoiled by the opulence of
Hollywood. Sound programs may now cost
$25,000 and even more for talent alone for
half an hour. On this basis, television pro-
moters talk hopefully of keeping the cost
of production down to $1,000 a minute,
despite Hollywood's generation of experi-
ence.
Probably the advertiser will pay the bill,
whatever it is, provided there are sets in
enough homes — several hundred thousand
sets at least. But the sets will not be bought
until the programs are irresistible. The
broadcasting companies will run around
in this vicious circle for some years, and
they will escape from it only by costly
experimenting on their own account. For-
tunately there are new methods of adding
backgrounds or sound electrically to the
program, thus economizing on settings and
on rehearsal time.
What Does the Public Want?
Despite an American experience of over
ten years with television the program is
still an enigma. All the forecasts and sur-
veys thus far made to find out what the
public wants are worthless. A public which
has never yet collectively told playwrights,
manufacturers, novelists, artists or editors
of magazines what it wants renders its
verdict only when something is offered for
Drama in the new medium is at present "one part radio, one part motion picture and
one part stage". Here, a television studio scene from Norman Corwin's "Untitled"
AUGUST 1945
345
its consideration. Companies that have
spent millions on systematic engineering
research cherish the illusion that somehow
the public can be induced to declare itself
in a sort of Gallup poll, and that after the
declaration the course of television can be
charted like that of any other enterprise.
The British Broadcasting Corporation,
which American champions of free enter-
prise are apt to regard as one of those
hopelessly bureaucratic governmental agen-
cies that are always behind the times, has
displayed far more initiative. While we
were hesitating but loudly proclaiming that
we led the world in television, the English
saw the coronation, the Derby, and prize-
fights on television screens in cinemas and
music halls; plays, opera, and films in a few
homes. But the British have an immense
advantage in paying their own bills in the
form of taxes instead of relying on the
advertiser.
The response of today guarantees nothing
about tomorrow. Twenty years ago we
were elated when we picked up time-
signals, weather reports, and bedtime stories
transmitted by a radio station a thousand
miles away; today we want dance music,
symphonies, short plays, comments on the
news, debates and speeches by political
celebrities whether they come from a near-
by or from a distant station.
How much of today's response to tele-
vision is attributable to novelty and how
much to intrinsic merit of program? The
British have had more experience than we,
but they cannot answer because the war
interfered with the selling of sets, and we
cannot answer because we have been bent
too much on sounding public opinion be-
fore we sold sets.
There is nothing for it but to plunge
boldly into commercial television on a large
scale. Now that the Federal Communica-
tions Commission has cleared the way by
assigning a band of frequencies, we may
expect this bolder experimentation after
the war. What if a set, which will cost not
less than $250 or more than $500, is out-
moded in two or three years? Some millions
in this country thought nothing before the
war of buying a new car every year at a
cost of $1,000 and more. The suspicion is
engendered that those who still oppose the
immediate introduction of television "be-
cause it isn't ready" have motives in mind
that will not bear scrutiny.
1
The Eye and the Advertiser
How rapidly television will grow after
the war depends almost entirely on the ad-
vertiser. He will be a hindrance at first be-
cause he will probably insist on too long a
display of his product and too much sales
talk. Every minute must be exciting in
television if the attention is to be held.
Brevity, action, and substance will be more
important than advertisers now realize, and
this because the eye can take in more in
two minutes than the ear in five.
Department stores will have the most
latitude, especially when it comes to fash-
ions and bargains. The daily press reached
the conclusion long ago that bargain base-
ment advertisements are news to house:
wives, for which reason concessions in rates
were made. Television may find it expedi-
" ent to adopt the same policy. In any case,
it is easier to imagine a housewife follow-
ing a department store's half-hour display
of kitchen utensils, lingerie, and canned
foods than a five-minute drool on gasoline
"with a punch in every drop," even though
a car driven by the miraculous fuel climbs
steep hills with astounding ease.
No doubt the advertiser will make the
most of his opportunity and suit the action
to the word, the word to the action. "I put
a little Dentox tooth powder into the palm
of my hand," an agreeable voice will surely
say as its owner appears to the eye. "I
spread it on the brush so-o-." How much
of this will sink in?
In ordinary radio we may read the news-
paper or we may talk during the sales
patter. Many a woman fills the house seven
hours a day with music, news, and adver-
tising as she dusts the furniture or prepares
a meal. Sound is just background to her.
But television is more than background.
Either she looks and neglects her work —
or she doesn't. No doubt much music and
advertising lodges in what the psycho-
analysts call her "subconscious mind," to
bob up unexpectedly in the future.
Television cannot play such tricks. Prob-
ably we shall pay the price of transitory
boredom to see and hear a stirring play,
and probably Ma will wash the dishes and
Pa will read the paper until the announcer
says: "And now we present Mary Edwards
and Joseph Wilkins in 'The Wrong Mr.
Wright'." Or Ma will possibly throw a
switch to cut off television and listen to the
sound until something is said that induces
her to drop her work and watch the screen.
From Chowder to Art- Form
In television as on the stage the play's
the thing. And the sponsored play will be
as important on the screen as it is in sound-
broadcasting. But what kind of play?
Novels have been dramatized and Broad-
way comedies transferred to the film. Al-
ways there is a difference of treatment be-
cause of the limitations or the larger
possibilities of the new medium. The slap-
stick movies have not yet presented "Don
Quixote" or "Gulliver's Travels" convinc-
ingly because they do not know how to be
satiric, and Shakespeare has never been
produced satisfactorily on anything but the
stage. Only in the animated cartoons of
Walt Disney has Hollywood given us a
form of art which is peculiarly its own.
Television will repeat dramatic history. If
the play's the thing, television must evolve
its own art form. All that it gives us at
present is a chowder composed of one part
radio, one part motion picture and one part
stage.
In the development of an appropriate art-
form and technique, television is now con-
fronted with the uncomfortable fact that it
is even more pitiless than the film and that
it is impossible to be grandiose on a canvas
at present not much bigger than a pocket-
handkerchief. If two lovers quarrel they
cannot walk away from each other in anger
and sulk in opposite corners as on a hun-
dred-foot stage. Nor can there be expansive
gestures. In a motion picture close-up, the
actor is similarly confined, but only for
seconds. In television he is always more or
less "held," in technical parlance, so that
it is hard to make the most of rage or ex-
ultation.
There will be little opportunity for the
expression of horror or delight for the
reason that facial contortions become ridicu-
lous on a screen which, immediately after
the war, will not be smaller than 11x14
inches or larger than 18x24. A short back-
ward step already expresses terror. A view
of the tonsils when a soprano takes a high
"C" in television may interest a laryngolo-
gist, but the audience in the living room
will simply rock with laughter even if it is
Isolde in tragic frenzy over dead Tristan.
Already Isolde "dubs." That is, she first
makes a sound record and, when she
actually "goes on the air," facially accom-
panies her own voice without being gro-
tesquely funny. And Tristan and Isolde
will have to be comely. Fat tenori and
soprani with enormous heaving bosoms are
already debarred because they look far more
absurdly out of place than they do on the
stage of the Metropolitan Opera House.
Some of these' difficulties will disappear
when home screens are as large as walls,
but it is doubtful if the public will be will-
ing to pay thousands of dollars for a living
room electrical installation as elaborate as
that of a theater. Even if he could afford
images that would cover a whole wall, the
average man would find that he is too close
to them in a living room.
No matter what the technical future may
hold out, the life of an actor will be no
happier than that of the policeman in Gil-
bert and Sullivan's song. Romeo and Juliet
swelter now under lights which are no
brighter and no hotter than those of a
motion picture studio, but which are more
trying because scenes are longer. Rehearsals
take far more time than in sound-broad-
casting— fifteen times as long — and they
must be paid for at rates which are at
present low but which are bound to rise
as more and more film and stage celebrities
are recruited. Actors must know their lines
and their stage-business perfectly; for there
can be no "retakes" as there are in the
motion picture studio.
Director's Headaches
During the period of actual transmission,
the director is the most worried of men.
Will an arc-light fail and cut off a beam
where it is needed? Such things have hap-
pened. Will the technicians in control of
the lights, the cameramen and the players
work together with the required clocklike
precision? There are always little slips
which, because a merciful Providence
watches over drunkards and directors, are
not noticed by most home televisionaries.
But who can tell? Split-second decisions are
called for, and unless they are made the
production may be a fiasco.
Even if he had a "lot" as big as a western
ranch, the studio director could not use it
to advantage. The reason is that television
is not at its best in distant "shots," as the
images of the outfield players proved in
the baseball game that General Eisenhower
(Continued on page 349)
346
LETTERS AND LIFE
Back into the Democratic Stream
HARRY HANSEN
WHEN JACOB Rus WROTE "THE MAKING OF
an American" in 1901, he wished to show
how a foreign-born, naturalized citizen
adapted himself to American life and even
became a factor in its democratic develop-
ment. He belonged to the period of the
great northern immigrations and helped to
make social service a fighting faith. Others
of European origin have become useful
American citizens, but those not writers
have left no record of their conversion or
their points of view.
In the present transitional phase in the
American economy, during which many
hereditary privileges are being revised and
many frozen social assets thawed out, testi-
mony of how it feels to change one's status
is rarely firsthand. Oliver La Farge has at-
tempted a subjective analysis in "Raw
Material" (Houghton, Mifflin; $3), a series
of autobiographical chapters especially per-
tinent because they discuss the relation of
privilege to democracy.
Blanket of Gentility
Mr. La Farge was born in the United
States, not to great wealth but to "the
sheltered life," and he is vividly conscious
of having come out from under a blanket
of gentility, the chief aim of which was
conformity. The influence of a great reputa-
tion on other members of a family is de-
scribed: he calls it "the super-civilized ghost
of my grandfather La Farge"; he was of
the fourth generation of artists, "and they
had all been gentlemen." The legend of
John La Farge "insisted upon the genteel
character of his work and one was sup-
posed to live up to him. The pressure to do
the kind of writing which only a gentleman
would do to be in good taste was terrific.
. . ." Oliver La Farge's task was to come
out from under this influence, into the sun-
light of democracy, and write the truth as
he saw it.
Here the truth did not mean a revision
in manners but a complete change of atti-
tude. Mr. La Farge makes his original posi-
tion clear by presenting, from his own ex-
perience, the best portrait of a Groton boy
in print. This school, so thoroughly Angli-
can in its educational routine, with its em-
phasis on the form rather than the class,
was "grindingly conformist." Regularity, in-
conspicuousness, were ideals; the Groton
boy "was perfect according to the standards
of the school, which meant that intellectual
capacity was of secondary importance . . .
and any strong aesthetic leanings were out
of the question unless they could be so con-
trolled as to have no influence upon daily
behavior."
It was not the school for the artist whose
(All booths
very life is a challenge to conformity. The
La Farges were established artists in a tradi-
tion; they had now sprouted an artist who,
even if not a belligerent or an outright
revolutionary writer, was to step outside the
pattern.
From Groton Mr. La Farge went to Har-
vard, a logical step, though we have long
since dropped the nineteenth century con-
cept of it as a school that turned out only
gentlemen. There Mr. La Farge became in-
creasingly aware of the contradictions in his
position and found some valuable compen-
sations, notably in athletics. His description
of the intense satisfaction in being a capable
oarsman, with its necessity for individual ef-
fort and ready cooperation, is excellent. The
"skilled violence" and "guided unrestraint"
of a boat race and the complete happiness
and catharsis achieved by it suggest how
many men may find athletics an outlet for
their repressed natures.
In the march to maturity Mr. La Farge
became interested in archaeology and an-
thropology. He found study of the Indians
of the American Southwest, Mexico, and
Guatemala extremely rewarding; as scientist
and artist he cultivated both his analytical
mind and his imagination, turning some of
his material into fiction. While every phase
of his activities is related to the growth of
Oliver La Farge, my concern is his change
from a writer in the genteel tradition to an
independently thinking man, who put
down the truth as he saw it. He was helped
in this by his observation of Indian life and
the position of the Negro in the South, and
by his contacts with none-too-well-off writ-
ers in New Orleans.
Breaking the Pattern
He found that there was health in writ-
ing when the rewards were not the end.
"As I detached myself more and more from
uptown New York and my center of social
gravity moved toward Greenwich Village
and Santa Fe, my contact with people who
were also engaged in a constant struggle to
pay the rent through the arts in order to be
free to practice the arts steadily increased.
The feeling that came back with it was one
of having been long dessicated and then put
back into water."
His wanderings gave Mr. La Farge light
on the conditioning influences of. a culture.
He knew how thoroughly the New Eng-
lander adopts the attitudes of his environ-
ment, and that, in a minor form, this
repeats itself in the man with a middle
western drawl who goes to Harvard and
returns home with a letter "r" changed to
"ah." He saw that the Negroes he knew in
Rhode Island took part in the common cul-
ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will be
347
ture of the state. But in the South Negroes
"are participants in a special sector of south-
ern culture," imposed by the whites.
If a group is restrained or restricted from
above, it will adapt itself and seek gratifica-
tion and release in its own activities. This
accounts, in Mr. La Farge's opinion, for the
fun that Negroes are able to have among
themselves. Their apparently carefree atti-
tude misleads the New Englander and
"renders him an especially gullible sucker
for such remarks as that Negroes are always
laughing, happy and carefree. He does not
understand laughter under oppression, for
he has never needed it."
Incidentally, Mr. La Farge declares that
"the southern system is only a postpone-
ment, a makeshift." And his scientific ob-
servation tells him that "another law is
operating," that "Negroes are constantly re-
ceiving more white blood." This is nature's
solution of race problems; it is already in
full swing in Brazil and Cuba, to name
only the southern lands where this tendency
is most marked. Mr. La Farge is not
shocked; the Groton boy has long since
been exorcised.
Ready for Uprooting
I have grave doubts that Mr. La Farge
would have remained oppressed by a set
pattern. He reacted to the genteel tradition
as did our whole generation, the difference
in his case being that he belonged to it by
birth.
If the unsatisfying connotations of the
word "gentleman" can be forgotten, we
must admit that many of its ideals are
wholesome. There are still vestiges of it in
Mr. La Farge's writings; for instance, in his
good taste — he could never violate taste as
some of our more robust and less consider-
ate authors do. The whole relationship of
force and wholesomeness in writing to
violence and vulgarity would be a fit subject
for the literary historian.
Mr. La Farge's open mind seems to have
functioned from the first and "the mask"
that Groton sought to impose never fitted
his face. Harvard sent him to Arizona to
study archeology, and his New England
horizon went to pieces. He was ready to
question dogma in religion no less than set
attitudes in conduct or dry rot in culture; he
was ready to understand the Indian as a fel-
low-citizen of this planet; he exchanged a
"closed society" for kinship with all Ameri-
cans, for "the much greater warmth which
the mass of the American nation radiates to
everyone who shares its daily problems and
desires. It is a grand thing to be ready, both
mentally and in lightness of material bonds,
(Continued on page 348)
postpaid)
for uprooting and unexpected changes."
Secure within himself, Mr. La Farge's
philosophy led logically to love of the land
that gave all people a chance to work out
their destiny. The next step was a willing-
ness to defend it. He volunteered for the
ferry command and is now a major in the
Air Transport Command, in charge of his-
torical research.
AMERICA'S ROLE IN THE WORLD
ECONOMY, by Alvin H. Hansen. Norton.
#2.50.
THE AMERICAN PUBLIC HAS BECOME in-
creasingly conscious of the political prob-
lems involved in international organization
during the past few years. But compara-
tively few people appear to have recognized
that in the long run our political world
organization must be based on smoothly
running interdependent world economy, if
it is to survive. This failure is largely due
to the inherent complexity of international
economic problems, and the failure of
economists to present them in language
which the average man can understand.
Mr. Hansen comes closer than any first-
rank economist has yet come toward pre-
senting these problems in the language of
the man-in-the-street. That in itself is a
remarkable achievement. But in addition
he succeeds in shaking off the deadly
paralysis which has caused most economists
to view international economic problems in
terms of a world which disappeared before
World War I. Unlike most of his col-
leagues, he does not even pay lip service to
the laissez faire economics of Adam Smith,
but assumes that we shall have to have in-
ternational economic organization before
we can have a smoothly functioning world
economy.
He describes and evaluates critically the
Bretton Woods Agreements, UNRRA, the
projected international trade authority, and
the -Food and Agriculture Organization to
test their contribution to postwar stability.
He points out that domestic policies aiming
at full employment are essential to the
operation of international economic agree-
ments, but indicates that it may be necessary
to go further and work out an international
program for stimulating employment. All in
all it is a book which every literate citizen
will want to read and ponder.
MAXWELL S. STEWART
Editor, Public Affairs Pamphlets
MEN AT WORK. Some Democratic Methods
for a Power Age, by Stuart Chase. Harcourt,
Brace. $2.
STUART CHASE is RIGHT IN BELIEVING THAT-
the articles here incorporated have a uni-
fying theme and a permanent value. They
present, in the best tradition of creative
journalism, findings and experiences in
significant areas of business personnel and
economic pioneering which demonstrate in
concrete terms just how we can help people
to work together, not as robots but as self-
respecting human beings in a democratic
society.
Clarity, concreteness, readability, per-
sonalized incident — these we have come to
expect in Mr. Chase's handling of a theme.
Here his rare and needed gift is put at the
disposal of a body of subject matter which
some will ignore as "too technical," but
which those who know the inwardness of
the modern world of work will recognize
as the very quintessence of our problem of
reconciling personality growth, scope for
personal creative release, a basis for more
personalized sense of responsibility for
sound workmanship, with the necessary
disciplines of large scale factory operation
and high production at low unit cost.
Personnel executives especially should
reach for this book and should insist that
their general managers read it — which they
can do easily and with pleasure in three to
four hours. For here, without the ten dol-
lar words in which the literature of demo-
cratic shop procedure tends to get bogged
down, are tested, practical methods, and as-
suredly wholesome results. No manager —
of factory, store, philanthropic agency, hos-
pital or college — could fail to carry away a
score of workable ideas from this notebook
record of social experiments.
If the Committee on Economic Develop-
ment, the National Association of Manu-
facturers, and the United States Chamber
of Commerce want ready reference hints on
how to be democratic in the shop in ways
that contribute to total shop productivity,
let them distribute a few hundred thousand
copies of this book in paper covers. The
cause of full employment and of a full life
for the employed would thus be served.
The book makes no pretense to being a
systematic treatise on personnel administra-
tion or industrial relations. But students of
the more inclusive volumes will find here
vital documenting of theory by practices
successful in according dignity to the career
of rank and file workers. ORDWAY TEAD
Lecturer, Columbia University
CHINA'S CRISIS, by Lawrence K. Rosinger.
Knopf. #3.
DESPITE ITS TITLE, THIS is NOT A CRISIS-
centered exposition but a comprehensive
statement of all the more important factors
in China's political cross-currents, the pe-
culiar nature of the war she wages, her
economic debacle, and her unsure foreign
relations. Mr. Rosinger shares the pained
concern with which most impartial observ-
ers today look upon the growing breach be-
tween China's aspirations and the frighten-
ing reality of her present condition. He ex-
plains the causes of this disparity with de-
tailed facts and penetrating argument; and
although his sympathies are with Yenan
rather than with Chungking, no fairer
presentation of the character and difficulties
of the central government is to be found in
print.
Only a few of his outstanding points can
be mentioned:
Such popular government as is possible
within the limits of Chinese political ex-
perience could be established now, in the
midst of war. The central government
probably has received more aid from Russia
than have the communists. In spite of
every conceivable device to prevent the ex-
pression of the people's will, popular dis-
content makes itself felt in virulent forms.
The greater part of Free China's foreign
trade is through the enemy lines and in-
directly to a large extent with the enemy.
Political leaders in Chungking cannot make
up their minds to throw themselves whole-
heartedly into the national war of libera-
tion because this would mean sacrifice of
power for which they are not prepared —
the democratic reorganization of the coun-
try's political and administrative machinery,
of its tax system, and of its control of pro-
duction. China's allies are in danger if they
permit the useful fiction of that country's
status as a great power to becloud their
view of the much more modest role which
it is bound to play, both in the war effort
and afterwards in the process of stabiliza-
tion.
This is an honest book, by a student who
has the gift of writing interestingly without
stepping out of the role of narrator and in-
terpreter. No other recent writer has been
so successful in relating the particular in-
cident to the picture as a whole, in clari-
fying the complex situation without over-
simplification, in pointing a way out of
China's immediate predicament without un-
derstating the alarming outcome for the
whole world if the country's unity is
allowed further to deteriorate.
Research Secretary BRUNO LASKER
American Council Institute of
Pacific Relations
MEN OF SCIENCE IN AMERICA, The
Role of Science in the Growth of Our
Country, by Bernard Jaffe. Simon &
Schuster. #3.75.
WE HAVE HAD MANY BOOKS EXTOLLING THE
"contributions" of science to our material
prosperity by way of technology and prac
tical invention. This lively account of nine-
teen handpicked American scientists from
colonial times to the present day offers a
rapid survey of the rise of American
civilization from an unusual and significant
angle. It is unusual because until after the
First World War there were not enough
men and women here interested in this ap-
proach to warrant the publication of so
handsome a volume for the general reader.
And it is significant because up to the pres-
ent writing your professional scientists have
not generally been clear as to the social
significance of what they were doing, be-
yond wanting to feel that they were really
useful citizens. This exceptionally readable
and reliable survey gives us a clear picture
of the men, their times, their problems, and
the relationship between their work and
the changing times.
The author seems to be somewhat torn
by his urge to defend American science
against two criticisms that have been most
frequently directed against it. Against the
charge that while we have led in "applied"
science, we have lagged in "pure" science,
he enumerates the growing list of Ameri-
can winners of Nobel prizes for funda-
mental thinking and discoveries, and points
to the growing army of foreign students
who have been coming here to learn from
our master minds. To the suspicion that
our scientists have "almost completely
ignored the social scene and have been con-
tent to follow their scientific pursuits undis-
turbed by the storms about them," he re-
plies by pointing to Benjamin Franklin and
348
the early scientists who were aware of the
political and economic conditions from
which they or their parents had just es-
caped.
There is, however, no need to apologize.
The book itself abundantly reconciles these
"criticisms" and shows their irrelevance.
Indeed, Mr. Jaffe's concluding chapter,
"Future of Science in America," is a well-
balanced statement on the present situation
and prospective developments.
New Yor^ BENJAMIN C. GRUENBERG
AN INTELLIGENT AMERICAN'S GUIDE
TO PEACE, under the general editorship
of, and with an introduction by Simmer
Welles. Dryden Press. #3.75.
THE VERY TITLE OF THIS BOOK IS STIMULAT-
ing and one opens the volume with curi-
osity. In it one finds a clearly conceived
pattern, executed with a simplicity which
is gratifying and a comprehensiveness
which is daring.
In its pages certain facts are to be found
about "every independent nation and every
major dependent people of the world."
These facts are divided, in each case, into
four categories: (1) The Land and People;
(2) The Economy; (3) The History, 1914-
44; and, (4) The Stakes in the Peace.
No single reader can verify, out of his
own knowledge, the information concern-
ing each country: he can only turn to those
countries with which he has some acquain-
tance. And there this reviewer marvels at
the accuracy, conciseness, and balanced
selection of facts. Certainly all cannot be
told within 370 pages; but enough is told
to start one on a further quest equipped
with accurate, pertinent information and a
certain new understanding of the factors in-
volved.
In his introduction, Sumner Welles states
that "it is the obligation of every citizen
of the United States to inform himself to
the fullest extent possible concerning every
aspect of the decisions which his country
will now be forced to make." It is to
facilitate the fulfillment of this obligation
that this book has been published. It has
been done objectively. But it has also been
done in the belief that the large majority of
Americans have decided that the United
States should accept its full responsibility
in some kind of world organization.
Whether this international organization
succeeds or fails, Mr. Welles contends, will
depend upon the harmonious cooperation
of the five great powers — and harmonious
cooperation can be achieved only "through
a friendly but realistic understanding" of
each other.
JULIE D'ESTOURNELLES DE CONSTANT
Assistant Director
Woodrow Wilson Foundation
SURRENDER ON DEMAND, by Variao
Fry. Random House. £3.
MANY ACCOUNTS HAVE APPEARED DESCRIBING
the heroic adventures of American soldiers
and sailors on the battlefields of Europe and
Asia. Running through these stories are
abundant records of American ingenuity
in meeting strange and unforeseen situa-
tions or in overcoming apparently insuper-
able obstacles.
But it is not only on the field of battle
that this characteristic quality has been
shown. "Surrender on Demand" recounts
the exciting adventures of a young Ameri-
can who was sent to France to aid refugees
from Nazi persecution escape, chiefly to
Spain and Portugal. With remarkable de-
termination and courage he outsmarted the
Gestapo and Vichy police and succeeded in
sending more than a thousand refugees
from France. Among those rescued from
Nazi cruelty were such distinguished in-
tellectuals as Heinrich Mann, Lion Feucht-
wanger, and Franz Werfel.
The methods used in smuggling refugees
out of France involved the frequent use of
forged passports and other identification
papers. Fry found it helpful, too, to enlist
the services of Marseilles gangsters and
other underworld characters. The French
police authorities were naturally suspicious
and unsympathetic but occasionally a
French official aided Fry and his associates
when they got into difficulties. Especially
helpful was Harry Bingham, the American
vice-consul at Marseilles in charge of visas.
On the other hand the high officials in the
State Department at Washington, unwilling
to offend the French Vichy authorities,
showed little sympathy for Fry's work and
ultimately canceled his passport, forcing his
departure from France.
In general this book reveals the tragic
experiences of hunted and persecuted peo-
ple. Only rarely is the account relieved by
a humorous incident as, for example, when
the Italian labor leader Giuseppe Modigliani
refused to shave off his beard or stop wear-
ing his fur coat in order to facilitate his
escape. The coat had been presented to
him by the International Ladies Garment
Workers Union when he visited the United
States and he was so proud of it that he
wore it winter and summer.
Americans can read with pride this vivid
and exciting story of the experiences of a
determined and courageous American in
successfully carrying through an errand of
mercy. NELSON P. MEAD
Department of History
College of the City of New
TELEVISION IN 1960
(Continued from page 346)
attended. Accordingly, the directors are
inserting film in "live" scenes of plays and
scanning the film and the actors simultane-
ously, so that the villain may choke the
heroine against a background which may
be the Rocky Mountains or some medieval
castle. Again, Hollywood invented the trick,
and again television appropriated it.
Hollywood and Television
If television has taken so much from
Hollywood what advantage has it over the
motion picture theater? Before the war, the
British paid a guinea a ticket to see the
Boon-Danaher fight televised in three
cinemas which were packed to the doors.
Was this evidence merely of a lack of home
television sets? Or, as Hollywood argues,
(Continued on page 350)
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC^
349
The Chance of a Lifetime
FOR EVERYONE INTERESTED IN
A WRITING CAREER
HERE is A CHANCE to learn to write by
writing — under the personal direction of
successful writers and editors. The Maga-
zine Institute, a private school completely
owned and operated by editors and writers,
offers practical instruction in short story
and article writing. You work in your own
home, on your own time.
Every assignment you submit is returned
with detailed criticism. Experienced writers
patiently correct your work and help de-
velop your style to suit the demands of
the modern magazine market. You ask all
the questions you like. As your ability
grows you get a chance to concentrate on
the sort of things you do best — essays,
features, short sketches, etc.
Writers themselves active in the maga-
zine field help you find your best outlets,
often suggest markets you might never
have heard of. Send the coupon today for
the free catalog which tells you how you
may get started toward a writing career.
Inquirers will also receive "The Best Job
in the World" listing unsolicited testi-
monials from successful graduates.
THE MAGAZINE INSTITUTE, INC.. Dent. 38-C
50 Rockefeller Plaza, Rockefeller Center, New York 20, N.Y.
Please send your catalog without obligation, to :
Vame
(inquiries confidential. No salesman will call.)
The
Psychiatric
Novels
of Oliver Wendell Holmes
BY
CLARENCE P. OBERNDORF, M.D.
"It has taken three-quarters of a century
for a commentator to see the merit of
Holmes's books. We owe to Oberndorf
much gratitude for the discovery and for
the scholarly treatment given the subject.
His abridgments make the novels more
readable; his introduction gives a bril-
liant picture of Holmes, and his annota-
tions explain to people not trained in
psychiatry the importance of the text. To
the psychiatrist the text needs little expla-
nation; the clinical descriptions are mas-
terly, and many theories are clearly stated
which would now be called' 'freudian'."
— Archives of Neurology and Psychiatry.
$3.00
Columbia
University Press
was it evidence that the public wants large
screens and lifesize men and women?
Hollywood extracts much comfort from the
fact that, despite all the predictions of op-
timists, the movies have not yet invaded
the home on a large scale.
Just to be on the safe side, motion picture
companies have bought into television en-
terprises. There is no doubt that television
would like to draw on Hollywood's films
and its other resources, but there is also no
doubt that Hollywood shows no great dis-
position to help television.
Even if Hollywood and television arrive
at an understanding, the program problem
will be solved only for a time. About 650
hours of pictures are made every year. Sup-
pose television uses them. So ravenous is its
appetite that a year's output would be de-
voured in weeks, assuming that a film is
used only once. The Federal Communica-
tions Commission has assigned twelve
channels to television. If each of these
twelve transmits plays six hours a day, a
terrifying problem in production is pre-
sented. News and sports stand on another
footing. Here television will reign supreme,
because we participate in the transmitted
event. Something important is happening,
and we are electrically on the spot to see it.
It is the advertiser who will settle this
issue of the program. He knows that in
a motion picture house he has no chance
at all. Early experimental projections of
advertising lantern-slides between film
drama and news came to nothing. The
assault on the eye and the mind was re-
sented. When the film began to talk no one
had the temerity to place direct advertising
on the sound-track. Nor has the film been
too widely used in the theater in advertising
itself. The preliminary flashes that announce
forthcoming attractions are none-too-wel-
come interruptions.
New Jobs Ahead
It is plain from these considerations that
television will have to feel its way just as
radio broadcasting did twenty years ago.
When the experimental period is over, a
matter of perhaps five postwar years, an
industry which is now bawling in its crib
will grow with a rapidity that will astonish
even the technical accoucheurs who brought
it into the world.
The opportunities for employment will
match anything that we have witnessed in
the development of motion pictures, radio
or the automobile. Think of ninety stations
that will have to be tied together somehow
into a national network, each erected by
skilled labor at a cost of perhaps $250,000,
each demanding its quota of steel, electron
tubes, and relaying apparatus. Think of
hundreds of play and advertising-copy
writers, more hundreds of cameramen and
their aids to "cover" sports and news events.
Think of ancillary or satellite industries that
will feed television with what it needs, just
as the growth of the automobile industry
was attended by much road-building, keep-
ing of tourist camps, installing of filling
stations, inventing and selling of wayside
pumps, cigarette-lighters and windshield
A lively, different magazine
for open-minded readers
CONTROVERSY
Monthly
OUR purpose is to present all sides of issues and controversies of current
importance. Controversy is the only medium of expression for all opinions.
The major part of the magazine consists of forums, symposia, and individual
opinion articles.
BEFORE you can be sure you are right you must read what people of the
opposite opinion have to say. If Controversy doesn't modify your views,
it will surely solidify them. We can assure you that reading this magazine is
never dull ; there is always at least one battle-on-paper in progress.
PART of the magazine is devoted to book and pamphlet reviews, edited by
Paul R. Stout. The authors of books reviewed are given an opportunity to
"talk back" to the reviewer.
'T'HERE are photos, drawings, and caricatures every month. Controversy is
JL in easy to read format, printed on fine paper.
Current numbers include various views, and conflicting opinions of the Negro prob-
lem by: Adrian Faign, J. P. Kemper, Elmer Rowe, and Lillian Smith.
Departments: The Voice of the Reader; Reviews of Books and Pamphlets.
John E. McWilliams, Editor
Your first issue will be sent the day we hear from you.
Address
Led by the Chamber of Commerce, real
estate interests, Planner House and otner
forces for good, Indianapolis got an act
through this year's legislature authorizing
the city to buy this slum area under the
power of eminent domain, turn part ol it
along the banks of the stream into a park,
with a picnic ground, swimming pool, lake,
baseball diamond; lay out new streets in
the remainder and sell off lots to low in-
come people at possible prices. For people
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC}
350
Controversy, 212 F. and M. Bldg. West Chester, Pa.
Please enter my subscription to Controversy monthly for:
[ ] 1 year: 2.00
[ ] 6 months: 1.00
[ ] 3 months: trial .50
Bill me later if payment Is not enclosed. Current Issue free if payment accompanies order. If I
dissatisfied in any way, you are to refund my money and 1 need not return the issues received.
wipers. Think of tens of thousands engaged
in making at least a million television sets
a year for a hungry public. You catch a
glimpse of what television will mean in the
national economy.
Let television grow and it will do its
share in creating jobs for the 57,000,000
who must be kept employed after the war
if our overexpanded production facilities
are not to collapse. And the young service-
man who wonders what his lot will be
when he doffs his uniform would do well
to study the thousands of niches that tele-
vision is already fashioning for him and
make up his mind in which he will find
the most scope for such knowledge and
technical experience as he may have ac-
quired in some army or navy school.
FORTUNATE CITY
(Continued from page 341)
watch the contractor unload a tool shed
from a truck— the first token of the ful-
fillment of a long-cherished dream. The
federal government (PWA) and the city
health department combined to provide
$130,000 to build this center, which will
specialize in child and maternity care.
Heading it will be Dr. Walter H. Maddux,
lent by the U. S. Children's Bureau for
which he has been doing brilliant work
aiding Negro doctors throughout the South
to keep abreast of modern methods in child
and maternity care.
And what about that slum? We have
seen some bad spots in Chicago, Memphis,
and Birmingham, but this Negro section in
Indianapolis beats them all. Streets and
streets of hovels — the streets often only
muddy paths. Many of these hovels have
no toilets, no running water. A group of
families patronizes a community privy and
a community pump. Beyond the slum is a
vast dump heap, ragged gravel pits, and
then a stream — just south of which and
within a stone's tbrow is, incredibly enough,
Indiana University Medical School and an
imposing group of state and city hospitals!
One shack with an assessed valuation of
$850, which would seem an exaggeration,
rents for |25 a month. Taxes are $21.
That's the owner's only expense. No one
would ever dream of putting a cent on re-
pairs. So this owner gets $279 clear each
year, for a 32.8 percent return. Nearby is a
coal shed rented to a family at $7 a month.
It even has a street number, and there's a
service flag in the window. There often is,
even if there's no glass. These are the homes
of soldiers of democracy.
Instead of Slums
who can't afford to buy, decent low rental
homes will be made available. A great city
parkway which halted in despair at the
edge of the blighted area will run through
the development, all the plans for which
have been endorsed by experts like Paul
Brown, superintendent of parks, and Noble
Hollister, in charge of the city's planning.
How will these homes be built? Cleo
Blackburn and his Quaker associates had an
exciting plan. At Penn Craft — a project of
the Friends Service Committee over near
Uniontown, Pa. — coal miners had built
themselves a village of fifty houses out in
rolling farmland on the labor pool idea.
There are always certain men in any group
who carpenter, do plumbing, stonework,
painting or glazing or maybe just dig. So
they can pool their skills and build each
other's homes. Using largely local materials,
these miners put up six-room modern
houses that would have cost $4,000 else-
where— for under $2,000. And smaller
houses for much less. Blackburn went to
look, came back full of enthusiasm.
William Book, executive secretary of the
Indianapolis Chamber of Commerce, agreed
heartily with him, but two local realtors
were skeptical. They went to Uniontown
to see for themselves and were convinced
that the idea would work. Indeed, the
chances are that it would work anywhere.
Despite the citywide enthusiasm for
Planner House, its projects have met some
opposition, half-hearted and brief, from
labor unions in the buildings trades who
shied at its labor-pool idea; from some
orthodox social workers who were dis-
turbed not to find its unconventional
methods for dealing with people in their
rule book*; and from a few left wing Negro
militants who were irked by its cooperative
front. Almost invariably, however, Planner
House calls forth more good will than
people ever knew they had. They go there
for the thrill of being near anything so
vital and growing.
The idea will grow, too, throughout the
country. Every city with a slum area cries
out for an enterprise like Planner House
and a man like Cleo Blackburn — with
vision to build firmly for the future on the
bedrock of human need.
Once upon a time, runs the fable, a
traveler came upon three men chipping
stone beside the highway. He asked each
of them in turn what he was doing.
Said the first man: "I'm chipping this
stone."
Said the second: "I'm helping build the
wall of a building."
And the third, proudly: "I'm building
a great cathedral."
* For an example of cooperative stock-taking, to
relate such a rounded scheme of neighborhood work
to citywide services, take an assignment made a year
ago by the Indianapolis Community Fund to the
Council of Social Agencies. Through its Planner
House study committee, representing both council and
settlement, arrangements were made for an indepen-
dent appraisal of casework activities there. Abigail
F. Brownell broupht experience and national standing
in this field to the task.
Transmitting Miss Brownell's report in mid-May,
the joint committee approved her findings. It espe-
cially commended to the budget committee of the
Community Fund the "needs of the casework and
program staff" of the neighborhood nursery; and to
the board of Flanner House the need for avoiding
duplication of effort "by recognizing and utilizing
existing community caseworking resources" — notably
those of the Family Welfare Society. — ED.
"You Must Have Spent Years on Shorthand91
NO! I Learned in 6 WEEKS!
You, too, can master SPEEDWRITING, the modern shorthand, in one-quarter
the time required by symbol system*. It is far easier and more accurate to write
and transcribe. Tens of thousands of shorthand writers have been freed from the
drudgery of old-fashioned methods of learning and writing shorthand through the
marvelous SPEEDWRITING system. It has no signs or symbols but uses the
familiar letters of the alphabet. It eliminates the strain of taking dictation and i*
easy to read back.
SPEEDWRITERS are employed in the better jobs all over the country. Prepare
now for one of these jobs — and for the post-war opportunities that await you
just ahead!
YOU CAN QUALIFY AS A FAST, ACCURATE SHORTHAND WRITER
IN 72 HOURS OF HOME STUDY BY THIS FAMOUS METHOD.
TRADE MARK, REG U.S. PAT. OFF.
With no interference with your present work, with no sacrifice of your hour* of
recreation, you can master tlii- easy, natural modern shorthand in -» »*eek» of
home study. You can take longer if you wish; many have learned Spe«"<li«ritinB in
less time. Over 100.000 have studied Speedwriting at home in their «pare hour*.
The cost is only a small fraction of what you would expect to pay. Speedwriting is
nationally recognized and highly endorsed by educator* and
business leaders. It has been used for over twenty year* in
leading corporations and Civil Service. Mail coupon below for
illustrated booklet. No cost, no obligation ; no salesman will call.
^CHOOL OF SPEEDWRITING
Dept. 3508, 55 West 42 Street, New York 18, N. Y.
FREE!
FASCINATING NEW
ILLUSTRATED BOOKLET
Gives you full inform?
tion about Speedwriting
and includes easy lessor
that will have you writ
ing typical business sen-
tences in shorthand in •
few minutesf
School of Speedwriting
55 West 42 Street
N. Y. 18
MAIL THIS COUPON TODAY
School of Speedwriting, Dept. 3508
55 West 42 Street, New York 18, N. Y.
I'leane send me without obligation or exiwn.se your new
illustrated booklet coiitaininc full information on Spend
writing— The Modern Shorthand: also vour easy, lot*'
eating demon.st ration lesson
Name
and State
(Include P.O. Zone No..
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
351
THE BOOKSHELF
DISTINGUISHED AMERICAN JEWS
Edited by P. Henry Lotz
Creative PersonaJMies — Vol. VI
Continuing the series of biographical sketches of in-
dividuals who have made outstanding contributions to
our culture, this new volume presents twelve Americans
of Jewish ancestry and distinctive talent. SI. 50
ASSOCIATION PRESS
347 MADISON AVENUE NEW YORK 17. N. Y.
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
Official Journal of the American Sociological Socletj.
In addition to papers and proceedings ol the So-
Jiety. it contains articles on sociological research,
news notes, book reviews, and foreijtn correspondence.
Subscription $4.00 a year - Special library rate $3.10
Address: Managing Editor
American Sociological Review
U. S. Department of Agriculture. Washington. D.C.
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF NURSING
shows the part which professional nurses take in
the betterment of the world. Put it in' your
library. $3.00 a year. 1790 Broadway at 58 St.,
New York 19, N. Y.
Write for our FREE bargain catalogues or booki
at 30%-70% reductions. Any book mailed post-
paid in USA. THE NATIONAL BOOKSELL-
ERS, 1182 Broadway, New York City 1.
PSYCHOANALYSIS
ALERT, INTELLIGENT READERS AND
WRITERS should belong to BASIC BOOKS
. . . the new time and money-saving way of
keeping posted on current literature on psycho-
analysis, psychosomatic medicine, psychiatry and
psychology. For information, write to Dept. G2,
Basic Books, 714 Madison Ave., New York 21.
BOOKPLATES
FREE CATALOG, showing several hundred beau
tiful designs.
ANTIOCH BOOKPLATES, Box 218, Yellow Springs, Ohio
PRINTING
LET US PRINT YOUR PAMPHLETS. Send
for free circular giving terms. Haldeman-Julius
Company, Box P-1003, Girard, Kansas.
FOREIGN BOOKS
SCHOENHOF'S FOREIGN BOOKS. INC.
1280 Massachusetts Avenue, Dept. SV
Cambridge 38, Mass.
PROFESSIONAL SERVICES
SPECIAL ARTICLES, THESES, SPEECHES,
PAPERS. Research, revision, bibliographies, etc.
Over twenty years' experience serving busy pro-
fessional persons. Prompt service extended.
AUTHORS RESEARCH BUREAU, 516 Fifth
Avenue, New York, N. Y.
ORIGINAL SERMONS, SPEECHES, LEC-
TURES, Club Papers, professionally prepared
Criticism, rewriting, plotting, ghostwriting of
book-length manuscripts, short-stories, feature
articles. Testimonials galore. Printed Lecturet.
Sermons and Outlines also furnished. FREE
Circular. Dept. "S," Continental Writers' &
Speakers' Bureau, 210 Fifth Ave., New York,
RESEARCH: Congressional Library, Government
Bureaus, etc. Questions, literary or scientific in-
-estigations, genealogy, business errands, attended
y experts. Circular free, Crehore, Box 2329-G,
by
Washington 13, D. C.
BOOK REVIEW drudgery done for you by experi-
enced lecturer, newspaper and SRL reviewer.
Henrietta Hardman, Central Village, Connecticut.
MAGAZINE SUBSCRIPTIONS
UNLOAD YOUR SUBSCRIPTION CHORES!
Send me your want-list of magazines and news-
papers, new and renewal ; I get all available, bill
you afterwards. Institutional accounts expedited.
Catalog, circular, free. JOHN CREHORE, Post-
box 2329-G, Washington 13, D. C.
-POWHATAN" INDIAN PIPE
SEND a dollar bill for genuine "Powhatan" hand-
made Indian clay smoking pipe, replica famous
original Virginia antique, two long stems, his-
toric booklet, directions, enjoyment, and care.
Rustic container, postage prepaid. PAMPLIN
PIPE CO., Richmond, Virginia.
WORKERS WANTED
WANTED: EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR for promi-
nent National Jewish Women's Organization.
Must be capable executive with experience in
fields of social work or adult education. Address
inquiries or state qualifications to 8192 Survey.
DIRECTOR «nd CASE WORKER for a newly or-
ganized Child Guidance Clinic. Both must be
psychiatric social workers. Director must be ex-
perienced worker with administrative experience.
Excellent salaries, challenging job in a fresh field.
Small interior city, California. 8186 Survey.
GEORGE JUNIOR REPUBLIC seeks housepar-
ents and work supervisors not threatened by
problems of adolescents, and willing to live and
work closely with boys or girls. Maturity, com-
monsense, and sincere interest are requisite ; social
work background desirable. 175 Fifth Avenue,
New York City.
WANTED: VISITOR, Children's Aid Society,
Chambersburg, Penna. School of Social Work
training and experience desired. Box 148, Cham-
bersburg, Penna.
CASE WORKERS (2) working with boys and girls
in club and activity program, also social recre-
ation. Jewish Community Centre, New York
City. State fully education, experience, references
and salary expected. 8185 Survey.
ADMINISTRATIVE ASSISTANT. Man for large
New York City Jewish Community organization.
Responsible for supervision, maintenance, business
management, budgeting, also group work program
area. State education, experience, references, sal-
ary expected 8184 Survey.
CASEWORKERS with training and/or experience,
also persons who have a College Degree and
aptitude for Social Work. Salary commensurate
with qualifications. Apply American :Red Cross,
31 Elm Street, Springfield, Mass.
WANTED: Girls' Worker and Special Activities
Supervisor for Community Center at Poughkeepsie,
N. Y. Apply c/o Rockwood Jenkins, Fjcecutive
Director, Lincoln Center, Poughkeepsie, N. Y.
CASE WORK— GROUP WORKER: For group
work agency and camp. Professional social work
training and experience; attractive salary; job
analysis available on request. Council Educational
Alliance, 13512 Kinsman Road, Cleveland 20,
Ohio.
WANTED: Supervisors and case workers with
training and experience for work with the armed
forces, ex-servicemen, and their dependents. Ex-
cellent salaries. Apply Home Service, American
Red Cross, 161 Massachusetts Avenue, Boston 15,
Mass.
WANTED: A couple for resident position — Boys'
Dormitory. Must be able to supervise school
work, recreational activities, direct the conduct
of the boys. There are housekeeping duties en-
taijed. For full details write to Superintendent,
Friendship House, 2000 Adams Avenue, Scran-
ton 9, Pa.
CASEWORKER— Catholic family or child welfare
caseworker, salary range $1920 to $2340. Must
have graduate training. 8178 Survey.
CASE WORKER for non-sectarian family agency
in large Massachusetts city. Graduate degree in
social work plus experience or supervised field
placement in family agency required. Salary and
advancement commensurate with experience and
ability. 8195 Survey.
EMPLOYMENT AGENCY
GERTRUDE R. STEIN, INC.
AGENCY, 64 West 48th Street, New
York. Wise. 7-4961. A professional
bureau specializing in fund-raising, group
work, institutional, casework and med
ical social work positions.
LANGUAGES
PHONOGRAPH COURSES. Mail Orders. All
Makes. Booklet C. LANGUAGE SERVICE,
Div. of Schoenhof's Foreign Books, Inc., Harvard
Square, Cambridge 38, Mass.
29 LANGUAGES BY LINGUAPHONE. Russian,
Spanish, Portuguese — Direct conversational
method for mastering any language quickly,
easily, correctly at home. Send for FREE book.
LINGUAPHONE INSTITUTE, 50 RCA Bldg.,
New York 20. CI 7-0830.
CANDELABRA
FOR SALE: Beautiful hand wrought iron can-
delabra, can be used outdoors as hurricane lamps.
Original design. Photographs furnished on request.
$40.00 pair. Wominer Wrought Iron, Box 230,
Grand Island, Nebraska.
WORKERS WANTED
CHILD WELFARE
WE NEED two additional caseworkers for ex-
panding program in rural areas. Experience in
child placing and home finding preferred. Send
complete information about self - education, ex-
perience, marital status, age, church, photo if
possible and salary expected. Write or wire,
Nebraska Children's Home Society, 3549 Fon-
tenelle Blvd., Omaha 3, Nebraska. Randall C.
Biart, Executive Director.
SUPERVISOR
WELL ESTABLISHED Children's Agency in the
middle west is extending its program and needs
a competent supervisor with child placing ex-
perience. This agency is small, private, non-
sectarian with a fine reputation. Its work is
mostly rural. The program is flexible and of-
fers an opportunity for a person with ideas — one
who is "growing." We prefer a protestant be-
tween the ages of 35 and 50 with membership
in the A.A.S.W. Give complete information
about yourself and indicate salary expected.
8193 Survey
SENIOR SOCIAL WORKER needed in well estab-
lished children's institution providing also foster
home placement. Must be graduate in Social
Work and have several years of practical experi-
ence in case work for children. Write to Chil-
dren's Village, Hartford, Connecticut.
POSITIONS OPEN IN ALASKA
ALASKA DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC
WELFARE
DISTRICT WORKERS-
SOCIAL SERVICE WORKERS
Apply: Alaska Merit System, Box 201, Juneau,
Alaska, via airmail, supplying minimum qualifica-
tions.
There are positions open at the present time for two
District Workers and two Social Service Workers.
District Worker: salary range^$250 to $280 per
month; appointments at the minimum; minimum re-
quirements — college, 4 years; graduate study, 1
year at recognized school of social work which must
have included courses in Child Welfare and Tublic
Welfare administration and supervised field work in
child and family welfare ; experience — three years in
the past six years of social work, one year of which
must have been in Child Welfare, one year in Public
Assistance and one year in a supervisory capacity.
e years n soca wor, one year o
which must have been in Child Welfare and one
year in Public Assistance.
WE OFFER EMPLOYERS AND CANDIDATES
in all fields of social work everywhere an en-
tirely new, unique medium for finding just the
right person or position. Because screening tech-
niques have been streamlined, commissions and
registration fees eliminated, and placement feet
reduced to a flat $25.00, the widest selection
current conditions permit is attracted. Why leave
any stones unturned? Perhaps the very person
you would most like to get in touch with is also
reading this ad. Write for details. Central
Registry Service, 109 South Stanwood, Columbus
9, Ohio.
SITUATIONS WANTED
MAN with long executive experience in boys' work
desires location in New England. Available Oc-
tober 1st. 8189 Survey.
EDITOR religious publications. Protestant. Non-
sectarian. Graduate student Bible and theology
in leading seminaries. Contributor to publications
of several denominations. Five years' experience
as editor. 8188 Survey.
ADMINISTRATOR, broad experience in mental
hygiene, family and child case work, industry and
labor and community organization. Married, age
47. Immediately available. 8191 Survey.
SUPERINTENDENT, small institution. Broad
experience, administrative, personnel management.
Locate anywhere. 8190 Survey.
EDITOR, social studies textbooks. Capable of
rewriting texts for postwar market and modern
curriculum. Twenty years' experience high school
teacher, college professor, writer and editor. 8187
Survey.
SUPERINTENDENT, institution or agency. Ten
years with private agency of highest standards.
Ten years administration large modern public
children's program. Broad training in psychiatric
social work, special experience college staff, voca-
tional training, boy scouting, adoption, child
placing and institutional care. 8194 Survey.
Buy War Bonds
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC.)
352
exciting look into
the present and future
of the American tropics
NEW
CROPS
tor the
NEW
WORLD
Edited by
Charles Morrow Wilson
Of utmost importance for our
hemisphere are the facts told in this
book— the great migration of crops
from the Orient to Latin America,
and the birth of an entirely new
inter-American economy based
upon them. Fourteen distinguished
authorities have contributed to the
book, and it is illustrated with 70
magnificent photographs. $3.50
MACMILLAN
BUY WAR BONDS
SAVE WASTE PAPER
SAVE WASTE FATS
7s the U. S. A. headed for a new
Imperialism ?
Are the dreams of vast business in the
Orient misleading us?
Will the French, Dutch and British get
back their Empires in Asia?
What part will Russia play in the Far
East?
These questions and many more like them are treated in
the pages of ASIA AND THE AMERICAS which for almost
30 years has been dealing with the peoples and affairs
of the Orient.
Because problems of Empire are so immediate, it is par-
ticularly appropriate that we offer you now, entirely free,
a copy of Louis Fischer's powerful book, EMPIRE (com-
plete but in paper binding), with a ten-months subscription
to ASIA AND THE AMERICAS, at a special rate of $3.00.
ASIA
AND
THE
AMERICAS
and a FREE copy of
EMPIRE
by Louis Fischer
A strong, compact and timely book about a serious obstacle to victory
in the war and security in the peace . . a broadminded, convincing
discussion of Asia and the problem of empire . . . comparisons between
Russia and India.
"Pithy and penetrating . . . EMPIRE deserves the attention of everyone
who believes in democracy, the Atlantic Charter and the possibility
of organizing the world on a base of dignity, security and law."
—CHARLES LEE, "Philadelphia Record."
ASIA AND THE AMERICAS, 40 East 49th St., New York 17, N. Y.
I
months of
\ j
Please put me down for a 10-months subscription to
ASIA and the AMERICAS, and send me, free of charge
a copy of Louis Fischer's book, EMPIRE (complete but
in paper binding).
I am enclosing $3.00 in full payment.
and a copy of
EMPIRE
FREE
Nome
Street
City . .
State
NEW HARPER BOOKS
for Survey Readers
IliMIIIIIBIIIIBIIIMIIIIBIimillllHIIIIBlllll
Help him get the job he wants
HOW YOU CAN
GET A JOB
Postwar Edition
By Glenn L Gardiner
Here is a book needed today — one that will help return-
ing service men get the jobs they want and need.
Parents, wives and friends who have their interest at
heart will welcome its valuable suggestions. In simple
question and answer form, it tells specifically the most
effective ways of getting a job — information that pro-
vides courage and confidence. Past editions have proved
its outstanding and unique value. $1.50
How do you know you act democratically?
FREEDOM'S
PEOPLE
How We Qualify for a
Democratic Society
By Bonaro W. Overstreet
A nationally known woman writer, columnist and lec-
turer draws on her rich and varied contacts to show
us how more attention to everyday habits and behavior
can help to fit people for a truly democratic life. "A
superb piece of psychological and philosophical analysis
of the human prerequisites for a free society. ... A
creative and original democratic weapon. . . ." — Dr.
Joshua Loth Liebman, Tern file Israel, Boston. $2.00
The play becomes a weapon against prejudice
THEY SEE
FOR THEMSELVES
A Documentary Approach to Intercultural
Education in the High School
By Spencer Brown
Volume III in the Series of the Bureau for Intercultural
Education is the record of successful experiences with
dramatic productions as a vivid means of showing the
contributions of different cultures to American life and
thus striking at the roots of race prejudice and intoler-
ance. Sample plays are included. Paper: $1.25. Cloth:
$2.00.
A unique analysis
of our country's
pressing problems
APPROACHES TO
NATIONAL UNITY
Proceedings of the Fifth Symposium
on Science, Philosophy and Religion
Edited by Lyman Bryson,
Louis Finkelstein, R. J. Maclver
How religion, philosophy and science can contribute
to a unity of spirit in our national life is the theme
of this now well-established national symposium. Widely
divergent points of view expressed by over sixty prom-
inent scholars make it a comprehensive examination of
the many practical and intellectual problems obstruct-
ing the path to national unity. $5.00
"An unusually thoughtful job ..."
— Henry A. Wallace
ECONOMIC
DEMOCRACY AND
PRIVATE
ENTERPRISE
A Study of the Relation of Economic
Croups to the Federal Government
By Michael O'Shaughnessy
How our economic system can yield a high standard
of life for all and assure at the same time a more
democratic basis of operation. The author shows how
recent Papal Encyclicals support a more widely based
system of controls and participation in policy-making
by labor and consumers as a necessary fulfillment of
democratic claims. Of interest to all concerned to see
what "religion in business" may mean today. $2.00
'Letting the Co-ops speak for themselves'
OURSELVES, INC.
The Story of Consumer
Free Enterprise
By Leo R. Ward
A vivid, personalized story of visits among typical
families of the 3,000,000 members of the consumer
co-operatives, which vividly dramatizes the human
values of this growing movement. It explains clearly
the relationship of the cooperative movement to demo-
cratic and spiritual forces of our country
Coming September 5 $2.50.
L.
-
IIIIWmlHilll
IIUIIHIIIMIIimUIII
IIJIlHIDIHinilBIIIIIBIIIIIMIIIII
I • •
HARPER & BROTHERS
49 East 33rd Street N. Y. 16, N. Y.
SEPTEMBER
SURVEV
3O CENTS fl COPV
RflPH
VICTORY
Atomic Bombshell
S. COLUM CILFILLAN
An Interdependent World by James T. Shotwell
War machines
that save lives
In no other war, and in no other
country, have greater precautions
been taken by military leaders and
industry to safeguard the lives of
fighting men.
Protection of artificial fog to con-
ceal troop movements . . . Warmth of
electric blankets to protect wounded
airmen . . . Better chances of rescue
for men shipwrecked or shot down at
sea . . . these are just some of the
things that U. S. commanders asked
for to protect American troops.
On this page are a few of these war
machines that sot>e lives — in which
G-E research and engineering played
a part. General Electric Company,
Schenectady, N. Y.
Solar searchlight designed by G. K. , in
cooperation with the National Bureau
of Standards, gives flyers and sailors
adrift at sea a way to signal rescuers
as far away as ten miles. Most impor-
tant problem was to find a method of
aiming mirror so pilot of plane would
catch the reflection of the sun.
II»ar ths G-E ruilio programs: 7*« G-S. All-girl Or-
fhetlra, Sunday 10 p.m. EWT, NBC-The World Ipdal
news. Monday through Friday 6:4$ p.m. EWT. CBS-
TVii G-K Houie Parly. Monday through Friday »*»
p. m. EWT, CBS.
rO( VICTORY RUY AND MOID WAI BONOS
Stealing the enemy's eyes. Our soldiers
carry their "fog" with them, mobile
smoke generators that blanket whole
battle areas in dense white mist. New
U.S. smoke machine uses a brand-new
principle of smokegenerationfirst worked
out in the General Electric Research
Laboratory by Dr. Irving Langmuir.
These smoke machines have saved many
American lives at fighting fronts.
Diagnosing flyers' troubles. Photos ol sub-
jects in high-altitude test chamber, taken
with General Electric x-ray equipment,
show the formation of tiny gaseous bub-
bles in tissues and joints, a condition de-
scribed as more painful than rheumatism.
X-ray studies like this help answer what
happens in high-altitude flights.
Blanket saves flyers' lives. In high-alti-
tude bombers, wounded airmen need
emergency protection against freezing
cold. Now General Electric is supplying
the Army Air Forces with electrically
heated "casualty blankets" that auto-
matically maintain a protective warmth
in temperatures as low as 60 below zero.
GENERAL <| 1 ELECTRIC
DIRECTORY OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS
Social, Economic and International Planning
AMERICAN COUJtCIL, INSTITUTE OF PACIFIC
RELATION.-. 1 East 54th Street, New York 22,
N. Y. Research and study organization on
the Pacific area problems as they affect
America.
Special pamphlet offer on British-American
relations: COOPERATION FOR WHAT?
U. S. & BRITISH COMMONWEALTH;
SPEAKING OF INDIA; MEET THE
AN/ACb; LABOR IN AUSTRALIA.
Complete packet . . . 40c.
Also available — popularly written pamphlets
on the Philippines, Pacific Islands, Japan,
China, U.S.S.R. Write for complete pam-
phlet list.
AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE
(QUAKERS) — 20 South 12th Street, Philadel-
phia 7, Pennsylvania; Clarence E. Pickett,
Executive Secretary. "Whatever concerns
human beings in distress, whatever may help
free individuals, groups and nations from
fear, hate or narrowness — these are subjects
for the Committee's consideration." Present
projects include civilian relief operations in
France, China, and India; aid to refugees,
aliens and Japanese Americans in the United
States with overseas activities in Switzerland,
Italy and Hawaii; enrollment of students and
other volunteers in work camp projects in the
United States and Mexico 10 improve social-
industrial and race relations; Institutes of
International Relations to promote study of
religious and economic bases for peace and
postwar reconstruction; administration of Ci-
vilian Public Service Camps for religious
conscientious objectors in cooperation with
other agencies.
Since 1917 AMERICAN JEWISH CONCRESS has
concerned itself with protection of rights of
Jews. Activities now embrace situation in
United States, Latin America, and Europe.
Its program includes defense against anti-
Semitic propaganda, combating economic dis-
crimination, law and legislation with a view
to strengthening democracy, political repre-
sentation on behalf of rights of Jews, and
amelioration of conditions for refugees; par-
ticipation in war program of United States;
preparation for reestablishment of Jewish
rights at end of war.
Toward this end it has set up, in cooperation
with the World Jewish Congress, an Insti-
tution of Jewish Affairs now studying facts
of Jewish life with a view to establishing
basis on which rights may be claimed at end
t of war.
Also engaged, together with World Jewish
Congress, in political negotiations with demo-
cratic governments with a view to securing
sympathetic support for post-war rights.
Has recently established Inter-American
Jewish Council for inter-American Jewish
community cooperation in behalf of post-war
Jewish reconstruction and strengthening of
democracy. 1834 Broadway, New York City.
AMERICAN RUSSIAN CULTURAL ASSOCIATION
— Devoted to strengthening cultural ties
between U. S. and U. S. S. R. Lectures,
Public Eventi Exhibitions, Classes, Private
and Group Lessons in Russian given by
graduates of Russian Universities. For full
information address American Russian Cul-
tural Ass'n., 200 West 57th St., New York
19, N. Y.
AMERICAN SOCIETY FOR PUBLIC ADM I MS.
TRATION, 1313 East 60th Street, Chicago 37A,
Illinois. A national organization to advance
the science of public administration. All
members receive official quarterly journal
Public Administration Review, which presents
articles on current administrative practices.
Discussion groups for members in metro-
politan areas. Membership $5.
THE INTERNATIONAL CITY MANA'*""*' ASS".
ClATION, 1313 East 60th Street, Chicago. T»
aid in improving municipal administration (i)
annually issues The Municipal Year Book,
an encyclopedia of information about munici-
pal activities in the 2,042 United States
cities over 5,000; (2) publishes Public Man-
agement, a monthly journal devoted to local
government; (3) issues special research re-
ports such as Planning for Postwar Munici-
pal Services, and The Police and Minority
Groups, etc.; (4) provides a series of eight
practical correspondence courses in municipal
government. Write for a complete list of
publications and a catalogue on training
courses.
BUY VICTORY BONDS
U'.NAI B'RITH — Oldest and largest national Jew-
ish service and fraternal organization whose
program embraces manifold activities in war
service, Americanism, youth welfare, war re-
jief, education, community and social service,
inter-faith good will, defense of Jewish rights
and philanthropy. Membership 200,000 in-
cluding women s auxiliaries and junior units
—1003 K Street, N.W., Washington, D. C.
BUREAU OF INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION,
1697 Broadway, New York 19, N. Y. H. H.
Giles, Executive Director. A non-profit
agency committed to long-term educational
work with schools so that Americans who are
of many different religious beliefs, racial
strains, and ethnic origins will live together
in harmony and with mutual respect.
The Bureau (1) works with school adminis-
trators and teachers to develop local and
city-wide programs of intercultural educa-
tion; (2) promotes intensive experimentation
and study of methods; (3) publishes books
for teachers and children; (4) reprints and
distributes materials and audio-visual aids
suitable for school and community groups;
(5) serves as a center for consultation; (6)
offers teachers in-service courses in intercul-
tural education; (7) sponsors leadership train-
ing and intercultural education workshops.
Information concerning publications and other
activities sent on request.
NATIONAL CONGRESS pF PARENTS AND
TEACHERS— An educational organization of
over three million men and women, working
together in 28,000 local associations to pro-
mote the welfare of children and youth.
Conduct a nation-wide program devoted to
home and school education, parent education,
health and social services. One of its major
projects is the preparation and distribution
of Parent-Teacher publications, among which
are the "National Parent-Teacher," official
magazine, and a monthly Bulletin, both issued
on a subscription basis; Proceedings of An-
nual Meetings; Community Life in a Democ-
racy; The Parent-Teacher Organisation, Its
Origin and Development. Write: Mrs. William
A. Hastings, President, 600 South Michigan
Boulevard, Chicago ,5, Illinois.
NATIONAL CONSUMERS LEAGUE, 348 Engineers'
Building, Cleveland 14, Ohio. A voluntary
organization founded in 1899 to awaken
consumers' responsibility for conditions under
which goods are made and distributed, and
through investigation, education, and legis-
lation to promote fair labor standards. Mini-
mum membership fee including quarterly
bulletin, $2.00. Elizabeth S. Magee, General
Secretary.
NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH WOMEN, 1819
Broadway, New York 23. N. Y. FIFTY
YEARS' SERVICE TO FAITH AND
HUMANITY. SERVICE TO FOREIGN
BORN— immigrant aid, port and dock work,
naturalization aid, Americanization classes,
location of relatives in war-separated families.
SOCIAL WELFARE AND WAR ACTIVI-
TIES— Council houses and clubs, nurseries,
clinics; scholarships, camps, teen-age canteens;
work with handicapped. Participation in
national wartime programs through educa-
tional projects and community activities.
EDUCATION DIVISION — Contemporary
Jewish affairs, international relations and
peace, social legislation. Study groups under
national direction keep Jewish women through-
out country alert to vital current issues. 215
Senior Sections in United States. 100 Junior
and Councilette Sections. 65,000 members.
THE POST WAR WORLD COUNCIL, a non-parti-
san, non-profit organization, was formed for
the purpose of focusing the attention of the
liberal opinion-forming public upon major
political and social issues which are vital to
lasting peace.
The PWWC issues news releases and pub-
lishes pamphlets and a monthly News Bul-
letin on vital issues contributing something
positive to buttress the hope and sanity of
this postwar world and to combat the con-
fusion it is in.
If interested in further details or member-
ship, send your name and address to: POST
WAR WORLD COUNCIL, 112 East 19th
Street, New York 3, New York.
NATIONAL^ FEDERATION FOR CONSTITU-
TIONAL LIBERTIES — 205 East 42 St.. Room
1613, New York 17, N. Y. A national
federation through which labor, church, civic,
fraternal and farm organizations, as well as
individual citizens, work to protect and
extend civil rights in the tradition of the
American Constitution.
Maintains a national office in New York,
and a Washington Bureau to provide accurate
and timely information on civil rights issues
- — through publications, meetings, and special
legislative assistance.
NFCL Subscription Service: $3 per year for
individuals; $5 for organizations.
NATIONAL PEACE CONFERENCE, 8 West 40 St.,
New York City 18, is composed of repre-
scntativ.s of .ational men and women s or-
ganizations whose programs include in whole
or in part an interest in world affairs.
Through monthly meetings, special institutes
and popular pamphlets, the Conference con-
tributes to education of public opinion for an
organized world. Publication list upon re-
quest. Dr. Walter W. Van Kirk, Hon.
President; Dr. John Paul Jonts, President;
Miss Jane Evans, Administrative Vice Presi--
dent.
THE NATIONAL VOCATIONAL GUIDANCE
ASSOCIATION. Christine Melchcr, Executive
Secretary, 82 Beaver Street, Room 510, New
York 5, is the professional organization for
counselors and others engaged and interested
in vocational guidance, and the publishers of
OCCUPATIONS, the Vocational Guidance
Journal.
PUBLIC OWNERSHIP LEAGUE OF AMERICA —
Facts about America's 10,000 publicly owned
projects — Bi-monthly, illustrated Magazine
and News Letter — Extensive Bulletin and
leaflet service. "Studies in Public Power" —
25 chapters — latest data on Bonneville, Grand
Coulee, TVA and other federal and munici-
pal projects — For individuals, study groups
and organizations. Send lOc for descriptive
booklet and samples. Full service $5.00 per
year. Address: 127 N. Dearborn St., Chi-
cago 2, Illinois.
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC. — 112 East l»th St.,
New York 3. A cooperative educational
society built around a periodical rather than
a campus, and carrying forward swift re-
search and interpretation in the fields of
family and child welfare, health, education,
civics, industrial and race relations, and the
common welfare. Publishes monthly Survey
Graphic, Magazine of Social Interpretation
without counterpart, and Survey Midmmthty,
Journal of Social Work. Membership, $10,
and upwards.
WOP'" •""CE FOinxDVTION — A non-profit or-
ganization founded in 1910 by Edwin Ginn
for the purpose of prompting peace, justice
and good will among nations. This purpose
is accomplished through the objective presen-
tation and interpretation of the facts of
American foreign relations through publica-
tions, study groups and a Reference Service.
Publications: Documents on American For-
eign Relations, 1938 — (annual); America
Looks Ahead (a pamphlet series); and other
The ' Foundation has available a punnhlel
series entitled Problem Analyses (I-XX.
$1.00), published by the Universities Com-
mittee on Post-War International Problem?.
Information concerninc publication* and other
activities sent on request. 40 Mt. Vernon
Street, Boston 8, Massachusetts.
This DIRECTORY appean In Surr.y
Graphic four time* a year Including
lp«clal number*. It* column* are open lo
social action group* organized to promote
good government, better education, city
planning and housing, improved industrial
and labor relation*, the cafeguardlng of
civil liberlie*, land conservation, *tu«I» of
the Art*— economic and foetal planning
in thfir u-ideit atplration*. Hate* are
modest — Let the Advertising Department
tell you about them !
SimVEY CHVAjPIUC for September. 1945. Vol. XXXIV. No. 9. Published monthly and copyright 1945 by SURVEY ASSOCIATES. INC. Composed and printed
by union labor at the Hughes iPrtntuw Company. East Stroudsburg. Pi.. U. 8. A. Publication Office. 34 No. Crystal street. East Strouclsburg. P*. Editorial
and business office. 112 East 19 Street. New York 3. N. Y. Price this issue 30 cents: $3 a year: Fort-urn postage 50 cents extra. Canadian 75 cents,
ftitereti u second class matter on June 32. 1940. at the post office at Kast Htroudsburg. 1'a.. under the Act of March 3. 1879. Acceptance for mailing at a
special rate of ixwture wovided for in Section 1103. Act of October ;t, 1917. authorized Dec. 21. 1921.
BELL TELEPHONE SYS T E M
Listen to "The Telephone Hour" every Monday evening over NBC
Prayer offered at the White House,
August 19, 1945
We offer thanks for the victory which Thou
hast given us and our allied nations.
Guide us until the wounds of battle are
healed, and men and nations live together in
a world of peace.
May we be worthy of the sacrifice of those
who gave themselves for this moment.
Help us to know the end of battle is but
the beginning of opportunity.
Among Ourselves
STRESSING NOT THE UNIMAGINABLE POSSIBILITIES
for good that open before us with the release
of atomic energy (see page 357) but the
equally vast destructive force, thirty-four re-
ligious and civic leaders have appealed to
President Truman "to press for commitments
by all nations outlawing the atomic bomb."
Protesting against "all further use of the atom-
ic bomb," the group states:
"We have now brought forth the new
weapon that the world has been seeking and
yet dreading. Now we shall have to take
the consequences. We are grateful for the
scientific achievement that lies behind this
weapon, and we wish to see the new power
reserved for constructive, civilian uses. The
spiritual nature of man is challenged to achieve
this. But, if once we legitimatize use of the
atomic bomb for enemy destruction, no power
can again bring this new death-energy within
bounds."
Among the signers are Professors Roland
H. Bainton and Robert F. Calhoun of Yale
Divinity School; Charles Iglehart, Walter F.
Davison, Arthur L. Swift, Jr., of Union Theo-
logical Seminary; Rev. John Haynes Holmes,
Community Church, New York; Rev. George
A. Buttrick, Madison Avenue Presbyterian
Church, New York; Rev. James Myers, Fed-
eral Council of Churches; Rev. Ernest Fre-
mont Tittle, First Methodist Church, Evans-
ton, 111.; Rev. Edwin McNeill Poteat, presi-
dent, Colgate-Rochester Divinity School.
Survey Graphic READERS AND EDITORS HAVE
suffered a special loss in the death at 74 of
Dr. Hugh Cabot, former member of the Mayo
Clinic, a noted surgeon who was as deeply
concerned with improvements in the distribu-
tion of medical care as he was with gains in
the techniques of his profession. Again and
again this staff turned to him for ad ace and
suggestion on the handling of material on
medical economics, and over the years he
often wrote for us on topics in this field. The
titles of his best known books, "The Doctor's
Bill" and "The Patient's Dilemma," testify to
his impatience with what he called the "anti-
quated free system of private medical prac-
tice." His last article for us, "The Lesson of
the Rejectees" published in a special number
on "Fitness for Freedom" (March 1942),
analyzed the health findings of selective
In August Survey Midmonthly
A Cabinet Post for the Home Front
by Leonard ,W. Mayo
Voluntary Agencies' Role in Europe
by Mrs, Oswald B, Lord
Home Visitor en Route by Mabel J. Remmers
Here in Washington by Rilla Schroeder
VOL. XXXIV
CONTENTS
No. 9
Survey Graphic for September 1945
Cover: Victory
Frontispiece: Cartoon by Fitzpatricl^ in St. Louis Post-Dispatch
The Atomic Bombshell S. COLUM GILFILLAN 357
An Interdependent World JAMES T. SHOTWELL 359
Trail-Blazers in Citizenship Avis D. CARLSON 362
Reconversion on the Campus C. MILDRED THOMPSON 366
Ten Years of Social Security ARTHUR J. ALTMEYER 369
Better Health for Country Folks
1. In a Georgia Cotton County KATHERINE GLOVER 372
2. In the Mountains of New Mexico T. SWANN HARDING 374
Letters and Life 376
Harvard's Sixteen Courses HARRY HANSEN 376
Copyriaht. 1945, by Survey Associates, Inc. All rights reserved.
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.
Publication Office: 34 North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburg, Pa.
Editorial and Business Office, 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
Chairman of the Board, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN; president, RICHARD B. SCANDRBTT, JR.; vice-
presidents, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, AGNES BROWN LEACH; secretary, ANN REED BRENNER.
Board of Directors: DOROTHY LEHMAN BERN-HARD. JACOB BILLIKOPF, NELLIE LEE BOK, JOSEPH
P. CHAMBERLAIN, EVA HILLS EASTMAN, EARL G. HARRISON, SIDNEY HILLMAN. FRED K. HOEHLER,
BLANCHE ITTLESON, ALVIN JOHNSON, WILLIAM W. LANCASTER, AGNES BROWN LEACH, WILLIAM M.
LEISERSON, THOMAS I. PARKINSON, JUSTINE WISE POLIER, WILLIAM ROSENWALD, HEAHDSI.EY KUML,
EDWARD L. RYERSON, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR., LOWELL SHUMWAY, HAROLD H. SWIFT, ORDWAY
I'EAD.
Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.
Associate editors: BEULAH AMIDON, ANN REED BRENNER, BRADLEY BUELL, HELEN CHAMBERLAIN,
KATHRYN CLOSE, MICHAEL M. DAVIS, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, HARRY HANSEN, FLORENCE LOEB KEL-
LOGO, LOULA D. LASKER, VICTOR WEYBRIOHT, LEON WHIPPLX, Contributing editort: HELEN CODY
BAKER, JOANNA C. COLCORD, EDWARD T. DEVINE, RUSSELL H. KURTZ, ALAIN LOCKE, MARY Ross,
GERTRUDE SPRINGER.
Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINGER; Circulation manager, MOLLIE CONDON; Advertising
•nanager, MARY R. ANDERSON; Field representatives, ANNE ROLLER ISSLER, DOROTHY PUTNEY.
Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue, 30c a
'•opy. By subscription — Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year — Foreign 50c;
' 'anadian 75c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor Articles, P«blic
\ffairs Information Service, Quarterly Cumulative Index Medicus.
Survey Midmonthly published on the 15th of the month. Single copies 30c. By subscription—
Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year — Foreign 50c; Canadian 75c.
Joint subscription to Survey Graphic and Survey Midmonthly: Year, $5.
Cooperative Membership in Survey Associates, Inc., including a joint subscription: Year, $10.
service, and predicted far-reaching reforms in
the distribution of medical care.
With characteristic vigor, he wrote: "The
most striking lesson to be learned from the
fact that something like half of those who
should be the fittest people in the country have
been rejected for military service is that we
have been caught squarely in the trap of our
own complacency. . . . The only valid conclu-
sion, so plain that he who runs may read, is
that our present methods have failed to pro-
duce fit people. Distribution of • medical care
has been uneven. Little attempt has been
made to avoid waste of time, money, and
duplication of expensive equipment. Sound
economic and financial principles have been
neglected or disregarded and, as a result, costs
have been unnecessarily high. In a word, we
have been asked to be satisfied with methods
quite out of step with modern social condi-
tions. Most of the remediable defects found
in the draftees spring from inability to pay
the bills which are often beyond the people's
means."
BY THE TIME THIS ISSUE IS IN THE MAILS,
President Truman probably will have made
public further details of the program for uni-
versal military training for American youth,
to which he referred in his press conference
on August 16. Those like-minded with V. T.
Thayer, the educator who in the July Survey
Graphic raised the question, "Why Postwar
Conscription Now?" will await with some
anxiety the statement of the plan which the
administration will sponsor. President Truman
stated, according to The New York. Times,
that the program was for universal military
training, not for peacetime conscription. He
declined to answer further questions on the
proposal at that time.
CARL VON DOREN, CLIFTON FADIMAN, AND
Lewis Gannett will be the judges in a contest
announced by the publishing firm of Julian
Messner to find the book "which can reach
the widest public while effectively combating
group prejudices in America — racial, religious,
economic, or social." There is no restriction
on subject matter or form, and the contest .s
open to established writers and newcomers,
with a prize of $3,000.
Details from the publisher, 8 West 40 Street,
New York 18.
Cartoon by Fitzpatrick in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch
A NEW ERA IN MAN'S UNDERSTANDING OF NATURE'S FORCES
— President Truman
S U RVEV-
G Rfl PH 1C
The Atomic Bombshell
New vistas of health and happiness stretch ahead of us — if mankind can learn to
use for good, and not for destruction, the mind-numbing power we have unleashed.
THE PHYSICISTS DROPPED AS GREAT A BOMB-
shcll into our technology and general way
of life as into Hiroshima, with their first
practical utilization of atomic energy, per-
haps the greatest invention of all time. For
if a pinch of Uranium 235 can do the work
of mighty engines, here is a power for
revolution — not just of all our wheels and
all our heating, but power in international
relations and institutions as well. In this
article, we shall attempt to foresee some of
these social effects.
In discussing this aspect of the headline
news, we can profit by the guarded fore-
casts of the physicists today, which indicate
great future peacetime utilities for the in-
vention. I shall take these as my premise,
without attempting to enlarge on the tenta-
tive forecasts of the physical authorities.
While there is little that can yet be said
positively about productive applications of
man's new knowledge, we can indicate
something of probabilities, sequences, link-
ages. The further conclusions may be filled
in as the indicated doors open. And it may
be worthwhile to ask some questions we can
not answer, but that civilization must
answer, and pretty quickly, if it is to endure.
War Effects
What experimental atomic bombs did to
Hiroshima and Nagasaki need not be re-
told. Let us only add that apparently the
same force could be added to rockets and
their propellants likewise. This would mean
rocket bombs of vast range and speed, radio
guided and much too swift for defenders
to shoot down, though the same energy
could also power airplanes of incredible
speed — 1,000 miles per hour — any speed that
a human pilot could stand. It could power
and speed-up all warships, from torpedo
boat to battleship. Its most dramatic effect
would be on the submarine, since this source
of power requires no air, is far lighter than
a submarine's storage batteries, and could
raise its underwater speed far beyond the
imagination of Jules Verne's vindictive
"Captain Nemo." For a torpedo it seems
ideal, both for propulsion and explosion. It
might be made to leave lingering deadly
S. COLUM GILFILLAN
— By a social scientist, whose specialty
is the social cause and effect of inven-
tions and patents. Mr. Gilfillan is a
research associate of the University of
Chicago. He is the author of several
books and numerous articles in his field,
including "The Sociology of Invention"
(1935), and the chapter on "Social
Effects of Invention" in the report on
"Technical Trends and National Pol-
icy", published by the National Re-
sources Committee (1937).
rays long after explosion. Perhaps most
spectacular of all these grim potentialities is
rocket bombing of cities from a distance.
It is an old maxim of warfare that every
invention of offense produces a correspond-
ing defense. But that action and reaction
seem to be running down. In the past when
armor or weapons failed, armies retired to
fight from a greater distance; but if we
must now retire one hundred or several
hundred miles, that leaves a lot of territory
without defense.
Aviation even at present speed and range,
almost baffles defense. Although it is now
more than half a century since the French
army subsidized Ader's airplane; we can
retaliate against air attacks, but we cannot
prevent them if the air forces are near
equality. The buzz bomb and rocket bomb
may be still harder to stop.
Against the atomic bomb, rocket or shell,
no defense seems possible.
Large atomic missiles are not instructed
in the laws of war. They are bound to kill
more civilians than soldiers, and burn the
homes with the war plants. Total war is
now the only way war can be waged, and
this calls for total defense and fosters totali-
tarian conceptions of life and government.
It is not a good situation for democracy,
popular decisions, international trust, legal
processes between nations, freedom from
fear. Except for one fact, the only fountain
of hope: The very terror of this future, at
the climax of a long and exhausting war,
may lead men to see that war itself must be
prevented. (See page 359.)
Could atomic energy be barred from war,
or barred at least from missiles? Poison gas
and germ warfare have been barred, at least
temporarily, and various limitations of war
maintained. That might be a temporary ex-
pedient, but not when atomic power goes
into general civil use. And certainly not
securely. However, few of us can contem-
plate the possibility of another war even
without this latest improvement, a war of
aviation, and rocket bombs filled with TNT.
There is an unparalleled opportunity be-
fore the Big Three-to-Five. If they can main-
tain faithful, self-sacrificing harmony they
have, on the side of peace and order, their
present habit of cooperation, the terror of
atomic power, the governmental monopoly
of the dangerous novelty,, its remoteness
from general interference, the awe in which
it is held by voter and politician.
Supply and Location of Uranium
An interesting and important question is,
who will control the sources of the new
power? Several other elements may be used
atomically. But plutonium, produced from
Uranium 235, is the present source of this
power. Uranium is found in 114 different
minerals, widely scattered, but in small
pockets, where the assay often runs from
1 to 50 percent (richer than almost any
gold ore), and the uranium is associated
with radium, vanadium, cobalt, nickel, and
other -valuable metals. There are two chief
ores. One is pitchblende, the classic min-
eral which gave us five new elements. The
other important ore is carnotite, from Utah
and Colorado.
The great present source of uranium is
at Great Bear Lake in northern Canada.
Other important deposits are located in
Katanga (Congo), Russia, Norway, Corn-
wall, Madagascar, and Portugal. Thus all
our important friends are provided, and
none of our enemies. The supply looks suf-
ficient, especially in view of future inven-
tion, and future prospecting for this metal
and its neighbor radium which are so help-
ful as to radiate signals saying, "Here we
are."
The first industrial use indicated is in
357
industrial explosives. Sometimes these need
low temperatures or slow action; but atomic
force would seem especially useful for shat-
tering rock and hurling great masses of
earth, with a few small drill holes. More-
over, ways are known to control the ex-
plosive effect, as Prof. H. D. Smyth's re-
port indicates.
Aviation, peaceful as well as military,
should be a great field for atomic power,
since there lightness is particularly valuable.
Power plant and fuel make up about half
the weight of the present plane, beside re-
quiring more plane to support them; the
useful load is about one seventh, which
might be trebled, unless much higher speed
were preferred. The power plants of today's
planes are also very costly and bulky, and
spoil the streamlining and laminar flow.
Industrial Uses
The new power would seem easiest to
apply in the combustion chamber for jet
propulsion. Helicopters, their motors driven
by tangential jets like lawn sprinklers, are
a favored proposal, answering the problem
of torque, and known for a century in fly-
ing models. For rocket propulsion, beyond
almost all atmospheric resistance, these
planes might carry and vaporize by atomic
heat some cheap liquid such as water.
Possibly man will achieve trips around the
nearby moon, though a hazard would be
the frequency of meteors, each tiny as a
grain of sand but deadly beyond our pro-
tective curtain of atmosphere because of
their high speed.
Similarly, atomic power should be useful
in all other kinds of transportation, since
ships, locomotives, trucks, and autos all need
lightness. The gain would be more cargo
capacity with less expense for fuel and for
building and operating engines — or more
speed with a lessened reduction of power
cost. Probably more than half the cost of
motor transport is for the fuel, oil, engine,
and the enlarged and strengthened chassis
and tires to sustain weight and vibration. In
ships the proportion is smaller; in railways
there are the economies of replacing loco-
motives, tenders, and their vast fuel con-
sumption.
Next in the future, or perhaps earlier, we
are likely to see a revolution in central
power plants. Here weight saving is of no
importance, but the saving in land in cities
and the freedom from smoke would be
great gains and may hasten conversion.
Perhaps the last to be conquered, though
the physicists are constantly predicting it, is
heating, where coal and its apparatus have
a much higher efficiency today than in
power generation. It is an immense field,
both industrial and domestic, taking about
as much fuel as power production. Some
large uses, of course, are brick, ceramics,
glass and cement making, foods, and smelt-
ing. Langer of the California Institute of
Technology thinks that iron will be smelted
in the ore bed.
Almost all industries, it is clear, would
gain by cheaper power and heat, especially
those that depend most on these factors,
such as aluminum and magnesium smelt-
ing, electro-chemistry generally. But some
would suffer for the same reason, such as
engine and furnace building, and auto
manufacturing. The railroads might lose
at most the 40 percent of their revenue
freight which is fuel; but they spend 9
percent of their revenue for their own fuel,
and should gain much more on high class
freight from stimulated general business.
How much are manufacturing and gen-
eral production likely to be increased by
cheaper, perhaps far cheaper power and
heat? One analogy immediately suggests it-
self— the Industrial Revolution. Yet did the
power inventions (water power and then
steam) create the revolution? Water power
was two milleniums old, only less perfected
that latterly.
Between Roman times and the Industrial
Revolution there was immense advance in
technology and most ways of life, yet not
one new source of power.
The truth is that power is just one of
many elements in the complexes that spell
progress; and it takes years — has taken cen-
turies in the past — to work out the new
ways of using cheaper power. All in all the
prospect of industrial and general advance
glows with the new fire, but we cannot ex-
pect that great changes in many industries
will come in a year, or ten years. The in-
ventions needed are too many and take too
long to make under the present helter-
skelter system of ordering and paying for
them.
Historical study shows that no invention
has become great in less than twenty years,
and the median modern interval between
the dates of first patent or working mode!
and commercial success is thirty-three years,
with. a dozen years more to large scale use.
A patent is good for only seventeen years,
and for fundamental inventions is useful
only as a will-o'-tht- wisp, a flickering chance
of being richly repaid far in the future for
great expenses now. If we want basic in-
ventions fast we shall have to make up our
minds to pay for them from the beginning,
by such means as the Kilgore bill provides
lor governmental assistance. The federal
government laid out two billions to create
the atomic bomb alone, and many more
war-spurred developments not yet mention-
ed undoubtedly have had federal financing.
We need to revamp our patent system,
\vhich has not had an essential change in
two or three centuries, and is antediluvian
and full of grasshoppers, including indus-
trial monopolies and patent lawyers.
Let us hope that at least the vast new
atomic field, so fundamental and difficult as
well as so dangerous, will continue to be
financed and guided by government, and
most vigorously. This need not exclude pri-
vate inventors and corporations from adding
their ideas, and being rewarded; but let us
not blindly throw the whole business in the
street to be scrambled for. We do not throw
around our military secrets, nor permit any
man alive to learn how to engrave every
part of a dollar bill.
Further Effects
Almost all the effects we are foreseeing
from atomic power fall in line with past
trends established by other forces, notably
the cheapening of heat and power by thou-
sands of other inventions. The bombshell
will speed civilization's steps rather than
direct them; for there are many other and
very big and old forces involved.
We must not overlook the proper mean-
ing of the words "cause" and "effect." An
effect of atomic power will not be the avia-
tion that will fly by it, but the excess and
difference of that aviation over the aviation
we should have arrived at anyway in the
same period, had we continued along famil-
iar paths of flying progress. • Today el
tricity does many useful things, like pullin^
trains, which it does not cause; the trains
would be drawn by steam if not by elec-
tricity, almost as well.
Another consideration — all our talk is
based on the premise that atomic war does
not atomize us. With those chastening
thoughts on how slowly atomic power wi
be utilized if we do not speed its develo[
ment, and how destructively if we are un
able to control it, let us again glance
some fields to be affected.
Agriculture will be much helped
cheaper power and heat, including perhaps
small engines to power a hand tool, like
those mechanisms used in industry where
there is an electric connection. At the
same time there will be less need for horses
(and their fodder) and a great impetus to
the end of agriculture as we know it. This
will come by two routes, by synthesis and
mineral substitutes for farm products, and
by hydroponics or soilless agriculture.
Health may be threatened by stray neu-
trons decreasing white blood cells, or may
be helped in many new ways, including ir-
radiation of deep cancer, air conditioning,
ultraviolet irradiation, smoke elimination,
dust precipitation, and study of physio-
logical processes by "tagged" radioactive
atoms.
hxhaustion of resources, such as oil, coal,
and soil will be checked, and even trans-
mutation of elements finally accomplished.
Cities may be more dispersed than ever,
not only by cheapened transportation, but
by fear of bombing.
If heat becomes very cheap, highways
might be built by simply fusing the ground
to smooth lava.
Gold may gain a new utility in the refin-
ing of uranium. It may also become a
waste product and a nuisance.
Big business seems Jikely to be better able
to take advantage of these novelties than
small firms, at least if the invention and
patent situation is not changed.
Science has its prestige enhanced, and the
helplessness of the common man is again
emphasized. All his education in popular
science makes him a good audience, but he
is convinced that the scientists must control
matters.
Government acquires new responsibilities,
and a new prestige from the creation and
possession of such an awful and beneficent
power— like the Oriental king who listed
among his titles "Possessor of the Sacred
Umbrella."
Prosperity and every type of welfare
should be vastly enhanced, always suppos-
ing that the people choose rulers with the
brains and conscience (and it will take
them) to see that atomic power is used
rationally and not for war.
358
SURVEY GRAPHIC
July 16 on the New Mexico desert-
Press Association, Inc.
i blinding flash, then a cloud of smoke and dust billowing seven miles into the air
An Interdependent World
The blaze of man's first release of atomic energy lights with ruthless clarity the
need for such mechanisms of planetary justice and order as are blueprinted here.
YEARS AGO WALTER WEYL, THAT MOST
thoughtful observer of the American way
of life, coined a phrase which is applicable
to most gdod-intentioned people. He
wrote with kindly but penetrating judg-
ment about "the tired liberal." It is a
phrase which explains much of history.
This business of making things better is
rather an uncomfortable and even an ex-
hausting process; we need to pause and
catch our breath, to take a mental or even
a mild moral holiday from time to time
or become tiresome to those who want to
enjoy life without having to be too serious
all the time.
No Time to Be Tired
At the time he wrote, Walter Weyl was
thinking only of the domestic scene. The
awakening of the conscience of America in
The news of the atomic bomb came after thii
•rttcle was written. It undoubtedly called for a
reconsideration of much in both national and inter-
national politics, so much indeed that it must receive
ipecial treatment. One thing, however, can be said
oow : Far from rendering the charter obsolete or
inrilid. the control of atomic energy makes it all
the more imperative to have an international organi-
zation for the maintenance of peace. Moreover, the
economic orpanization outlined in this article will
furnish the necessary instruments for the new regime
in. international affairs, a regime which is now abso-
lutely inevitable. — .T. T, S.
SEPTEMBER 1945
JAMES T. SHOTWELL
— By a foremost American authority on
international relations, who writes out
of his firsthand knowledge of how the
Charter of the United Nations was
shaped. Professor of history at Colum-
bia University, chairman of the Com-
mission to Study the Organization of
Peace, Mr. Shotwell was a chairman of
the consultants at San Francisco.
This is the sixth of his series of
Survey Graphic articles, "Bridges to
the Future."
the early years of the twentieth century
to "the shame of the cities" and to the
ruthless character of feudal business was
giving way to a tendency to accept things
as they are. "Onward Christian Soldiers,"
the battle hymn of the Bull Moose move-
ment, was no longer stirring the pulses
of even the young reformers. Although
the reform movement went on unabated in
certain sections of the country, the "New
Freedom" of Woodrow Wilson was in
somewhat quieter mood.
This reminder of our domestic history
is pertinent now as we view the great re-
form in international history symbolized
by the Charter of the United Nations.
Never has so great a reform swept over
the United States with greater power than
that involved in the acceptance of the
Charter. The change in outlook is revo-
lutionary.
It is hard to realize now that only a
few years ago the United States reached
the farthest point of isolation in all its
history in the formal assertion of the re-
nunciation of any moral duties connected
with the maintenance of peace among other
nations. The so-called neutrality acts, to
which even President Franklin Roosevelt
felt obliged to give his sanction, were based
upon the principle that our abstention from
involvement in the wars of other nations
was the prime duty of American statesman-
ship, and that help to an innocent victim
of aggression was none of our business.
The swing from that extreme isolationist
position to the frank acceptance of joint
responsibility with other nations for the
maintenance of world peace shows how rap-
idly and how well a democracy can learn
the lessons of history. But so great a
change in outlook makes thoughtful ob-
servers anxious as to its fundamental
strength and lasting quality. The task be-
fore us now is to insure that there shall
be no serious relapse from the high pur-
359
poses and principles set forth in the Char-
ter.
There have been a number of notable
reminders of the need of maintaining a
steady and sure course toward the goals
set forth in the Charter of the United Na-
tions. When to the surprise of the entire
world all opposition to its ratification died
out in the United States Senate, Senator
Fulbright, one of the most farsighted cham-
pions of international cooperation, was
quoted as having said that perhaps the
Charter had been over-sold to the Ameri-
can people. He apparently had in mind
the fact rhat the actions of nations are
determined by their changing interests
rather than by their past history, and that
politics are more vital than constitutional
law. Therefore, when the crises of the
future test the strength of the Charter,
it must be supported by more than the pass-
ing sentiment of today. It must be in-
tegrated into the life of the nation.
This task of national and international
education is the compelling duty of to-
day. Neither war-weariness nor the dis-
turbance of any political crises should be
allowed to turn us aside from the work
unfinished at San Francisco. No one has
stated the duty which confronts us now
more clearly than President Truman him-
self. On the Monday following the rati-
fication of the Charter he sent the follow-
ing cable from Potsdam to Clark M.
Eichelberger, director of the American As-
sociation for the United Nations:
"The ratification of the Charter of the
United Nations by the Senate is not sc
much an end as a beginning. The Sen-
ate has done its work and done it wisely
and promptly and with courage. It re-
mains now for the people of the United
States to see to it that the Charter works
insofar as it lies within their power to
make it work.
"Only if they understand what the Char-
ter is and what it can mean to the peace
of the world will the document become
a living human reality. We must all
hope that the people of this country and
the peoples of the rest of the United Na-
tions will inform themselves of the pos-
sibilities which the Charter opens to them
and will make the Organization of the
United Nations their common instrument
to achieve their common purpose.
"Organizations and individuals working
toward the fullest possible understanding
of the Charter of the United Nations de-
serve the gratitude and support of all of
us."
A Test of Democracy
The fulfillment of this charge from the
President of the United States is not so
easy as it seems. It is a test of the in-
telligence of democracy, for the problems
which confront us are unfamiliar to most
people and some of them call for more
knowledge of history and politics than
most citizens possess.
Fortunately, however, the main outlines
of the problems of international relations
are as definite and clear-cut as those of
domestic politics. As I have insisted on
many occasions, we must divide the wide
area of international relations into three
relatively independent fields — those of se-
curity, justice, and welfare.
The problems of justice are the most
technical of all and upon the whole can
be left to specialists.
The problems of security are those
which depend in the last analysis upon
two safeguards of peace: policing, in which
the great Powers are chiefly involved, and
the pacific means of settlement provided
in the Charter.
/ The problems of welfare are by far the
most difficult to define and agree upon.
This is because they . are the most inti-
mate and constant, being problems of the
daily life. We are confronted with the
paradox that the things best known and
most deeply rooted in the experience of
each nation are, on that very account,
more difficult to solve internationally than
if they were more infrequent or incidental.
Economic and Social Problems
It is but natural that public attention
should fasten' itself first upon the prob-
lem of security, for it has all of the ele-
ments of drama and the possibility of
high tragedy. Compared with it the
problems of welfare are relatively dull
and commonplace. Freedom from fear
somehow seems to be a more glowing
achievement than freedom from want or
freedom of speech or thought. Yet most
wars spring from either economic causes
or the suppression of human rights.
The recognition of the interplay of the
Four Freedoms as the essential basis for
peace is the outstanding and unique con-
tribution of the Charter of the United
Nations. There was only a single sentence
in the old Treaty of Versailles which bore
upon this fundamental fact. It was in the
preamble of the constitution of the Inter-
national Labor Organization, where it oc-
curred somewhat casually, to furnish a link
with the League of Nations:
"Whereas the League of Nations has for
its object the establishment of universal
peace, and such a peace can be established
only if it is based upon social justice. . . ."
The Covenant itself had no such paral-
lel text, although it made provision for
the extension of social justice and gen-
eral welfare in a whole series of clauses
under which the technical commissions of
the League carried on its most successful
activities. The Charter, on the contrary,
built up out of the skeleton text of the Dum-
barton Oaks Conference an elaborate series
of provisions covering almost the whole
range of peacetime international relations.
The best introduction to this section of
the Charter, as indeed to the Charter as
a whole, is the remarkable Report to the
President on the result of the San Fran-
cisco Conference which, in the closing days
of the Conference, was prepared by a com-
mittee under the chairmanship of Isaiah
Bowman, president of Johns Hopkins Uni-
versity, who had been the executive officer
of the American Delegation at the Paris
Peace Conference and who brought to this
Conference unique experience and com-
petence.
This Report, issued by the State De-
partment, should be a manual in the hands
of all students of international relations.
The Report reaches out beyond the techni-
calities of the text to view the problems
as a whole. For example, the introduction
to the section on International Economic
and Social Cooperation reads as follows:
"In the next twenty-five years the devel-
opment of the economic and social foun-
dations of peace will be of paramount im-
portance. If the United Nations c.oope.ate
effectively toward an expanding world
economy, .better living conditions for all
men and women, and closer understanding
among peoples, they will have gone far to-
ward eliminating in advance the causes of
another world war a generation hence. If
they fail, there will be instead widespread
depressions and economic warfare which
would fatally undermine the world organi-
zation. No provisions that can be written
into the Charter will enable the Security
Council to make the world secure from
war if men and women have no security
in their homes and in their jobs."
Then it goes on to point out the stake
of the United States in the rebuilding of
a disordered world, threatened not only
with disease and want but with mental
and moral evils beyond the previous range
of human experience.
The Provisions of the Charter
Beginning with the preamble, the Char-
ter reveals a constant preoccupation with
these fundamental problems. The Char-
ter is not a mere negative document for
the prevention of war, but states that its
fundamental purpose is:
"To achieve international cooperation in
solving international problems of an
economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian
character, and in promoting and encourag-
ing respect for human rights and for fun-
damental freedoms for all without distinc-
tion as to race, sex, language, or religion."
These are great words. They are also
disturbing words, for they imply change
in the routine of life protected by custom
and habit as well as vested interests.
Therefore, if they are really to mean any-
thing, they must be implemented by or-
gans specially designed to meet each par-
ticular case.
Even in each of the four areas referred
to — economic, social, cultural, or humani-
tarian— there are widely varying subdi-
visions calling for different techniques in
each case.
For instance, in the economic field there
are the problems of finance, commerce,
and labor, each of which opens a multi-
tude of still more special questions.
In the social field provision must be
made to deal with public health, morals,
and the general standard of living.
The cultural field ranges from educa-
tion, science, and the arts to freedom of
communication and the means for increas-
ing international intercourse.
Humanitarian activities are equally
varied and still more miscellaneous.
To fulfill the obligations of these great
promises of human betterment there must
360
SURVEY GRAPHIC
therefore be an adequate, and indeed a
somewhat elaborate, international organi-
zation. This is what the Charter provides.
There is a whole hierarchy of organiza-
tions, only a few of which have been
created as yet. Indeed, not all of them arc
even indicated in the Charter, although a
place has been prepared for them.
It is in the light of this perspective that
we should examine the second half of the
Charter, that dealing with the welfare of
nations.
Above everything else stands the Gen-
eral Assembly, with powers to "discuss any
questions or any matters within the scope
of the present Charter or relating to the
powers and functions of any organs pro-
vided for in the present Charter, and . . .
may make recommendations to the Mem-
bers of the United Nations or to the Se-
curity Council or to both on any such
questions or matters."
In the field of security these wide powers
of recommendation are limited by the fact
that there is an executive body, the Se-
curity Council, over it. But in the field
of social welfare this limitation does not
exist, except where the proposals may in-
volve questions of security.
This means that the General Assembly
is a parliament of the world on human
welfare. It is something more, however,
than a debating body because it has ad-
ministrative functions as well. The wid-
ened scope of its activities is set forth
in Article 13, as follows:
"The General Assembly shall initiate
studies and make recommendations for the
purpose of:
a. promoting international cooperation
in the political field and encouraging the
progressive development of international
law and its codification;
b. promoting international cooperation in
the economic, social, cultural, educational,
and health fields, and assisting in the
realization of human rights and funda-
mental freedoms for all without distinc-
tion as to race, sex, language, or relig-
ion."
The Heart of the Proposal
In addition to these activities, Article 16
provides that the Assembly shall perform
the functions assigned to it in connection
with the international trusteeship system
for non-self-governing peoples.
The powers of the Assembly are those
of general oversight. In order to carry
out its purposes in the area of welfare it
is to have as a working body the Economic
and Social Council, which consists of
eighteen members of the United Nations
elected by the Assembly. This is a wholly
new body in world organizations, filling
a gap left in the structure of the League
of Nations. The scope of its operations is
so wide as to challenge the imagination
of even the most experienced in interna-
tional affairs. In general, it is to carry out
the recommendations of the General As-
sembly which "fall within its competence"
and "with the approval of the General As-
sembly, perform services at the request
of Members of the United Nations and
at the request of specialized agencies."
In other words, it is available for what-
ever good use can be made of it.
The program of its activities is, however,
indicated more definitely in Articles 62 and
63. These articles constitute the heart of
the revolutionary proposal, for it is noth-
ing less, that the welfare of men every-
where is a matter of concern to all na-
tions. They need, therefore, to be read
slowly and carefully, with time to pause
over each of the arrangements for which
they provide. They read as follows:
Article 62
"1. The Economic and Social Council
may make or initiate studies and reports
with respect to international economic, so-
cial, cultural, educational, health, and re-
lated matters and may make recommenda-
tions with respect to any such matters to
the General Assembly, to the Members of
the United Nations, and to the specialized
agencies concerned.
"2. It may make recommendations for
the purpose of promoting respect for, and
observance of, human rights and funda-
mental freedoms for all.
"3. It may prepare draft conventions for
submission to the General Assembly, with
respect to matters falling within its com-
petence.
"4. It may call, in accordance with the
rules prescribed by the United Nations, in-
ternational conferences on matters falling
within its competence."
• Article 63
''1. The Economic and Social Council
may enter into agreements with any of the
agencies referred to in Article 57, defining
the terms on which the agency concerned
shall be brought into relationship with the
United Nations. Such agreements shall be
subject to approval by the General Assem-
bly.
"2. It may coordinate the activities ot
the specialized agencies through consulta-
tion with and recommendations to such
agencies and through recommendations to
the General Assembly and to the Members
of the United Nations."
Here at last is the unequivocal answer
to the cynics who doubted the possibility
of ever realizing the promises of the At-
lantic Charter. It is doubtful if even the
authors of that document, drawn up on
the misty sea off Newfoundland on Au-
gust 14, 1941, could have foreseen any-
thing like so definite a fulfillment of their
hopes as stated in Sections 5 and 6 of the
Atlantic Charter:
"They desire to bring about the fullest
collaboration between all nations in the
economic field with the object of securing,
for all, improved labor standards, economic
advancement, and social security.
"After the final destruction of the Nazi
tyranny, they hope to see established a
peace which will afford to all nations the
means of dwelling in safety within their
own boundaries, and which will afford as-
surance that all the men in all the lands
may live out their lives in freedom from
fear and want."
Only a portion of the work of the
Economic and Social Council is carried out
by that body, however, since in connection
with it and for the most part under it,
provision is made for a whole series of
"specialized agencies," such as the Inter-
national Labor Organization, the Food and
Agriculture Organization, the International
Monetary Fund, the International Bank
for Reconstruction and Development, and
the educational and cultural organization
now in process of formation. These bodies
are not named in the Charter because no
one at present knows how many of them
will be needed. Moreover, the Charter
properly leaves the creation of such bodies
for subsequent negotiation between the na-
tions, merely providing that they should
be brought into relationship with the
Economic and Social Council when created.
Article 57, which opens the door on these
workshops of human welfare, reads as fol-
lows:
"The various specialized agencies, estab-
lished by intergovernmental agreement and
having wide international responsibilities, as
defined in their basic instruments, in
economic, social, cultural, educational,
health, and related fields, shall be brought
into relationship with the United Na-
tions. . . ."
The ILO and the United Nations
Several of these bodies were already in
existence. As we have noted above, the
League of Nations had been carrying on
some of its most effective activities in the
fields of public health and welfare, espe-
cially in the prevention of contagious dis-
eases, the war against the drug traffic and
opium, and white slavery.
More important than any of these was
the International Labor Organization, es-
tablished under the Treaty of Versailles, an
autonomous body with little connection
with the League of Nations except a
budgetary one.
The problem of the relation of the In-
ternational Labor Organization to the
United Nations Organization is too large
a one to be dealt with in detail here. Its
officers did not receive formal recognition
as members of the San Francisco Confer-
ence, although it, unlike the League, had
continued its activities in many parts of
the world throughout the war.
Some idea of its successful history may
be gained from the fact that in the course
of the twenty-five years of its existence
there have been over 900 ratifications, by
various governments, of international la-
bor conventions. From its temporary head-
quarters at Montreal it has maintained a
constant oversight over the problems of
human welfare within the wide scope of
its constitution, and among its supporters
were statesmen from all countries, among
whom one of the most active was Clement
Attlee, now Prime Minister of Great
Britain.
The president of its governing body,
Professor Carter Goodrich, and the as-
sistant director, Professor Lindsay Rogers,
(Continued on page 378)
SEPTEMBER 1945
361
'
The League's first board of directors. Top row, left to right: Katharine Ludington, Conn., Mrs. Richard Edwards,
Ind., Mrs. Julian B. Salley, S. C., Mrs. George Gellhorn, Mo., Mrs. James Paige, Minn., Mrs. C. B. Simmons, Ore.,
Mrs. Solon Jacobs, Ala. Lover row: Maud Wood Park, Mass., Belle Sherwin, Ohio, Carrie Chapman Catt, N. Y.
»'
Trail-Blazers in Citizenship
The dynamic story of the National League of Women Voters — a pressure group in
the public interest, a training ground for citizens where learning is by doing.
EVEN IN A YEAR WHEN THE EVENTS OF THE
present and the problems of the future keep
us continually taut, some anniversaries are
worth attention. One of them is certainly
the twenty-fifth birthday of the National
League of Women Voters.
For so young an organization it has ac-
cumulated a surprising amount of tradition
and achievement. In every community with
a good local league it becomes a source
of disinterested information about govern-
ment, a school in which women leaders
are trained, a gadfly asking questions, a
pressure in the direction of better govern-
ment. In the local community or on Capitol
Hill it exerts an influence all out of pro-
portion to the size of its membership.
In twenty-five years it has pushed many
a needed piece of legislation into being and
then stood guard to see that the law was
effectively administered, but that was prob-
ably one of its smaller achievements. Its
great value has been as an 'instrument of
political education.
In this capacity it originated and devel-
oped a number of techniques which are
coming into general use. It was, for in-
AVIS D. CARLSON
— By a free lance writer who is a roving
reporter of social experiment and prog-
ress. Mrs. Carlson, who now makes her
home in a suburb of St. Louis, has lived
on the East Coast and in several midwest
states. Her present article, she writes us,
is based on "many talks with many
leaguers in many parts of the country."
stance, the first group to apply the method
of progressive education, learning by do-
ing, to the field of political education. It
was the first to stress the importance of
getting out the vote, though in the begin-
ning it did not understand the full eco-
nomic and political implications of what it
was doing. It was the first to begin pub-
lishing the voting records of congressmen
and legislators — which many groups are
now demonstrating to be a good educa-
tional device. It was the first, or one of
the first, to begin taking issues directly to
the citizen in order to spot his emotional
block. And most important of all, it was
the first to organize legislative pressure
solely in the public interest.
All this did not happen by chance. From
the beginning, the organization has had
a colorful and able leadership and has at-
tracted a forward looking membership. For
a certain type of woman the league is not
only a means through which she can func-
tion as a citizen but a creative outlet
through which she finds a high order of
personal development, so that she gives
herself to it wholeheartedly.
The Dramatic Beginnings
Members like to tell the story of the
league's beginning. And no wonder. Few
organizations have been born with such
drama and sense of mission. The formal
organization occurred at Chicago in Febru-
ary, 1920, at the Victory Convention of the
National Woman's Suffrage Association.
But the real drama lay a year back of that,
at the convention in St. Louis, when the
Suffrage Association, knowing that the
Twentieth Amendment would soon be a
fact, had to decide what to do with itself.
Many of the stout-hearted women in
attendance were of the opinion that the as-
sociation should simply disband, now that
362
SURVEY GRAPHIC
its goal was reached. In this atmosphere
Carrie Chapman Catt had one of those
great moments of hers when she thew away
a prepared speech and spoke her heart.
With her rich eloquence she called for "a
living memorial dedicated to the memory
of our departed leaders and the sacrifices
they made for our cause," and suggested
a League of Women Voters as the "most
natural, most appropriate, and most pa-
triotic memorial."
Only fragments of this speech remain.
Different women remember it in different
ways. But no woman who heard it ever
forgot the emotional impact of the words:
"So that women may use their new free-
dom to make their nation safer for their
children and their children's children. What
should be done can be done; what can
be done, let us do."
An interim organization, headed by Mrs.
C. H. Brooks of Kansas, was set up, and
the next year at Chicago came the for-
mal organization with Mrs. Maud Wood
Park of Maine as the first president.
The early leaders were women of po-
sition and great personal charm. They
were also a shrewd dynamic lot. Besides
the three already mentioned, one thinks ot
Belle Sherwin, under whose leadership the
organization developed many of its meth-
ods and disciplines; of Marguerite Wells of
Minneapolis, whose penetrating mind and
philosophic understanding of the problems
of democracy have made her more than
anyone else responsible for the formulation
of the league faith; of Rdna (Jellhorn, who
has served in almost every capacity in the
league and who is one of St. Louis' choicest
institutions; of (Catherine Ludington of
Connecticut, notable for wizardry in league
finance; of Ruth Morgan of New York,
who gave the organization its abiding in-
terest in international cooperation as the
way to peace. And of many others scat-
tered around the country and working
like demons. (I have been interested to dis-
cover how many of this first magnificent
Harris &
ANNA LORD STRAUSS
President of the National League
group arc now or were recently, president
of their local or state league. Apparently
to take the league seriously is an excellent
recipe for squeezing many extra years of
zestful activity out of life.)
Back in 1920 these women were already
thoroughly seasoned. They had cut their
political eye teeth on hostile legislatures.
The odors that sometimes eddy around
city halls were nothing new to them. They
knew voter apathy forwards and back-
wards. Moreover, they had a somewhat
frightening sense of responsibility for all
the twenty million new voters who had
just been added to the electorate. But
seasoned as they were and emotionally in-
volved as they were, they were probably
far from realizing the enormity of the task
ahead.
Early Strategy
It was characteristic of them that they
plunged into the middle of things and
worked out in various directions. They set
up a complex and closely knit organization
to function on national, state, and local
levels. While doing that, they made A
start at training for citizenship, teaching
themselves as well as others. They began
to press for certain governmental reforms.
Looking over the records of those early
years, when patterns in both structure and
method were being created, one is im-
pressed by the devotion and the sense for
strategy which are in evidence.
During the very first year, while organ-
ization was being hammered into shape
and income was largely a matter for exer-
cise of faith, a general election came up.
Twenty million new voters, most of whom
had hardly so much as seen a ballot, were
eligible. All across the country the infant
league put on demonstrations of voting
procedures in department stores, hotel lob-
hies or public buildings. A correspondence
course on government was prepared, pub-
lished and circulated. "Citizenship
schools" were conducted in more than half
the states. Thirteen planks were taken to
the platform committees of the two parties.
While all this was going on, legislative
work was begun in a number of fields
which had been more or less inherited
from the Suffrage Association, such as child
welfare, social hygiene, and women in in-
dustry. It was a time when politicians were
bewildered and anxious to propitiate the
"woman vote." (A little later they would
have their bearings again and be less re-
sponsive!) So each of the first four years
marked gains for which the young or-
ganization had striven: in 1920, establish-
ment of the Women's Bureau; 1921, the
Sheppard-T0kvner act or Maternity and In-
fancy Act; 1922, Independent Citizenship
for Married Women; 1923, insertion of "the
principle of equal compensation for equal
work irrespective of sex" in the Civil Serv-
ice Reclassification Act.
None of these seem controversial now,
but at the time there was determined op-
position to them all. The Sheppard-Towner
act, in particular, called forth a furious
clamor about socialism, communism, fed-
In 1920 in many cities, as here in Chicago, the League taught the newly enfranchised women voters how to use the voting machines
SEPTEMBER 1945 363
eral midwifery and abolition of the family.
Organizations, like individuals, thrive on
success. They also learn from failures. In
the spring of 1924 the federal Child La-
bor Amendment was passed by both House
and Senate and submitted to the states for
ratification. In September a squall of op-
posing propaganda blew over the country
and the amendment was never ratified. But
in the course of the struggle the league
began to put out its first "Fact Sheets"
and to organize study groups. Also the fail-
ure of its big 1924 Get-Out-the-Vote cam-
paign to make an appreciable dent on the
slacker vote dashed a lot of optimistic il-
lusions.
Up to this time many league members
had thought of their work as a short-range
program in which women would learn
the mechanics of voting, catch up quickly
with men's knowledge of public affairs,,
wipe out the remaining legal discrimina-
tions against themselves, and secure some
legislation of especial interest to women.
In other words, there was still a strong fem-
inist cast in their thinking. Mrs. Catt her-
self had said in 1920 that they were going
to have a "continuation of the old familiar
strife" in which women had to "persuade
men to respect and have confidence in the
capacities of women." Miss Sherwin, pres-
ident of the National League from 1924 to
1934, once said that not many of the
early members "certainly foresaw a future
for the league beyond five or ten years."
But from the beginning, a few members
had seen their task as one of creating a
"workable and working democracy," which
they well knew took in much more territory
than women's rights and was no early-
morning stint. By 1925 the whole group
had begun to settle down for the long haul.
Lasting Patterns
One of the patterns which were set dur-
ing the early years was respect for fact.
During their suffragist days the leaders
had learned that they had to be absolutely
armored in facts if they hoped to get any-
where in a world of office-holding males
delighted at any chance to laugh the little
woman out of court. Very well then, they
would equip themselves and the new wom-
en voters who were joining them with
facts — the kind of facts that are hard to
dodge. The study group idea seemed the
answer to that need. But what would it
study? The average sort of printed ma-
terial on government would not do. It was
too bulky and too erudite. A housewife or
saleswoman coming timidly and without
background to her first league meeting ob-
viously couldn't be handed a scholarly dis-
quisition on the science of government.
So along with all its other activities the
young organization had to go into the bus-
iness of writing and publishing its own ma-
terials. By the time it was ten years old
it had 150 publications on its list, all but a
handful of- which had been prepared by
its own members or staff. League pam-
phlets have become standard materials in
the great adult education movement which
has developed in the second quarter of
the twentieth century.
Another lasting characteristic which
started in those early years was concern
with local government. In this somewhat
thankless held the league has been pre-
eminent. Perhaps it was because the early
leaders soon discovered that the easiest way
to interest women in government was
through their own local board of education,
sanitation department or juvenile court.
Perhaps they were merely following their
own feminine penchant for concrete, near-
at-hand problems. At any rate, by 1923
they were launched upon a study of local
conditions. One of the state leagues had
prepared a questionnaire called "Know
Your Town" which was being used around
the country — and with some revision is
still being used. For many a woman start-
ing out in fear and trembling to find the
answers, this questionnaire has been the
first step in a long and distinguished career
of citizenship.
Another sort of questionnaire experiment-
ed with by 1924 was one sent out to candi-
dates for public office, asking for state-
ments of their training, experience, and
stand on issues in which the league was in-
terested. This information was then tabu-
lated and made available to the public
through whatever means were locally feas-
ible. This, too, became standard proced-
ure. Over the years, communities have
learned to look upon their local leagues as
a source of pre-election information which
can be trusted — non-partisan and factual.
The word non-partisan brings up an-
other point. The principle had been stated
unequivocally at the birthday convention;
as individuals they would be members of
a party, as a league they would be non-
partisan. At first the organization met much
skepticism on this point. The oldest league
joke is that in Republican circles they are
considered "a bunch of Democrats," in
Democratic circles "a bunch of Repub-
licans," while occasionally both groups
have dubbed them "a bunch of Socialists."
The early league also hit on another
tactic which speedily became a league law.
"We support principles, but never a candi-
date. We take stands on issues, not on
individuals." Many a local league has
found itself in a situation where almost
every member as an individual was sup-
porting a certain candidate and the group
as a whole would have given much to en-
dorse him, but the long-run value of the
rule has been so clearly demonstrated that it
is practically never broken.
Having said this, one must quickly add
that there are more ways than one of af-
fecting an election. A parallel chart of
records and qualifications will sometimi
make a point quite as well as an endorse-
ment. Also it is perfectly possible to si
up a yardstick of training, experience an
personality which a certain official, say
judge of a juvenile court, ought to hav
and that, too, will make quite a good point.
A final method developed during the first
few years concerned the adoption of a pri
gram of work. Remember, the new or-
ganization started out without program ex-
cept for the interests it had inherited from
the Suffrage Association. Back in the early
Twenties no other organization had any-
thing remotely comparable to either the
league program of work or the method
by which it is adopted. It was an in-
vention, and it was not completed in a year
or two. The leaders took time to think.
tii/A\\\\\\.
St. Louis Post-Dispatch
"Getting out the vote" in St. Louis
Making of a Good Citizen
What they were feeling for was some-
thing upon which a large membership in
every section of the country could agree
as important and which would therefore
serve to bind them together; something
diat would start from both the top and bot-
tom and percolate freely up and down as
it should in a democratic society; something
that would stem solely from the mem-
bers' function as citizens responsible for
the public welfare. What they got, as it
evolved during the years, was a program
which is at once a chart for activity, a cur-
riculum for political education, and the
heart of the organization itself.
Over the years, the program-making pro-
cedure has been the most powerful single
element in the discipline which makes the
league effective. It is discussed in local
boards and general meetings, argued over at
staff and council meetings, thrashed out
down to the last word at national board
meetings, fought over at conventions (and
league conventions are fairly well charged
affairs) and finally voted on by the dele-
gates. All up and down the line it if
weighed in the light of need and organiza-
tional resources. When it is finally decided
upon, it is until the next convention the
program and none of the 550-odd leagues
in the country is going to wander astray
from it.
Year after year the tendency has been to
narrow down and to concentrate upon
fields where the need is agreed to be great-
est, instead of spreading out into so many
channels that league resources of personnel
and income would be frittered away with-
out producing results.
By the end of 1924, the foundations were
laid and the transition from a group who
thought of themselves as women first into
a group learning to think of themselves as
citizens first was well under way.
3*4
SURVEY GRAPHIC
During the next period, which lasted un-
til around 1940, the techniques were per-
fected and a league "philosophy" grew up.
Gradually the group came to see that it
was in the business of political education
ant that it was taking a totally new ap-
proach to that business. Up to this time
the general assumption had been that if
enough people knew enough facts about
government, an intelligent and responsible
electorate would automatically result. So
the schools, the press, and the platform had
poured out information about the workings
of government and lectured the individual
voter on his duty to be a good citizen. But
nobody had said anything much about how
to be a good citizen.
Progressive Political Education
Gradually the league came to see that
here was the crux of political education —
that it was more important to induce one
single person to take his first faltering
step in being a citizen, that is to say, in
participating in his government, than it was
to teach a hundred citizens a lot of facts
about government. This was the princi-
ple of progressive education, learn by doing,
applied to political education.
It worked!
That first step, even if it was only to find
out that the garbage collection was ineffici-
ent, seemed almost inevitably to lead to
another and another, until finally the whole
anatomy of government was laid bare. The
garbage collection might turn out to be bad
because of insufficient appropriation, care-
less supervision, workmen hired for the
votes they could swing, outright graft, or
tome combination of these causes. What-
ever the cause, the inquiring leaguer found
herself propelled out upon a chain of activ-
ities from which she would emerge with a
new understanding of her government. And
what was more important, she would have a
new feeling of responsibility toward it and a
somewhat incredulous knowledge that she,
plain Mary Brown, could do something
about it.
Furthermore, it did not seem to make any
difference where she started, though of
course it was easiest for her to see results
on the level of thu city hall or county
courthouse. BUL if she was led to actual
participation in getting a merit system in
her state government or of renewing the
reciprocal trade agreements, she would come
out with exactly the same realistic under-
standing of how governmental wheels go
round and where lie the blocks against the
public interest — as well as a few sound
ideas on how to improve the situation.
This in turn would have opened up to
her a whole field of new interests and in
the great majority of cases would have
made her into an intelligent, functioning cit-
izen for the rest of her life.
As leagues around the country observed
this process work out, they began to stress
it more consciously as the real purpose of
the organization. Local leagues began to
measure themselves on how nearly they
came to giving each member one such ex-
perience in citizenship in the course of a
year. The program of work became, there-
fore, not merely a goal (as in most organ-
In Louisville, the League helped people prepare for San Francisco and its issues
izations) but a means. In a real sense it is
a curriculum, student-created and student-
taught.
One of the best features of learning by
doing is that the learner never feels that he
is "being educated" and so has neither
self-consciousness or negativism about it.
To himself he always seems only to be
doing something he wants to see done. It
works out that way with political educa-
tion by doing. The beginning leaguer is
usually so intent upon getting a city man-
ager or trained administrators in the state
penal institutions or whatever her pet proj-
ect is that she is somewhat surprised to find
herself presently being invited to talk to
club and church groups. She may even be
considerably embarrassed at being taken
for an authority. But if she has the qual-
ities of leadership, she almost inevitably
moves on into wider fields.
The result is that in every community
with a strong local league, women step from
their league training school into positions of
community responsibility. It is a mark
of the respect the organization has won
that leadership in a local league is about
the best springboard a woman can have
for appointment to a civic board or election
to public office.
The influence of the training school now
is being felt at the national level. Three of
the new congresswoman elected in 1944 got
their start in the league. Chase Going
Woodhouse had been president of the Con-
necticut League. Emily Taft Douglas, who
to the surprise of everyone was elected con-
gressman-at-large in her sprawling suppos-
edly isolationist state, had long been prom-
inent in the Illinois League. Helen Gahagan
Douglas of California gives the league cred-
it for shaping her interest in government.
For that matter, one could add to the list the
name of Eleanor Roosevelt, who has often
publicly stated her debt to the league.
Many another in less strongly spotlighted
places in public life could say the same.
The War Years
Beginning with the war, or perhaps in
1940, there has been a shift not so much
in objective as in emphasis and methods.
Up to that time the education of its own
members had been the prime concern. In
the general upheaval that accompanied the
successful sweeps of the Nazi and Japanese
armies, the league felt driven to push on
out into a sort of mass education it had
not before attempted.
Shortly after Pearl Harbor a meeting of
the general council was called to consider
seriously whether the league had any
place in a nation engaged in total war. If
not, if it was only a peacetime luxurv, then
it ought to disband and free its members
for war work. After days of deliberation
the group came to the conclusion that it
had a vital wartime function, because with-
out "an alert, understanding, critical oouy
of citizens active continuously in relation
to the functioning of government," the
people would become passive. And when
that happened, democracy would die.
In the light of this conclusion, the league
set itself a war program on three broad
fronts. It would try to reach a larger
public than ever before. It would give
special attention to local government, which
would be apt to be eclipsed by the
mushrooming agencies and controls of the
wartime federal government. And it would
try to see to it that a Congress capable of
dealing with problems ahead was elected.
Using as its slogan, "Let the people know,
make the people care, help tre people act,"
(Continued on page 381)
SEPTEMBER 1945
365
Reconversion on the Campus
An educator speaks out against long vacations, "country club atmosphere," emphasis
on leisure — and for a realistic three-year preparation for adult responsibilities.
THE CONVERSION OF THE COLLEGES FOR WAR
was a speedy process. Colleges for men
were driven by necessity. Most of their
students were under draft for military serv-
ice and the wartime programs directed by
the army and navy came to the rescue
of colleges which otherwise would have
been sadly depleted of their students.
The colleges for women followed the gen-
eral program of "acceleration" in one way
or another. While the young women were
not conscripted, many of them were driv-
en by strong desire to do their part and to
do it as speedily as possible. Therefore, be-
cause of real need and also because of much
restlessness among the students themselves,
many of the colleges for women made it
possible for their students to complete the
A. B. course in three years instead of four.
In general, the plan was to make no fur-
ther changes than to use the continuous
year, one term beginning as the other ended.
With this method of acceleration there has
naturally been dissatisfaction, and in most
colleges where it was adopted there has
been the tendency to drop off the summer
course since V-E Day.
The Three- Year Plan
My own college, Vassar, did not enter
upon the common plan of speed-up, with
the continuing year and heavier work. Our
faculty and trustees, with the hearty ap-
proval of ninety percent of the students,
embarked upon a more far-reaching experi-
ment: A three-year plan involving a
lengthened college year of 40 weeks with
three terms each instead of the two-term
year of 32 weeks. Vacations at Christmas
and in the spring come at the end of each
term instead of wastefully interrupting each
term, and there is a complete break in the
summer by a vacation of eight or nine
weeks.
This is not an "acceleration" system in
general for it does not involve greater pres-
sure or heavier load of work at any given
time, only a longer year and a less wasteful
distribution of vacations. In the minds of
most of those who are interested in this
three-year plan its value lies not only in en-
abling students to save a year in getting
into national service, in securing further
training for whatever their life work may
be, but in serving as an experiment which
may guide future development in the liberal
arts colleges.
Postwar Pressures
Now that the end of the war has come,
there is much pressure within the colleges
and outside to "return to normalcy." This
has taken the form in general of return-
ing to the old calendar with the four-year
course and the longer vacations. Is this the
end of reconversion, or only the beginning?
366
C. MILDRED THOMPSON
— By a distinguished American scholar,
professor of history at Vassar and dean
of that college, who was the only woman
representative at the Allied Conference
on Postwar Education, held in London
in the spring of 1944.
In education, as in industry and politics, war
is not the sole cause of profound change. It
is a speed-up force, but certainly not the
only causative factor in education and in
society whose needs the college must serve.
A return to old schedules and abandonment
of summer terms provide no answer to
many of the real problems in college edu-
cation which were appearing long before
the war burst upon us.
The Future of Liberal Arts
The chief of these problems, as I see it, it
not the survival or the non-survival of lib-
eral arts as a field of study, though there is
much talk and loud defense of the Arts
course. The question is not primarily
whether liberal arts are to survive against
attack and infiltration by vocational
studies. There is no clear cut boundary
between liberal arts and vocational studies.
A more genuine distinction exists be-
tween liberal arts and technical studies, or
more important still, between general edu-
cation and special education. The report
recently published by the Harvard Com-
mittee, "General Education in a Free So-
ciety," [see page 376] performs a valuable
social service in analyzing more carefully
than has previously been done this very
real difference.
I, for one, do not anticipate the demise of
liberal arts. The kind of study which we
describe in this way has survived upheavals
in the Western world for more than a
thousand years. The chances are good
that it may survive another thousand years.
The vitality of liberal arts study will de-
pend not upon competition with other kinds
of study, but upon the degree of adapt-
ability which the colleges of liberal arts may
show in meeting the new needs of a new
society.
There were certain difficulties in the pre-
war college which needed examination and
reform. In the first place, the summer
vacation was too long. Three months of
summer in addition to two shorter vaca-
tions at Christmas and in the spring — a
total of twenty weeks of vacation a year
and only thirty-two weeks for work, were
wasteful and not really developing to young
people. The long summer was in most
instances passed in unconstructive idle-
ness. Any teacher knows that because of
the slack mental activity of the summer,
the fall weeks at the beginning of the term
must be used to recover lost ground.
There have been changes in American
family life of the well-off middle class
which, more than any other group in
American society furnished sons and daugh-
ters to make up the population of the
colleges. For some years past these young
people of seventeen or eighteen to twenty-
one or twenty-two have shown that they
were not content simply to go to the coun-
try or the mountains or the seashore for re-
union with the family for three months.
There was very genuine restlessness among
them. They were driven to find jobs, any
job, some of which were useful and of
educational value to the young people, but
more were simply escapes from boredom.
Only a small percent of young men and
women, healthy enough to be in college,
are physically in need of the long period of
rest and relaxation after nine broken
months of work, not too exacting for the
most part.
The Pleasant Past
The four-year college course with a term
from mid-September to early June furnish-
ed a leisurely existence, pleasant, carefree,
untroubled by thoughts of the future and of
what lay beyond until the very end was in
sight, a happy time for friendships and for
all of the activities of college life. All of
that in my own college days and later, was
a very delightful part of American life for
those privileged to enjoy it. And it was
indeed a life of privilege, available to the
few, for there were in the total population
of young people only the few who could
afford to take four years in early adulthood
for leisurely preparation before beginning
the real business of living.
In fact, leisure loomed so large in the
plans of many of these young people that
some colleges developed much of their
academic program as preparation for leis-
ure time activities. Be that as it may in
times gone by, the question now is, What
kind of world are the young teen-agers go-
ing to live in? Will there be room for
those to whom the pursuit of leisure consti-
tutes the chief business of life? It has been
said that the battle of Waterloo was won on
the playing fields of Eton, but will anyone
say that playing fields at Eton or elsewhere
won the battles on the beaches of Anzio
or Normandy or in the jungles of Guadal-
canal?
The Challenging Present
If my forecast is even partially correct,
the world which the boys and girls of to-
day must face will be a sterner world than
lay before the older ones of us as we
emerged from college. A more rigorous,
more purposeful college course will be
needed to prepare young college students
for the life they will live. One of the neces-
SURVEY GRAPHIC
titics ot campus reconversion must be means
to help students get a sense of direction
early, not late, in the college course; and
means to develop their best efforts towards
equipping themselves to march forward in
their chosen direction, to march, not to
dilly-dally too long on the sidelines.
Another question that forms part of the
problem of any real reconversion in educa-
tion is time — not in any one year but in the
term of years to be devoted to education at
the college stage. I have said that I think
the traditional vacation of three months is
too long. 1 would say also that the tra-
ditional four-year course of general educa-
tion is too long. We assume, as if it were
axiomatic, that college means a four-year
period. There is nothing sacred about a
four-year span, nothing more sacred than
custom. This long custom is now getting
shaken by winds from different directions.
Along comes the Chicago plan which
divides the college four-year period by
placing the first two years with the upper
«chool years as a unit and leaving the last
two years for association with advanced
studies of the university. It is essentially
the continental European system of lycee
or gymnasium followed by the university.
This is one method by which education
may proceed, but it abolishes in fact the
college as a unit in the whole educational
plan. Our tradition in America has fol-
lowed the English tradition which develop-
ed general education prior to or apart from
special advanced studies or technical educa-
tion. There is much to be said for the value
of continuing the college in the educational
system of this country. It has proved so-
cially useful .and has potentialities of fur-
ther development in a free society which are
not yet fully realized.
Writing in The Atlantic Monthly as long
ago as 1900, a distinguished professor of
Latin of Harvard College, Clement L.
Smith, then president of the American
Philological Society, presented with cogent
reasoning the cause of the three-year rather
than the four-year term for the college
course. The conditions which that writer
described at the turn of the century are the
same which have directed my own thought
to the same conclusion.
Improvement in secondary schooling now
brings students to college advanced at least
a year further in most subjects than they
were some years ago. But more import-
ant still is the impingement of technical and
special demands upon the end of the course.
Many more young women now have need
of further training after the undergraduate
course to prepare themselves for the jobs
or professions they will enter. And they do
enter jobs and professions.
One of the trends in the social and eco-
nomic position of women already notice-
able before the war but likely to be speeded
up and spread to include a wider number of
young women, is in the direction of occu-
pation in addition to the generally accept-
ed or desired one of wife and mother. This
is on the docket of the future for most of
the young women entered in bur colleges.
With a better preparation at the base and
more demand for futher study and prepara-
tion at the top, it seems to me that we
would do well in any plan ot reconversion
to reserve the three years, but three years
somewhat lengthened in term, for the gen-
eral liberal arts course instead ot the long
established four-year course.
This matter of the three-year liberal arts
course is not a revolutionary idea as any-
one will know who is acquainted with the
English system in which the three-year res-
idence is the commonest term used at both
Oxford and Cambridge for the A. B. course.
Professor Smith of Harvard, in the article
to which I have referred, explained that the
four-year plan instead of the three-year de-
veloped in America in the early days on ac-
count of the inadequate secondary instruc-
tion of the students who went to Harvard.
The fourth year, then, was actually a sub-
first year, not a period added at the com-
pletion of three years of study at college.
The Question of Maturity
The chief objection which is raised to the
three-year plan in any process of reconver-
sion is that real education from the liberal
arts course would be seriously curtailed be-
cause students are "too immature." Too im-
mature for what? The end of the college
course should mark no serious break in the
course of life which should pass on from
one stage to another in a continuing process.
Insofar as education is real, there is no sharp
break except in physical habitat and asso-
ciations. In the stream of total experi-
ence there is no more break than there is in
the course of a river which flows along
through changing scenes, rounding bends
from time to time, but flowing on from
source to sea.
Maturity, social and intellectual, after all
is a relative stage of development and pro-
ceeds rapidly or slowly according to the
demands made upon the young person,
(liven a highly protected existence in which
the young person is called upon to assume
practically no responsibilities for personal
life, economic or social, and intellectual ma-
turity will be slow, but more opportunity
and more responsibility to face one's own
problems speed up the maturing process.
In my own experience as dean, I have
seen young people "grow up" more than a
year in the course of a few weeks because
of some very genuine experience they have
had to meet. This observation is another
reason why I think that the stage of de-
velopment in mental and emotional growth
with which a young person faces life can
be developed in three years instead of four
if the society in which they are to live de-
mands responsibility and participation in
life instead of affording protection and
the prolongation of infancy.
People are as mature as society demands
that they be. In the Renaissance world
young people were grown up at twelve or
thirteen. In our workaday America, there
are several million young woman of col-
lege age who are fully responsible for their
own support and in many instances are
helping to support a family. It is only in
the highly protected social groups that im-
maturity and irresponsibility can be encour-
aged through the twenty-first or twenty-
second year, or even later. I am aware that
many young people — and older ones, too —
do not want to grow up. But, alter all,
Peter Pans are not very attractive in real
life, and certainly not useful. Their place
is on the stage, played by Maude Adams.
But I do not think this matter of maturity
is the crux of the matter. In weighing the
advantages of the three-year or four-year
college course it does not seem to me that
the exact quantity and quality of educa-
tion are measurable by three years' attain-
ment or by four years' attainment.
Rather, the problem should be -stated, in
a different way: by attempting to evaluate
the development achieved by a young per-
son from three years of a liberal arts course
and one year of additional training, study,
experience in living, or whatever it be, and
the development of that same young per-
son from four years in college, as at pres-
ent. It is my surmise that the first arrange-
ment would be greatly to the advantage; of
the student, equipping him far better for
whatever may be his job in life. It would
only be the very few who are unduly slow
in their rate of development who could not
profit by a reconverted college course, such
as I have described, in a three-year span of
time.
The Impact of War
After the first World War, the colleges
did little or nothing to try to take stock
of their experiences or to plan purposefully
for the future. In the 1920's and 1930's,
college education for both men and women
became extremely popular and the colleges
in themselves acquired social prestige in ad-
dition to whatever intellectual prestige they
long may have had. In most of the col-
leges for women there were far more stu-
ents from urban and metropolitan areas and
far more than formerly of the socially priv-
ileged and economically affluent groups
who had previously scorned the colleges. In
one sense this was all to the good as a
social manifestation, for it was a great ad-
vantage to the communities over the coun-
try to have women of social leadership
who were well trained and well equipped
intellectually to contribute from their train-
ed minds to the needs of their commun-
ities. But it was not an unmixed benefit.
Now with the advantage of hindsight, it
seems as if the colleges should have been
able to protect themselves (and their
students) from the debit which accrued
from this sudden rise in prestige. Stand-
ards of living and expenses of education
rose rapidly for other needs than those dis-
tinctly intellectual and educational. This
was the era when the colleges assumed all
too much of the country club atmosphere.
Between 1920 and 1930 at Vassar, for in-
stance, the annual charges for room,
tuition and board increased from $800 to
$1200. This increase of 50 percent was a
common phenomenon among the colleges in
the postwar decade.
Before the colleges were aware of what
was happening, their standards of living,
their modes of education, and their intel-
lectual aims were being subjected to pres
sure from those who too often stated theii
purpose in college by the oft heard expres
sion, "Study is not everything," meaning
(Continued on page 380)
SEPTEMBER 1945
3«7
«. f :* -*y> , ', -
<^*Vn|ki 'jftJ*JS*'
< * ^ f.'^wWI*:'./
j^S V _ ^''^w
Press Association, Inc.
Jobless because of army plane cutbacks, hundreds of Buffalo workers file their claims for unemployment insurance beneius
Ten Years of Social Security
A close-up of its philosophy and practice in spanning hard times and war times.
The postwar part the program can play in underpinning the American way of life.
NOW WHEN WE ARE ROUNDING OUT THE
first decade of the social security program
in the United States, it is a good time to re-
examine some fundamental assumptions
made in setting out on that course since the
bill became law with President Roosevelt's
signature on August 14, 1935. And to do
this in the light not only of the road we
have come, but of the road we still have to
travel.
Clearly, social security substitutes hopes
for fears. There are those among us who
trust neither human nature nor democratic
government; and who ten years ago be-
lieved that to cut down fear of losing a
job as a motive force among men, would
lead to a nation of loafers. There are
those of us who do trust both human
nature and democracy and hence believed .
that it is hope, not fear, that leads to high
endeavor.
Now, as then, what you and I and Amer-
icans generally assume about man and his
world tends to set our approach to social
security — an approach which a decade of
experience should modify if we take it to
heart.
In formulating any philosophy of social
security for ourselves, we must pet our,
bearings by starting not ten but 500,000
years ago. I mean this seriously, because
such a philosophy harks back to those age-
old assumptions which have come down to
us concerning the nature of man. Next,
it depends on the relatively modern views
ARTHUR J. ALTMEYER
we hold, one way or another, about the
nature of human society and the nature of
government.
If we get that far and our heads are
still above water, we shall have to clarify
our thinking on the economic order in
which we believe human beings can be
happiest; the forces we count on to make
it tick, how they affect one another, how
and whether social security fits into the
pattern. And finally, for practical pur-
poses, we have to decide what fiscal pol-
icies are likely to make ends meet.
Let us begin by briefly taking these
bearings together.
Some Basic Perspectives
On the nature of man, we have a choice
of several theories. I pin my faith to man's
infinite perfectibility — the only theory
which to my mind has kept us sane in a
world at war. Even with the devastating
and terrible things men have done to each
other in the 1940's the vast majority have
not sunk to the lowest levels set down in
recorded history. Rather, the outcome has
hung on matching courage and force with
high hopes and human feeling. Certainly
the GI is a very different person from the
warrior of ancient times. Insofar as we
can piece together the story written first
in fossil remains, then on tablets of clay
and finally on paper, mankind has prog-
ressed.
On the nature of human society, we have
to make up our minds whether the impulse
to cooperate is stronger than the urge to
combat. Here I choose the affirmative,
despite two world wars since the turn of
the century. The United Nations have dem-
onstrated that their ability to cooperate is
strong enough not only to survive but to
unite against future aggression while the
fight is still on.
On the nature of government, our view
here in the United States was projected by-
Rousseau, Jefferson, Paine and others, when
the prevailing theory was still the divine
right of kings. These -insurgents of 175
years ago said in essence: "No, each man
has within him the capacity of infinite per-
fectibility, and government has developed
out of a social compact entered into volun-
tarily by ordinary people who join togethei
for a common purpose."
Their thesis was that government exists
for the governed and can endure only so
long as it serves individuals reasonably well:
that to survive, a democratic society must
rely on hope and incentive, rather than fear
and compulsion, to influence the conduct
and aspirations of its citizens. In this per-
spective, social security has a place beside
the civil liberties which safeguard our free-
dom.
On the nature of our economic order, my
assumption is that in this country we believe
in a competitive economy with differential
rewards. But that is not to say that we
want one in which some people get more
368
SURVEY GRAPHIC
simply because other people get less. Over
a century ago, Saint-Simon laid down the
dictum: From each according to his ability
and to each according to his need. A society
successfully built on that foundation would
be a rather fine one in which to live. Nor
does a competitive economy necessarily
have to reject Saint-Simon.
Progressive taxation, which takes from
each according to his ability to pay, is fully
accepted as equitable in the USA. Social
security itself can and, in this country, does
pay benefits in differing amounts to take
account of differences in lost earnings. Yet
at the same time it recognizes the actual
or presumptive needs of beneficiaries.
If we can agree on the kind of economic
order we want, we still have the difficult
job of reckoning with the forces on which
its success depends. From their output of
goods and services must come a people's
standard of living. Thus we must consider
the nation's productivity in deciding what
social security benefits will be paid and
under what conditions. Consider, also, in a
competitive society their effect on wage
rates, on mobility of workers, on the busi-
ness cycle and full employment.
Fiscal Bearings
Then very practically, because benefits
cost money, we must consider how to fi-
nance social security within the whole
framework of modern government. Here
several basic questions arise.
Is it a definite goal of a social security
system to redistribute income? If so, is
this to be done vertically or horizontally, or
both? When this term is used, most people
think of the vertical process — as between
large and small incomes — through which
common public services are sustained by a
graduated income tax. But there also can
be horizontal redistribution among people
at the same general economic level. For
example, among workers who are earning
and those who are not because they lack
jobs or are disabled or old. Social secur-
ity thus has an obvious bearing on the
question of how far, and in what direction,
and for what justification, sharing wealth
shall be carried on in a modern democ-
racy.
Next, to what extent should contributions
called for by social security take the form
of incentive taxation and be employed for
purposes other than to obtain funds nec-
essary to meet the cost of benefits? For
example, employers generally are now very
strongly in favor of "experience rating"
under state unemployment insurance laws.
They maintain that if an employer's pay-
roll contributions are lowered when he has
a record of steady employment, it will be to
his- interest to continue that record.
Some employers would say that the main
purpose of unemployment insurance is not
to pay benefits to people who are invol-
untarily unemployed, but thus to stabilize
employment. Regular and dependable
wages are of course better than out-of-work
benefits.
Others recognize that major factors which
cause unemployment are outside the con-
trol of employers individually or as a group.
They hold that one basic purpose of an in-
surance program in the interests of the
community as a whole is to spread the bur-
den between inherently good "employment
risks" (such as the public utilities) and in-
dustries that are subject to seasonal and
other swings in employment (such as build-
ing construction).
Whatever our views, we should, of
course, be sure that any incentive taxation
can and does actually provide an effective
spur to employment. Even more import-
ant, we must be sure that no secondary
considerations defeat the primary purpose
of giving workers everywhere adequate pro-
Federal Security Agency
ARTHUR J. ALTMEYER
— The chairman of the Social Security
Board since 1937; a member since its
inception in 1935, his reappointment
for a third six-year term was confirmed
in July by the U. S. Senate.
He holds four degrees from the Uni-
versity, of Wisconsin. A native of that
state, he served as chief statistician and
then secretary of the Wisconsin Indus-
trial Commision throughout the '20's.
He was second assistant secretary of the
U. S. Department of Labor when in
1934 he was made chairman of 'an inter-
departmental Technical Board. This
worked with President Roosevelt's Com-
mittee on Economic Security, directing
the studies preparatory to the introduc-
tion of the Social Security Act.
At the national capital, he has served
also as a member of the executive com-
mittee of the National Youth Adminis-
tration (1935), of the War Manpower
Commission (since 1942), and in both
decades on interdepartmental commit-
tees and advisory councils to coordinate
health, welfare, and kindred activities.
Chairman Altmeyer's leadership has
by no means been confined to the USA.
He is just back from presiding at a meet-
ing in Mexico City of the permanent
committee of the Inter-American Con-
ference on Social Security. He had been
chairman in turn of U. S. delegations
to this conference at Santiago de Chile
in 1942; and an earlier regional confer-
ence of the ILO in Havana in 1939.
tection. We must make sure, for example,
that competition between the states to re-
duce contributions for their employers does
not result in such low rates that the
amount of benefits is inadequate and their
duration cut short when hard times come.
We must consider also how such benefits
fit into what is usually called "compensa-
tory spending" — how they help maintain
household consumption through various
phases of the business cycle and hence pro-
mote a steady stream of purchasing power
on which workers and business alike, and
the nation as a whole, must depend.
Basic Objectives
All these fundamental questions must
be borne in mind when, we are asked
what we are aiming at through social se-
curity. My answer would be, we are aim-
ing at a mimimum level of well-being for
the people of this nation. Because we live
in a money economy, that means the min-
imum of income and services essential to
decent human existence.
What is sufficient for that decent level
varies from person to person, from com-
munity to community, from nation to na-
tion. It varies with the relationship of pop-
ulation to national resources, with the abil-
ity of a nation to maintain a sufficient out-
put of goods and services. If the United
States were an overpopulated country with
meager resources, our idea of a decent level
of human existence would be very different
from what it is today.
As a corollary — or as a modification of
this fundamental concept of a minimum of
income and services for all — social security
involves the principle that persons similar-
ly situated shall be treated alike. In pub-
lic assistance, this means that people with
equal needs shall receive equal assistance;
that needy children in a particular family
should receive neither more nor less than
those in any other family or any other com-
munity or state — whose needs are the same.
This principle also encompasses the idea
that people with the same wage history, the
same wage loss, and the same record of
contributions shall receive the same amount
of social insurance benefits. To illustrate:
Under the federal old age and survivor in-
surance system, an old mill worker who has
worked for thirty years at from $20 to $30
a week in Rhode Island gets exactly the
same benefit when he retires as any other
wage earner who has worked as long, at
like wages, in any other covered job any-
where in the country — whether in a fac-
tory or store or office or mine; whether in
North or South, East or West.
Under the federal-state unemployment
compensation systems, on the other hand,
an unemployed worker in one state, where
benefit standards are high, may be eligible
for two or three times as much in the ag-
gregate if he remains unemployed, as a
worker with exactly the same record of
past employment and past earnings who
happens to live in a state where benefit
standards are low.
However, the principle of maintaining a
minimum level of well-being need not ex-
clude differentials above that minimum,
which take into account differences both
SEPTEMBER 1945
369
Federal Security Agency photos
A worker in covered employment inquires about his old age insurance account
in wage loss and in social insurance con-
tributions on behalf of the persons entitled
to benefit. The argument can be made
that wage earners who have been able to
achieve higher earnings build up greater
obligations and that their wants are en-
hanced. Thus, both payroll deductions and
old age insurance benefits of the $20-a-
week worker are lower than those of one
who has averaged twice that, and still low-
er than those of the worker who has cus-
tomarily brought home $50 a week in his
pay envelope.
But because this is social insurance, there
is a minimum benefit below which no in-
sured worker can fall. Also a maximum
benefit, based on |3,000 a year in covered
employment, the highest income (or por-
tion of an income) from which payroll
deductions are made.
Rights to Social Security
We say that social insurance benefits
are paid as a matter of right. What does
this mean? We are really talking about
rights enforceable through due process of
law. But while these rights presume defi-
nite procedures to qualify for benefits, the
benefits themselves may be conditioned on
many things.
The federal Social Security Act provides
two kinds of programs — public assistance
and social insurance. In the one, rights are
conditioned on need; in the other, on wage
loss. Yet they are of the same kind, al-
though people sometimes hold that those
arising out of contributions paid by a per-
son, or on his behalf, are the more valid.
I do not believe that such a distinction can
be made. We do not say that the right of.
parents to send a youngster to public school
depends on whether or not they pay di-
rect taxes.
But contributions do affect the attitudes
of beneficiaries, of legislators and the public,
generally. In our kind of economic so-
ciety, the belief prevails that people should
not only get what they earn but pay for
what they get. It follows that the closer the
connection between premiums and benefits,
the more clearly are social security rights
recognized. This explains the stigma often
attached to the receipt of public assist-
ance. Often the applicant himself feels that
somehow or other he has failed to make the
grade.
Given our competitive system, I don't
know how we can avoid this dilemma.
However, there is growing realization that
an individual's need is usually due not to
his own inadequacy, but to his economic
and social environment, to bad luck or other
fortuitous circumstances.
To me, it seems impossible to draw hard
and fast lines between social insurance and
public assistance. When people say that
social insurance is something you get be-
cause you have paid for it, they forget
that no social insurance program provides
precisely what you have paid for. Social in-
surance benefits are weighted in favor of
the low wage earner, in favor of the short-
time, intermittent wage earner, in favor of
persons with dependents.
Moreover, it is universally true that the
structure of any social insurance system
must be erected on the base of presumptive
social needs rather than of exact private
equities. The system cannot ignore individ-
ual equity but the primary consideration is
social adequacy.
Human Equations
People say, also, that social insurance is
governed by objective provisions; that it
does not require "snooping around and pry-
ing into" personal matters such as come up
in administering public assistance. Such a
distinction, too, is not valid.
Take questions necessary in determining
dependents' benefits under old age and sur-
vivors insurance: whether the wage earner's
wife or children are living with him;
whether or not aged parents were wholly
'or
I
se
id
IW
ey
E
i
dependent on a deceased worker. Surely
these are personal questions.
Or take questions that must be asked
under an unemployment compensation act
to make sure that claimants for benefits
are genuinely unemployed and had good
cause to quit their last job; whether or not
they refuse to accept suitable work;
whether they are available for work.
By way of more detailed illustration, take
those last two questions which come up ir
infinite variety when workers claim unem-
ployment benefits. Here is Mrs. Jones, who
when cutbacks come, loses her job on
day shift in a big plant in Detroit. She has
three children, and protests she cannot gel
anyone to stay with them at night,
she says she cannot take a third-shift job
offered in another plant. That calls for
night work which, as she sees it, isn't "suit-
able" under the circumstances, but she
"available" during the hours she has al-
ways worked.
Someone in the local office must appraise
both Mrs. Jones' household situation and
her work history. Perhaps she is a widow
and has long supported her children; they
depend wholly on her earnings. Should she
be ruled "unavailable" for work because she
feels she can't take the night job? Or
should she get, for at least a time, the bene
fits to which her past wage record would
entitle her; and thus have a chance to look
for day work which will permit her both to
earn and to fulfill her responsibilities?
Or perhaps day work is available but only
as a scrubwoman, making no use of the
mother's skills. She says the job would be
too hard for her physically, and points to
its meager wage. Against this she weighs
the money value of the laundry, sewing,
careful marketing and other services she
could perform for her family. All in all,
if unemployment benefits can't be paid her,
she concludes she would do better to devote
herself to her home and apply for aid to her
dependent children.
Does Mrs. Jones refuse "suitable work"
if she turns down the scrubwoman's job?
Such factors as these and many others
must be sifted and evaluated by an unem-
ployment compensation agency in deter-
mining whether or not an insured worker
is able to work, available for work, has not
refused suitable work- Surely these, too, are
personal questions!
With the demobilization of our armed
forces and the dismantling of war produc-
tion, such questions are bound to multiply.
Great changes will come over the labor mar-
ket. Available postwar jobs will be very
different from wartime jobs. Questions will
come up of reconverting machine oper-
ators into ditch diggers and dishwashers.
Further, should trained personnel be asked
to make violent vocational shifts? Is- it
reasonable to expect claimants, in view of
home ownership or other personal con-
siderations, to pull up stakes and move
their families from one industrial area to
another?
Insurance and Assistance
In the years of transition immediately
ahead, both social insurance and public as-,
sistance are bound to confront not only such
370
SURVEY GRAPHIC
difficult judgments on personal situations
but mass strains on their resources and
flexibility.
It is good, therefore, to report that public
assistance is moving toward greater sim-
plicity, objectivity and adequacy than in the
past. Benefits are no longer paid in kind,
such as grocery orders and bushels of coal,
but in cash. The recipient therefore has
money, as other people do, to spend as he
thinks best. If an applicant disagrees with
the action taken in his case, he has a right
to a hearing. The Social Security Act re-
quires that the personal information he
gives the public assistance agency be held
confidential. Many states are abolishing
what is known as "relatives' responsibil-
ity", that is, an old legal requirement that
aid cannot be given to a needy person who
has relatives considered able to help him,
even though in fact they fail to do so.
Such developments are rubbing out some
of the old distinctions between public assist-
ance and social insurance so far as kinds of
benefits and administrative procedures go.
What are the children's allowances that
Canada has just begun to pay to all fam-
ilies with children — out of general revenues
and without a showing of need? Are they
public assistance or social insurance or
something else?
I am not arguing that we should abolish
public assistance and turn everything into
social insurance; much less that we should
abolish social insurance and turn everything
into public assistance. We should go on
adapting these programs to achieve the com-
mon objective of social security — a mini-
mum level of well-being. If we do that,
their future will take care of itself. The
program which proves more effective, more
in harmony with the conscience of the
[icople, will become dominant.
In the meantime — in peace years as in
war years — it is vitally important to proceed
on the assumption that social insurance
should be our first line of domestic defense
against want and fear. Its practical and
hopeful values are time-tested and world-
tested. Social insurance has the unique
advantage that it automatically relates ben-
efits to loss of earnings, automatically pro-
tects benefit rights, automatically provides
the funds to pay benefits and automatically
controls costs.
Public assistance is our essential second
line of defense against misery and defeat
among ' people who lack social insurance
protection — or whose needs transcend the
benefits that an insurance system provides.
Shortcomings: 1945
How far we have achieved social security
in ten years can be tested only by examin-
ing the outcome in terms of the number
of people who fall below the minimum
level of well-being. In this country, no
set amount of income can represent that
minimum as yardstick. Any hope of ever
arriving at a single fixed standard in money
or in commodities is an administrative
mirage. Only by actual acquaintance with
family circumstances can we determine just
how effective our social security program
is or is not. Therefore, in old age and sur-
vivors insurance we have interviewed the
benehcianes to hnd out just what other
income they have and whether any have
had to ask for aid from friends or relatives
or public welfare departments. These in-
terviews show that while the majority of
them have savings or other resources in ad-
dition to their benefits, most are being
pinched by the rising costs of living. This
is particularly true of those with the small-
est benefits, who are least likely to have
other resources. About one beneficiary in
ten has had to ask for public aid to piece
out his insurance benefits.
Some general tests of adequacy can also
be applied:
1. Does the number of people insured
under the various programs include all who
should be protected?
At present it does not. Our most com-
prehensive program, the federal system of
old age and survivors insurance, covers only
about threfe fifths of the jobs in the country.
The federal-state unemployment compensa-
tion program covers even less.
2. Taking account of wage levels and
other factors, are we satisfied that the bene-
fit amounts provided under the two exist-
ing forms of social insurance are adequate?
I would say, emphatically No. Neither
in old age or unemployment insurance.
In unemployment insurance, about half of
all the unemployed workers who drew ben-
efits in the rather good year 1941 used up
all their benefit rights before they again had
jobs. Since that time, and particularly in
their 1945 legislative sessions, the majority
of the states have increased benefit dura-
tion and raised maximum benefit amounts
in recognition of higher levels of earnings
and costs of living. Only one, however —
the state of Washington — has achieved in
both respects two standards recently pro-
posed by President Truman as necessary to
close a gap in our reconversion program:
As much as 26 weeks of benefits for a
qualified worker who suffers that much
unemployment in a year;
A maximum of at least $25 a week, in-
cluding dependents' allowances, if any, for
workers whose past earnings entitle them
to the maximum amount. In all states, of
course, individual benefit amounts would
still be geared to the individual worker's
past earnings.
3. What are the great gaps in our pres-
ent social insurance program.
They are the twin lack of protection
against wage loss resulting from physical
disability and against the cost of medical
care. The two . together constitute the
Number 1 cause of human need in the
United States except in a period of deep de-
pression like the early Thirties — such as we
expect never again to tolerate.
In public assistance it is so clear, that we
are not meeting vast human needs that there
can be no argument. Among the states the
average assistance payment to a needy old
person runs from $1 1 to $47 a month. Pub-
lic assistance is given to help make up the
deficiency between anything a needy per-
son himself has and what he requires for
subsistence.^ One might therefore guess that
the $11 average occurs in rich states where
people have accumulated more of their own
and therefore have less need for assistance
to supplement what they themselves can
fall back on or what their relatives can
provide. But, generally, the poorer the
state and the greater the presumptive need
among its people, the lower is the aver-
age amount of public assistance.
The probability is that at least one third
(Continued on page 383)
Many fatherless homes, like this one, are safeguarded by Aid to Dependent Children
SEPTEMBER 1945
371
Better Health for Country Folks
Local differences color two interesting experiments in getting "doctoring" to
those who most need it — the medically forgotten people of farm and village.
/; In a Georgia Cotton County
I WATCHED A STREAM OF NORTH GEORGIA
farmers walk into an office on Main Street
in Monroe, county seat of Walton County,
dig into their wallets and put down money
to buy what none of them ever had had
before — assurance of medical care for them-
selves and their families. Medical care
means services of doctor, dentist, hospital,
and druggist. The cost, on a prepaid basis,
is $50 a year for a family; and that goes
whether the family consists of one or twelve
or more members, whether services come to
$20 or $200.
This medical care is made possible
through a health association in which mem-
bers pool their funds much after the fashion
that country folk used to pool their labor
for "corn huskin's" and "house raisin's."
Walton County in the North Georgia
Piedmont is a land of red hills %nd cotton.
They raise good cotton, more to the acre
than any other county in the state. And they
raise good people. Five governors have
called the county home. The stately homes
of two of them face each other across a
wide, tree-shaded street in Monroe.
Two Kinds of Erosion
Good progress has been made in the
county against the washing of the red Pied-
mont earth and the gullying caused by soil
erosion, but against the gullying of the
good human stock, that other kind of
erosion, progress is only beginning.
In 1942 babies died in Walton County
at the rate of 68.3 per 1,000 live births,
against a rate of 49.3 for the state of
Georgia and 40.4 for the United States as
a whole. The same year mothers died in
childbirth in Walton County at the rate of
8.8 per 1,000 live births, 4.1 for the state,
and 2.6 for the country as a whole.
The discrepancy between raising good
cotton and losing good babies, Walton
County people believe, is due in consider-
able part to the dearth of health service
and medical care available to rural families.
They know, too, that this matter of medical
care will face them more and more as men
come back from fighting. To produce the
food this country must raise, farm regions
must cease to be medically bankrupt.
That's the reason for this guinea pig ex-
periment in which doctors, dentists, drug-
gists, local farm people, and agricultural
agencies are cooperating. It has a twofold
purpose: to meet the current medical needs
of the members of the association; and to
find the answers to important questions
looking toward the future.
They are trying to find out, for instance,
how much medical care a group of a
thousand families must have; how nearly
fifty dollars a family will provide for it;
372
KATHERINE GLOVER
how to develop a satisfactory basis of co-
operation with physicians and other pro-
fessional groups.
The Georgia county experiment is now
in its third year. It grew out of the request
of the Secretary of Agriculture to State and
County Land Use Planning Committees for
recommendations of measures to help farm-
ers stand up under their load — during and
after the war. Health care for farm fam-
ilies was one of the measures most fre-
quently suggested. So the Interbureau Com-
mittee on Postwar Programs of the Depart- '
ment of Agriculture decided upon a few
scattered experiments, and grants were
made from funds of the Farm Security Ad-
ministration to enable low income farm
families to participate. Programs were set
up in Nevada County, Arkansas; in New-
ton County, Mississippi; in Cass and
Wheeler Counties, Texas; in Hamilton
County, Nebraska; and in Walton County,
Georgia.
Walton was chosen not only because it is
a typical Piedmont county, but also be-
cause its people have shown themselves
hospitable to new ideas. The county might
be one of a hundred to a thousand others
scattered over the country. Fifty miles away
in one direction lies Atlanta with its Coca-
Cola and other industrial wealth, which has
given it fine hospitals and doctors. In
another direction, twenty-five miles away,
is Athens with the resources of the state
university. Yet "po" health" has bored into
the farm population worse than boll weevil
once did into cotton.
In spite of the county's yield of cotton,
average annual cash incomes after farm
operating costs are deducted fall below $200.
Individually, the 2,286 farm families have
slim chances of getting the medical care
they need. As an organized group their
chances are a thousand times better — the
Walton County Agricultural Health Asso-
ciation is predicated on a membership of a
thousand families. Memberships on the
basis of $50 a family create a fund of
$50,000. It gives them a combined strength
which eliminates the hazards of medical
— Whenever Katherine Glover, who was
born in the South, goes home for a visit,
she finds something new astir to report
to readers of Survey Graphic. A year ago
she gave a vivid account of Muscle
Shoals at war. Now it is a county strug-
gling with one of the grave problems on
America's postwar doorstep.
Miss Glover is chief information
officer, Community War Services, in the
Federal Security Agency.
care for members of the association. It takes
away the hazards for doctors, dentists, drug-
gists, who might or might not get paid.
How the Plan Operates
During the first year the association had
a membership of 881 families. Not all could
afford to pay $50. Fees, consequently, were
based on 6 percent of the previous year's
net cash income, with $6 set as the mini-
mum fee. Where family income would not
permit the full $50, the deficit was made
up from the FSA grant. Minimum fees in
die second and third year were raised to
$15. Any farm family is eligible to join—
die association is not solely for low income
families. There has been some reduction in
the number of members with the increased
fee, but the members who have continued
are more than ever firm in their enthusiasm.
An incident that came to my attention
shows how the financial end works. An
eight-year-old boy in one of the farm fam-
ilies belonging to the association had an
accident, of a kind not uncommon on farms.
While helping haul home a load of logs he
had fallen off the wagon and been TUB
over. One leg was seriously fractured.
He was rushed to the newly opened
county hospital. The leg was X-rayed, the
bones put in place with metal plates and the
leg set in a cast. The boy spent five days in
the hospital and the treatment, including
X-rays, surgery, anesthetic, and hospital care
totaled slightly more than $55.
The boy's family had paid $25 into the
health association. This single accident had
run up costs more than twice what the
family paid and in the end may amount to
double the full $50 fee. But out of a thou-
sand members some may use the medical
service not at all during the year, others
only a minor amount. The law of averages
evens up <he account.
The prompt and complete care the farm
boy received, in contrast to the inadequate
treatment or neglect only too frequent in
such cases in rural areas, is a side of the
story not to be estimated in money.
The advantage of this Walton County
experiment is that it has the home-grown
flavor of North Georgia sorghum. More-
over, it is as good for the doctors as it is
for the farmers. Some people on the out-
side might label it with the goblin term,
"socialized medicine," but to those who are
participating, it seems just plain horse sense.
No strange doctors have been imported into
the county and paid a salary. The familiar
family doctor goes his rounds the same as
ever, only he has fewer lOU's hanging on
his peg. His fees are paid by the associa-
tion instead of directly by the patient.
These farm families know that when
SURVEY GRAPHIC
someone is sick they can call the doctor
and be sure he will come, or if there is a
toothache it is taken care of without dread
of the dentist's bill.
All the doctors but one in the county are
cooperating members of the health asso-
ciation. The Georgia State Medical Asso-
ciation gave the plan its blessing at the
outset and then members of the county
medical society assured active participation.
The association is incorporated and is an
out and out local organization. A board of
directors is elected from the farmer mem-
bers and a paid manager and assistant are
in charge of the business details. When the
fees are collected, the total sum is appor-
tioned to the different services and each
allotment divided into twelve monthly por-
tions.
Doctors', dentists', druggists', and hos-
pital bills are rendered monthly and paid
monthly, according to the amount of money
in the allotted funds. Some months bills
exceed the sum available, for instance dur-
ing the winter when flu cases run high. In
other months, as in the summer when sick-
ness usually drops, there may be a surplus
of funds or at least enough for full pay-
ment. The score is evened in this way.
When the funds are insufficient, each mem-
ber doctor, dentist, druggist takes his pro-
portionate share on a percentage basis.
For the 1942-43 fiscal year, the total bill
for physicians, surgeons, specialists, hos-
pitals, dentists, and druggists amounted to
$45,710.75 and the amount paid was $36,-
256.21, or an over-all of more than 79
percent. Physicians were paid at the rate
of 73 percent plus, considerably more than
the rate at which doctors' bills in this sec-
tion were usually paid. Surgeons and spe-
cialists were paid at the rate of 61 percent;
hospital bills, as approved, were paid in
full; dentists at the rate of 98 percent plus.
As the Members See It
The day I looked in on the association,
one old Negro woman, a sharecropper on a
cotton farm, who lives alone, dug into a
pocket of her worn coat and laid down
fifteen dollars in soiled bills and change. As
she stored away her membership card in the
same pocket there was a look of pride in
her rheumy old eyes. "Praise God," she
said, "I didn't need it last year and God
willin' maybe I won't this year, but I'm
joinin' jes' the same. It's a sight er com-
fort to know I kin git doctorin' if I needs
it."
They were having a meeting of the mem-
bers of the association in Monroe that day.
One stocky, apple-cheeked farmer in his
town clothes and black store hat was sorely
troubled because he had a sick wife at home
and feared he ought not to stay away long
enough to attend the meeting. "We sure
don't want this thing to go dead," were his
parting words to the manager.
From what I could see there was little
chance of the association going dead. They
have started something that appears to be
striking strong, sure roots in the local soil.
Nobody claims they have yet found all the
answers to an admittedly complex problem,
but the early results of the experiment are
encouraging.
There are three doctors in Monroe and
four in other sections of the county cooper-
ating with the health association. With
two younger physicians in the armed forces,
the local practitioners average well over
sixty years of age. They have a heavy job.
One of the country doctors, who is un-
tempered in his enthusiasm for the health
association plan, admits to a patient load of
6,000. A doctor from another section of
the country was attracted to the county
because of the health experiment.
The yearly membership fee of the health
association covers practically all possible
medical contingencies for the farmer and
his family: doctors' services; hospitalization
(up to fourteen days); services of surgeon
or specialist; limited dental care; and most
of the drugs prescribed. The County Public
Health Department, working closely with
the association, provides nursing services
and immunization against typhoid, diph-
theria, smallpox, and rabies.
Membership in the association gives a
family, as the old Negro sharecropper said,
a sense of comfort and security. In the old
days before a tenant could get medical care
or hospitalization his landlord frequently
had to stand sponsor for his credit. Now
his membership" card is all the guarantee
needed. Landlords are urging tenants to
join the association both for their own good
and because they become better farmers.
As the Doctors See It
With the beginning of the second year
of the association, the doctors, with the
cooperating dentists, druggists, and hos-
pital officials, jointly issued a letter to the
farm families of the county, in which they
acknowledged the success of the program,
endorsed it, and expressed their willingness
to continue their help.
One of the doctors, asked to comment,
said unreservedly: "This is the finest thing
that has ever come to Walton County, al-
though there are, of course, some problems
and difficulties that have to be ironed out
as we go along." He went on: "Society is
undergoing a convulsion, a revolution, and
medical care is part of that revolution. We
realize that something different has to be
done. Democracy of health opportunity it
part of the genuine democracy we are
pledged to achieve."
Another doctor whose whole practice is
rural pointed out that the benefits of the
association reach far beyond the immediate
returns to the farm families. "It will mean
much better health standards generally and
will reflect in a higher economic level for
the county."
A frank, alert dentist in Monroe summed
up his opinion: "As a taxpayer I think it's
terrible. As a dentist I don't like it — it's
too close to socialized medicine. But for the
children, it's one of the finest things that
ever happened." And he added: "I get a
real thrill when a farmer comes into my
office and brings his children for preventive
care. That's going to mean a lot as the
years go by."
On his reservation as a taxpayer, I
queried him whether, without some such
provision for medical care, similar or great-
er tax costs may not have to be paid out
of another tax pocket — more people to be
maintained in institutions, for instance. And
I asked if poor health, by pulling down
the whole productive and economic level,
does not add to the general tax burden.
The dentist, fair-minded as well as frank,
admitted this might well be so.
I went into the leading general store in
Monroe on a Saturday afternoon and
watched the brisk trade pouring in — mainly
the farm folk come to buy shirts and shoes
and yard goods. The proprietor of the
store is chairman of the county hospital
and one of the staunchest supporters of the
health program. He commented that peo-
ple in the county are getting hospital care
who have never had it before and that the
doctors and dentists are better off.
A periodic check-up is given members of the Walton County Health Association
SEPTEMBER 1945
373
As he left to wait on a customer his part-
ing words were: "Come back in a few
years and you'll see a big difference in the
people. They are already the best farmers
in the country, one day they'll be the
healthiest."
Hopeful Accomplishments
Several hopeful developments already
have resulted from die stimulus of the
healdi association. Two nurses and a nurse-
midwife have been added to the staff of
the excellent County Health Department.
Through well-conducted prenatal clinics,
a frontal attack is being made on infant
and maternal casualties.
There is a new thirty-six bed hospital,
modern and well equipped, housed in two
buildings of an industrial school no longer
in use. A building formerly used for a
National Youth Administration project was
moved up to serve as a ward for Negro
patients — the first time they have had hos-
pital facilities in the county.
Much already has been accomplished.
Many chronic and long neglected ills have
been smoked out of hiding to receive atten-
tion. Men and women of fifty have been
to a dentist for the first time. But far-
sighted people in the county look forward
to a time when emphasis will shift from
cure to prevention. They hope, too, that
in time the association may achieve a com-
pletely self-supporting basis — a hope that
may not be realized, however, until general
economic standards are raised.
Facts have shown that rural people can-
not compete with city dwellers for the
services of good doctors and medical fa-
cilities. Even with money in their pockets,
farmers are faced with such difficulties as
the unequal distribution of doctors and the
unwillingness of younger medical men to
settle in rural areas. The country doctor
practices in a medical desert, cut off from
his fellows, from clinics and laboratories,
and all the advantages of city life.
To bring medical care for rural people
up to anything like that enjoyed by people
in cities, many more rural hospitals are
needed, more health centers, and increased
public health measures. Some of the same
mobility effective under conditions of war
needs to be brought into play: traveling
medical and dental clinics, child health and
immunization clinics to penetrate to the
remotest RFD routes. With the postwar ex-
pansion of opportunity for professional
training, medical scholarships should be
offered to boys born on farms to induce
them to enter the field of. medicine, and
fellowships made available to rural doctors
for refresher courses.
Neglect of the health of our rural popu-
lation will weaken the nation at its most
vital spot, for the farm areas are our popu-
lation nurseries. Not only does half our
population live in rural areas but farm
population is increasing at the rate of 36
percent, rural nonfarm population at the
rate of 16 percent, while urban population
(discounting migration into cities) is de-
clining at the rate of 24 percent. Since cities
draw their new blood from the rural areas,
it is important to the whole nation that we
have a healthy rural population.
Draft examinations have shown up some
accusing figures. In a recent study made by
selective service, based on 42,273 white and
Negro registrants representing nine occupa-
tional groups, the highest number of re-
jections was among farmers.
The problem of parity of medical care
and health facilities for the rural population,
tying into the whole question of medical
care for low income families and over-all
extension of social security, will be upon
our postwar doorstep. More progressive
members of the medical profession know
that changes are bound to come. Nor will
the horse-and-buggy dieory of benevolence
fit the social streamlining of this latter day.
For that reason, the momentum of this
experiment in Georgia and the gains
achieved are significant far beyond the
boundaries of a Piedmont county.
//. In the Mountains of New Mexico
FOR YEARS WE HAVE TENDED TO THINK OF
Taos village, New Mexico, as a picturesque
place, especially alluring to tourists. Taos
County, a sort of top-of-the-world region
averaging 7,500 feet up in the air, is full of
magnificent mountain scenery. Its in-
habitants, Spanish-Americans, with a scat-
tering of Anglo-Americans and Pueblo
Indians, add an extra touch of color. That
most of them were poverty-stricken and
unhealthy, tourists somehow overlooked.
The people are rural in occupation and
in habits. They are preponderantly com-
munal— almost all of them reside in com-
munities rather than on" individual farms,
and it long has been their custom to hold
grazing lands in common. But their agri-
culture and livestock-raising incline to pro-
duce bare subsistence only. Submarginal
farmers exist in large proportion, deriving
their main cash income from work as
migratory or ranch labor.
Enter their simple adobe homes, look
over their modest holdings, and the facts
are apparent. Many of the homes are
scrupulously clean, but there is little or
nothing in them that we would associate
with a normal standard .of living. Many arc-
not even clean, and diseases of filth and
malnutrition abound. There is a general
lack of sanitary water supply, flytight priv-
ies, and home screening.
Until recently, 69 percent of the people
have died without the attention of a
physician. More than one baby in ten died
before the end of its first year; and one
third of the children never reached the age
of eighteen. Isolation, language, culture, and
T. SWANN HARDING
poverty have long cut them off trom ade-
quate medical care.
But since June 1('42 the Taos County
Cooperative Health Association has been
changing things. Created by the people and
doctors of the county, it was a natural
outgrowth of the small, FSA-sponsored
trustee plan of medical and -dental care for
FSA borrowers started in April 1940, with
some earlier aid by the extension division
of the University of New Mexico.
Three Clinics and Their Staff
FSA and the Interbureau Committee on
Postwar Programs of the Department of
Agriculture are running five county experi-
ments in Arkansas, Mississippi, Texas,
Nebraska and, as Miss Glover relates in the
preceding article, in Georgia. The Taos
County experiment is somewhat different.
It has been built up around three equipped
clinics, or medical centers, well located
geographically in Taos village, in Questa in
— Although T. Swann Harding is editor
of USD A, published for employes of the
Department of Agriculture, and an in-
formation specialist of the department,
his account of the Taos experiment is
rooted in personal devotion to the cause
of' better medical care.
In addition to articles on a wide
variety of subjects, Mr. Harding has
published six books, among them "Fads,
Frauds and Physicians," (1930).
the north, and in Penasco in the south, with
subclinics, open one day weekly, in Costilla
and in Dixon. These clinics, along with
the station wagons also used as ambulances,
enable the association pretty well to cover
this mountain county. Certain Santa Fe and
Albuquerque specialists serve as needed.
Another unique feature of the plan is that
the entire medical, dental, and nursing staff
is salaried. The medical director receives
$5,200 a year, certainly above average for
rural practitioners. Another doctor is en-
gaged part time at $3,000 a year, and there
are two Mexican internes, graduates of the
University of Mexico medical school, who
work full time under the doctors.
Though one local physician has been
opposed, as a whole the medical profession
has cooperated well. This may be because
the Taos Association drew in few if any
of the small percentage who could pay for
medical care. The druggists of Taos re-
sented the association buying and dispensing
too many drugs, and more had to be pre-
scribed through the local pharmacists.
A full time dentist, aided by a part time
referral dentist, does such emergency work
as is needed on teeth which are affecting
the general health of patients. There are
four capable and enthusiastic nurses.
Since all Taos is rural, essentially all its
inhabitants are eligible to join the associa-
tion, provided their annual incomes do not
exceed a ceiling which was first $1,200 and
is now about $1,500. These are very high
incomes in this county, where two thirds
of the people have a gross annual income
of $250 or less. The service provided is
374
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Collier for OWI
Patients wait their turn for the modern medical care now available to them through the Taos County Cooperative Health Association
essentially an over-all medical coverage
(with a very few limitations) and such
dentistry as has been indicated.
Rented quarters are used for the ad-
ministrative office and the clinic in Taos.
A building, now outgrown, was erected for
clinic purposes in Penasco. In Questa, a
beautiful dwelling was purchased for $3,000
and transformed into a clinic and home
for the resident nurse.
Contractual arrangements are maintained
with the Holy Cross Hospital at Taos and
the Embudo Presbyterian Hospital just be-
low the southern county line. Cooperative
arrangements have been worked out with
the Thomas P. Martin Hospital which the
Indian Service maintains at Taos Pueblo;
this involves the use of some beds and
interchange of personnel as needed.
Doctors do not visit patients save in grave
emergencies, but the nurses are always at
hand to serve and visit them. Though the
people do not hold back from taking part
in the plan because it is government-
assisted, their reluctance to adopt new
methods is great and highly persuasive sales
talks must be given all the time to retain
old members and get new ones.
Today, members pay comparatively little
of the total cost of the plan, which has
a budget now in the neighborhood of
$72,500 for the current fiscal year. Of this
an FSA grant covers $50,000, the bulk of
which must be used for medical care, a
part being reserved to improve the rural
sanitation of Taos County. It is very un-
likely that the people could pay the full cost
of the plan for many years.
The association can draw on FSA for
consultant and medical advisory services.
The New Mexico State Department of
Health has supplied it with biologicals, con-
sultant services in nursing and preventive
clinics, and has aided in conducting demon-
stration clinics. The state Department of
Public Welfare assists in referral of asso-
ciation members for eye service, and for
admissions to hospitals for the tubercular
and for crippled children. Surgery is in-
cluded in the coverage.
The U. S. Public Health Service and the
Children's Bureau have extended consultant
service in public health nursing. The Proc-
tor Eye Clinic accepts association members
for eye service, and the Catholic Church
has assisted in the promotion and education
of association membership. The staff has
been so fully engaged therapeutically that
it has not had time to do a real job of
preventive medicine and lay medical edu-
cation.
Accomplishments — and Needs
Ordinary drugs and dressings are fur-
nished to patients by the association, though
eyeglasses and other medical appliances are
not included. The nurses and doctors do an
excellent job of bringing the newer knowl-
edge of nutrition to the attention of their
clients and of promoting better eating
habits. This is carried out by personal visits,
through the schools, the garden, poultry
and stock programs, and by increasing the
supplies of milk and vitamin concentrates.
The medical director is a kindly old rural
practitioner who has known the people for
years. His approach is gentle and friendly.
The nurses have, to a woman, come to the
county from choice. Though they could
earn much more elsewhere, the idealistic
nature of this experiment appeals to them.
Their job is no easy one. It means pound-
ing many miles over rough mountain roads,
in senile cars and station wagons which
frequently break down. It means fighting
blizzards, carrying extra food, clothing, and
even fuel wood in case they get stuck. It
means digging into snowdrifts with a
shovel and learning Spanish by a basic
vocabulary system.
In families from which a frightened
patient went to the hospital for the first
time, leaving relatives in tears, resistance
is overcome. Cured patients later return
voluntarily to the hospitals for other treat-
ments, and so do the rest of the family.
One looks at the meager equipment in
the branch clinics, the archaic foot-power
dental drills which the nurse treadles as she
helps make fillings, the overworked, 75:
year-old medical director, the broken-down
automobiles, and the indefatigable nurses,
and wonders why even more subsidy should
not be poured into this experiment.
In a sense the Taos County Cooperative
Health Association is tending to drain the
county's medical personnel and equipment
away from those who can pay much to
those who can pay little. But that is only
because the county never was equipped or
staffed to care properly for all its inhabi-
tants. Though well supplied with hospitals,
it needs more doctors, more nurses, and
better medical equipment. The association
has shown that, far from deteriorating the
quality of medical service, regular salaries
seem to spur medical, dental, and nursing-
staffs on to greater industry and more com-
passionate service. It is showing how over-
all medical care can be supplied to an entire
rural county of ten or twelve thousand
people economically and effectively. The
subsidy is an investment in social research.
Taos remains picturesque, but it is also
becoming modern in the best sense of that
much abused word.
SEPTEMBER 1945
375
LETTERS AND LIFE
Harvard's Sixteen Courses
HARRY HANSEN
THE TWO DECADES BETWEEN THE GREAT WARS
have been notable for the skirmishes and
battles over education. Sometimes innova-
tions have come so unexpectedly that they
have provoked astonishment and resent-
ment. At other times arguments have
moved back and forth over familiar ground
without appreciable progress either way.
But among teachers of all camps there has
been growing uneasiness over the results of
educational methods, and the question has
been asked whether the colleges were turn-
ing out as good American citizens as they
were training American engineers. Especi-
ally concerned were the conservatives, who
still held on to the vestiges of a classical
curriculum against the growing encroach-
ments of vocational specialization, and their
concern became greater as they saw the
schools of European nations turned into
agencies of political indoctrination by mi-
nority parties that seized power by ruth-
less means.
Robert Maynard Hutchins came out so
boldly for two changes that he shocked
many who were sympathetic; he demanded
that the burden of elementary teaching
should be borne by the secondary school
and the college should be freed for more
advanced work in shorter time; he also
asked an extension of cultural courses so
that no specialist could get a degree with-
out them. His specific proposals were so
drastic that his policy was called a return
to monasticism.
When compared with Harvard, Mr.
Hutchins was radical and Harvard was con-
servative, yet at long last Harvard has
recognized many of the conditions that
troubled Hutchins.
It has pondered and condemned the
effects of concentration on one subject and
specialization; the irresponsibility involved
in the elective system that Charles W.
Eliot introduced in order to free the in-
dividual student from traditional fetters;
it has studied the relation of the secondary
school to the college; it has investigated
the larger subject of whether students ready
to enter their professions were also ready
to enter American life as responsible citi-
zens.
The Search for a Golden Mean
The report that the Harvard Committee
headed by Paul H. Buck calls "General
Education in a Free Society" (Harvard Uni-
versity Press; $2), tells how the conclu-
sion was reached that the university must
intensify its effort not only to make men
proficient in their specialty but aware of
their responsibilities in their common citi-
zenship.
The report is both a concession and a
compromise, but hardly pioneering, for
some of its aims have already been realized
at Columbia and elsewhere.
The committee of authors tries hard to
find a golden mean in educational methods.
They recognize the claims of tradition and
the demands of modern life and declare
that one can gain from the other. The
long history of man's struggle for intellec-
tual freedom is found in the writings of
the past, but the living ideas in them must
animate the present.
The nineteenth century saw the colleges
break from religious direction; many re-
tain chapel as a compulsory matter, but
the teaching of morals went out with dog-
ma. Science and pragmatism made experi-
ence and precise observation basic in
reaching conclusions.
But Harvard believes that education can-
not be devoted wholly to tradition or to
experiment, "to the belief that the ideal
is enough in itself or the view that means
are valuable apart from the ideal." It con-
siders pragmatism as characteristically
American and believes that it works with
religious education and education in the
great books toward the ideal of belief in the
dignity of man and recognition of his duty
to society. "The true task of education
is therefore so to reconcile the sense of
pattern and direction deriving from heri-
tage with the sense of experiment and in-
novation deriving from science, that they
may exist fruitfully together. . . ."
The Place of the Social Sciences
The Harvard Committee is not in open
opposition to the theories of William James
and John Dewey. It accepts them as part
of the scientific attitude, and as suited to
the experimental character of American so-
ciety. But it believes them insufficient for
the fully educated man, for there are mat-
ters not susceptible of scientific proof that
have great value — for instance, "the pre-
supposition that democracy is meaningful
and right." In the same manner Harvard
adopts from the humanists the belief in the
dignity of man, without the limitations of
humanism, "which are those of pride and
arise from making man the measure of all
things."
Harvard cannot reject modern methods
and aims; likewise it cannot accept educa-
tion without direction. The aim is still the
same that it was when the church dom-
inated and taught love of God and love
of one's neighbor, today carried over into
the dignity of the free man and his duty
to his fellows.
Harvard wants to compromise the issues
between traditionalism and modernism
stressing their areas of agreement rather
than difference. The observer who ha*
watched the battle might say that this it
necessary if any tradition is to survive, for
the action goes increasingly in favor of the
moderns. It is necessary to point out where
tradition can serve die modern man to make
him a just and reasoning human being.
This is where Harvard's acceptance of
the social sciences as a cultural agent comes
in. The only thing that has kept the so-
cial sciences from being recognized as hav-
ing moral ends is their complete divorce
from dogma. Yet the study of human re-
lationships means an effort to find what is
best in them and what, therefore, offers
the greatest good to the greatest number
tee
m-
The Harvard Program
It seems to take the Harvard Committ
a long time to get down to specific reco:
mendations for teaching the basic ideas of
culture, civilization, and the democratic
life, but that is because it is making the
situation clear to many besides the presi-
dent of the university to whom the report
is "respectfully submitted." To outline
an "intellectual experience common to all
Harvard students," that will not only be re-
quired but desired, is not an easy task.
Harvard does not intend to risk being ac-
cused of indoctrination.
It is proposed that of the sixteen coursei
required for the bachelor's degree, six shall
deal with general education. One is to be
in the humanities, one in the social scien
and one in the sciences, including math
matics. Three further courses in gener;
education are to be introduced.
Under the humanities the Committee
proposes the study of "Great Texts of Li
erature," a concession to the pioneerin
that John Erskine did at Columbia, whic
in its extreme form, has led to the i:
tensive study of great books at Chicago an
St. John's. The Committee does not i
tend to say how the books shall be reai
or taught, for "there is no one best wa'
of introducing people to Homer, or Pla
or Dante. Freedom for the instructor
essential."
Harvard suggests that the great bool
may be chosen from a list possibly inclu
ing Homer, one or two Greek tragedi
Plato, the Bible, Virgil, Dante, Shak
peare, Milton and Tolstoy, and I pay hu
ble tribute to the memory of Richard Gree:
Moulton of the University of Chicago wh
course in "world bibles," as he called the
embraced both the texts and the aims
the present suggestion before Erskine, A
ler or Hutchins.
(All boo\s ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will be. postpaid)
376
government, through a variety of public
bodies topped by a central planning agency.
This planning should formulate major
economic and social goals, develop methods,
and constantly inventory how well these
methods are working. A "compensatory
economy," with the government correcting
maladjustments and arbitrating group con-
flicts, would strengthen American de-
mocracy and preserve the best values of
private enterprise. We need not go so far
as the more severely "guided economy" of
Great Britain, much less the "state social-
ism" of the USSR.
Theories are necessary. They, form the
traditions, principles, and rationalizations
on which we act. While shortsighted men
The Committee is not sure just how much
literature, philosophy, and the fine arts is
to be included in the course, but when it
describes the social sciences it is interested
in making the student aware of the prog-
ress of social responsibility and the mean-
ing to him of democracy in America. Har-
vard wants the student to know the nature
of his heritage as a free man, but it shrinks
from such a tide as "the evolution of free
society," because it "carries with it impli-
cations of indoctrination."
Harvard would not tolerate an attempt
"to convince students of the eternal perfec-
tion of existing ideas and institutions." But
it does want to show how Western culture
has evolved, and it leans on some of the
books that Chicago and St. John's have
lumped together in required reading — in-
cluding writings by Aquinas, Machiavelli,
Luther, Bodin, Locke, Montesquieu, Rous-
seau, Adam Smith, Bentham, and Mill. Ob-
viously this means not new readings but a
new orientation, for some of these authors
have long been studied in history courses,
others in political economy.
The proposal to have a course to which
the title American Democracy "might" be
given, suggests Harvard will have a hard
struggle to avoid indoctrination. It out-
lines a most commenda,ble course, and in
suggesting three books for an "approach"
shows how thoroughly aware it is of the
need of making American democracy work.
For although Tocqueville and James
Bryce are old stagers, Gunnar Myrdal's
"An American Dilemma" has an immediacy
for young Americans that cannot be sur-
passed.
When I had finished reading "General
Education in a Free Society" I felt that
I had heard a course of lectures on edu-
cational history, methods, and aims. It was
a "refresher" for me, since I read as a lay-
man not as a teacher. As a layman, I have
been more deeply concerned with physical
matters — overcrowding in school rooms, im-
proper preparation for college, emphasis on
degrees rather than on culture. The fa-
cilities for vocational instruction have
seemed to me to be compatible with the
highest interests of the nation. It would
be a calamity indeed if culture and civilized
thinkine could not be handed down by the
universities, and it will be helpful when
their influence is extended to specialists.
But the vocations and the specialized
courses we must have, nevertheless. It is
also my belief that the specialist cannot
wholly escape some cultural influences.
They are implicit even in scientific ideals.
TIME FOR PLANNING, by Lewis L. Lorwin.
Harper. #3.
THIS COLLECTION OF SEVENTEEN ESSAYS, ALL
written since 1932, is unified by the theme
of "a social-economic theory and program
for the twentieth century."
As to theory, the author believes that we
should aim for the highest standards of liv-
ing for all that modern technology can pro-
vide; that a pure price economy falls short
because of self-interest and lack of coordina-
tion; and that purposeful action in the gen-
eral interest requires increasingly Strong Copyright 1945 Newspaper Institute of America
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
377
tell us that letting democracy drift is the
only alternative to serfdom, Dr. Lorwin
with an unassuming scholarship and calm
eloquence upon which we all should draw
proves that making democracy work is the
only alternative to disaster.
The only real question now is, as the
author says, "Who should plan and how
and' for whom?" This brings us to pro-
gram, and it is here that the book falls
short. Its description of the generalized and
fairly similar postwar plans of special
groups reflects the very fractionalism
against which Dr. Lorwin rebels.
During this war, we have set goals and
integrated the policies of government, busi-
ness, and labor toward economic stabiliza-
Young Mother Delighted
With Writing Success
"After taking the N.I.A. course, the first article submitted to a top-
flight woman's magazine, resulted in its prompt acceptance. Despite
my domestic duties, including the rearing of a small daughter, I have
found time to write a dozen stories, all of which have been accepted.
All potential writers should sign up with N.I.A.!" — Marcia Audrey
Garden, 2302 West Main Street, Richmond 20, Va.
WHAT MAKES WRITING ABILITY GROW?
For a number of years the Newspaper Institute of America has been giving free Writing
Aptitude Tests to men and women with literary ambitions.
Sometimes it seems half the people in America who are fired with the desire to write have
taken advantage of this offer to measure their ability.
What the tests show
Up to date, no one who could be called a "born writer" has filled out our Writing Aptitude
i Test. We have not yet discovered a single individual miraculously endowed by nature with
all the qualities that go to make up a successful author.
[ One aspirant has interesting ideas — and a dull, uninteresting style. Another has great creative
! imagination but is woefully weak on structure and technique. A third has a natural writing
, knack — yet lacks judgment and knowledge of human behavior. In each case success can come
only after the missing links have been forged in.
Here, then, is the principal reason why so many promising writers fail to go ahead. Their
talent is one-sided — incomplete. It needs rounding out.
Learn to write by writing
NEWSPAPER INSTITUTE training is based on journalism— continuous writing— the sort
of training that turns out more successful writers than any other experience. Many of
the authors of today's "best sellers" are newspaper-trained men and women.
One advantage of our New York Copy Desk Method is that it starts you writing and keeps
you writing in your own home, on your own time. Week by week you receive actual assign-
ments, just as if you were right at work on a great metropolitan daily.
'All your writing is individually corrected and criticized by veteran writers with years of
experience "breaking in" new authors. They will point out those faults of style, structure or
viewpoint that keep you from progressing. At the same time they will give you constructive
suggestions for building up and developing your natural aptitudes.
In fact, so stimulating is this association that student members
often begin to sell their work before they finish the course. We
do not mean to insinuate that they skyrocket into the "big
money," or become prominent overnight. Most beginnings are
made with earnings of $25, $50, $100 or more for material that
takes little time to write — stories, articles on business, world
affairs, sports, homemaking, gardening, human interest stories,
local, club and church activities, etc. — things that can easily be
turned put in leisure hours, and often on the impulse of the
moment.
Fr'ee to those who want to know
If you really want to know the truth about your writing ambitions, send
for our interesting Writing Aptitude Test. This searching test of your
native abilities is free — entirely wi.hout obligation. You will enjoy it.
Fill in and send the coupon. Newspaper Institute of America, One Park
Ave., New York 16, N. Y. (Founded 1925)
NOTICE TO
CANADIANS
Newspaper Institute's
operations in Canada
have been approved by
the Foreign Exchange
Control Board, and to
facilitate all financial
transactions, a special
permit has been as-
signed to their account
with The Canadian Bank
of Commerce, Montreal.
Newspaper Institute of America,
One Park Ave., New York 16, N. Y.
Send me, without cost or obligation, your Writing Aptitude Test and further
information about writing for profit as promised in Survey Graphic, September.
Mr. 1
Mrs. \
MissJ
Addres*
(All correspondence confidential. No salesman will call on you.) 86-P-435
r
NEW HARPER BOOKS
For Survey Readers
How much do you know
about Labor Unions?
AMERICAN
LABOR UNIONS
What They Are and
How They Work
By FLORENCE PETERSON
Director, Industrial Relations Division,
Bureau ot Labor Statistics. U. S.
Department of Labor
Here for the first time in some years
is an informing and objective intro-
duction to what A.F. of L., C.I.O.
and many other initials and refer-
ences mean in terms of human ac-
tivities, interests and aspirations. It
fills a long-felt need for a popular
but comprehensive statement of how
labor organizations operate in this
country. $3-00
Coming September 26
"Letting the Co-ops speak
for themselves."
OURSELVES, INC.
The Story of Consumer
Free Enterprise
By LEO R. WARD
A vivid, personalized story of the
visits among typical families of the
3,000,000 members of the consumer
cooperatives, dramatizing the human
values of this growing movement. It
explains clearly the relationship of
the cooperative movement with the
democratic and spiritual forces of our
country. $2.50
Democracy in Action!
PRACTICAL
APPLICATIONS
OF DEMOCRACY
By GEORGE B. de HUSZAR
Formerly of the European and Asiatic
Area Study. University of Chicago
A helpful book for all those who
seek methods which translate the
ideals of democracy into practical, ef-
fective democratic action. "Everyone
should read this book who is not
content merely to chatter about
democracy, but who wants to learn
the practice of democracy as an art
of living." — David E. Lilienthal,
Chairman, Tennessee Valley Author-
ity. 52.00
At all bookstores or from
HARPER & BROTHERS
49 East 33rd Street, New York 16, N. Y.
tion, full utilization of our enormous re-
sources, and more equitable distribution of
consumer goods than ever before. Practical
postwar planning must stem from appraisal
of such agencies as the War Production
Board, the Office of War Mobilization, and
so on — for whether we retain or modify
these devices, they constitute the experience
on which we must draw in going forward
to Dr. Lorwin's purposeful economy. Yet
of these he says little.
Further, the over-all formulation of na-
tional economic policy on a popular base
can flow from only one body — the Congress.
This in turn depends upon popular grasp of
issues and registration of popular will
through the political process. Dr. Lorwin's
scant treatment of these items suggests the
troublesome fact that while planning is
politics, planners seem not to be politicians.
The author's handling of planning for
world reconstruction is more concrete and
therefore extremely valuable.
We in America have almost no postwar
economic program. Dr. Lorwin's awareness
of urgency makes his book one of the best.
That one of the best neglects to advance
more precise suggestions for getting started,
strikes a solemn note of warning of our un-
preparedness.
LEON H. KEYSERLING
Washington, D. C.
AN UNCOMMON MAN: Henry Wallace
and 60 Million Jobs, by Frank Kingdon.
Readers' Press. $1.
ployment" policy, along with an illuminat-
ing presentation ot this discussion in rela-
tion to specific American problems.
As a farmer, as an admirer of Henry
Wallace, and as one who perhaps fits into
Dr. Kingdon's definition of an American
liberal, I liked this book and learned much
from it. However, I wonder how those
who do not look upon the future as I do
will react to so "all out" an account. If they
are persuaded, I am of the opinion it will
be not so much because of the logic of Dr.
Kingdon's argument as because of his sense
of compassion and wholehearted belief in
people and in America's capacity constantly
to develop a better society.
P. ALSTON WARING
Co-author of "Roots in the Earth"
Neu1 Hope, Pa.
INTERDEPENDENT WORLD
(Continued from page 361)
(In
THIS IS NO COLD AND OBJECTIVE ANALYSIS
of the problem of full employment or of
Henry Wallace as the chief advocate of an
American society built upon "security and
liberty." Dr. Kingdon is an enthusiastic be-
liever in the possibilities of achieving an
economy of abundance, and it is not at all
strange that he should regard Henry Wal-
lace highly.
However, since Mr. Wallace is decidedly
a controversial figure in the American scene
today a book lacking objectivity regarding
its essential theme is apt to carry less weight
than it should. And this book should carry
weight. It is about an important subject,
and it is written in a clear and direct style.
Dr. Kingdon is concerned with two of
the most insistent problems before the
American people, problems which are ever-
recurrent in a free society, especially in pe-
riods of transition: Can we achieve security
for all citizens and maintain liberty? And
does government exist primarily to protect
property or to serve the general welfare?
These are old problems. They have been
debated throughout our history. Dr. King-
don deals with the current aspect of these
questions and in approaching them is ob-
viously on the side of those who put human
values first.
For those who are not familiar with Mr.
Wallace's speeches, and who wish to know
more about the matter we have come to
label "sixty million jobs" and its relation to
world trade, private business, government
planning, politics, and the controversy over
security versus liberty, this book will serve
as an excellent summary. Moreover, here h
as clear an account as one could wish in
layman's terms of the Beveridge "full em-
answenng advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
378
were among the most interested observers
in San Francisco, and their advice was
sought and listened to with reference to
this problem of maintaining the Interna-
tional Labor Organization in the new
world structure and fitting it into the Or-
ganization of the United Nations. It
not too much to say in this connection that
the opposition of Soviet Russia to anything
connected with Geneva was an unfortunate
and finally an insuperable obstacle to the
formal recognition of the International La-
bor Organization within the structure.
In the above discussion I have not drawn
upon the record of the Conference, but
have based my conclusions solely upon per-
sonal observations. It is, however, my con-
viction that the International Labor Or-
ganization can and will be brought within
the orbit of the new system and that its
relationship with the Economic and Social
Council may prove helpful instead of creat-
ing difficulties of authority and prestige. The
ILO will hold its conference in Paris in
October. Both time and place are well
chosen.
Specialized Agencies
Among the chief specialized agencies
alongside the ILO will be the financial
bodies created at the Bretton Woods Con-
ference— the International Monetary Fund
and the International Bank for Reconstruc-
tion and Development. The Senate rati-
fication of the Bretton Woods Agreement
will undoubtedly result in the early estab-
lishment of these bodies, because the
United States is the largest contributor and
guarantor.
The same is true to a less degree of the
Food and Agriculture Organization which
is to deal with long range problems in
contrast with UNRRA, the organization for
postwar relief. The Educational and Cul-
tural Organization is now being negotiat-
ed on a plan which has already been pub-
lished, and the organizing conference meets
in London this August.
These and the other specialized agen-
cies to be created in the near future will
be the workshops of the Economic and
Social Council for the actual conduct of
international affairs outside the realm of
politics. There were two main reasons
why the constitutions of these bodies do
not form an integral part of the Charter.,
The first is that only highly qualified
specialists know what is needed in each
field and therefore the planning of the
organization must be left largely to them.
The second reason is a political one, the
reluctance of President Roosevelt to over-
burden the Charter with provision for so
many activities.
When the planning for the international
community was begun some three years
ago, no one could have foreseen that the
United States would willingly accept mem-
bership in an international organization
with so wide a scope as that envisaged in
the Charter. Therefore, from the stand-
point of practical politics, bodies like the
Food and Agriculture Organization and
the Bretton Woods financial arrangements
were worked out separately.
But this very fact makes all the more
important the role of the Economic and
Social Council because, without its co-
ordination of the programs of the various
specialized agencies, there would he con-
fusion and overlapping of functions. This
will place a heavy responsibility upon the
Council because there is hardly any ac-
tivity in the economic 'and social field
which does not overlap with others.
Therefore it is well that the final decision
rests with the Assembly, which has the
control of the budget.
A Completely New Provision
We now come to a provision of the
Charter which is absolutely unique in in-
ternational conventions — the recognition by
this aggregation of governments of non-
governmental bodies. Article 71 reads as
follows:
"The Economic and Social Council may
make suitable arrangements for consulta-
tion with non-governmental organizations
which are concerned with matters within
its competence. Such arrangements may
be made with international organizations
and, where appropriate, with national or-
ganizations after consultation with the
Member of the United Nations concerned."
This provision was inserted at the in-
sistence of the consultants of the American
delegates, especially those of two widely
varying elements in that body, the repre-
sentatives of business and of education.
The representatives of business included
agriculture, manufacturing, commerce, and
labor. They had in mind the need for
the recognition of a body like the Inter-
national Chamber of Commerce which,
founded after the first World War, fur-
nished an important forum for the business
world to deal with its own special prob-
lems, and to bring their united influence
to bear upon government policies.
Unfortunately, however, the Interna-
tional Chamber of Commerce tended at
times to ignore the economic work of the
League of Nations, with a consequent les-
sening of the influence of both bodies. The
opportunity is now at hand to rectify this
situation and ultimately to secure for in-
ternational trade some of the same kind
of oversight which is planned for inter-
national finance.
Everyone knows that money is but a
symbol of goods and services, but the sym-
bol has received more attention than the
things for which it stands. The Charter
now provides a means for rectifying this
situation in the only way in which it can
be done, by the plans of the world
of business unhampered by governmental
bureaucracy.
The International Chamber of Com-
merce is now meeting in London, and
one of its first tasks will be to plan for
the place which it can occupy alongside
government bodies in the Organization of
the United Nations.
The contribution of the consultants in
the American delegation to the organiza-
tion of international economic relations
was fully matched by its contribution to
that in the field of education. The Dum-
barton Oaks plan had avoided including
any definite mention of educational or cul-
tural problems. This was in line with the
reluctance of the founders of the League
of Nations to make provision in it for the
development of international understand-
ing. In both cases the reluctance was not
due to any opposition to the furtherance
of cultural relations, but to an insistence
that educational and intellectual matters
"You Must Have Spent Years on Shorthand'
VO: I Learned in 6 WEEKS!
You, too, can master SPEEDWRITING, the modern shorthand, in one-quarter
the time required by symbol systems. It is far easier and more accurate to write
and transcribe. Tens of thousands of shorthand writers have been freed from the
drudgery of old-fashioned methods of learning and writing shorthand through the
marvelous SPEEDWRITING system. It has no signs or symbols but uses the
familiar letters of the alphabet. It eliminates the strain of taking dictation and is
easy to read back.
SPEEDWRITERS are employed in the better jobs all over the country. Prepare
now for one of these jobs — and for the post-war opportunities that await you
just ahead!
YOU CAN QUALIFY AS A FAST, ACCURATE SHORTHAND WRITER
IN 72 HOURS OF HOME STUDY BY THIS FAMOUS METHOD
TRADE MARK. REG U.S. PAT.OFF.
With no interference with your present work, with no sacrifice of your hours of
recreation, you can master this easy, natural modern shorthand in six weeks of
home study. You can take longer if you wish; many have learned Speedwriting in
less time. Over 100,000 have studied Speedwriting at home in their spare hours.
The cost is only a small fraction of what you would expect to pay. Speedwriting is
nationally recognized and highly endorsed by educators and
business leaders. It has been used for over twenty years in
leading corporations and Civil Service. Mail coupon below for
illustrated booklet. No cost, no obligation ; no salesman will rail.
SCHOOL OF SPEEDWRITING,
Dept. 3509-5, 55 West 42 Street, New York 18, N. Y.
FREE!
FASCINATING NEW
ILLUSTRATED BOOKLET
Gives you full informa
fion about Speedwriting
and includes easy lesson
that will have you writ-
ing typical business sen-
tences In shorthand in a
few minutes!
School of Speedwriting
55 West 42 Street
N. Y. 18
MAIL THIS COUPON TODAY
School of Speedwriting, Dept. 3509-5
55 West 42 Street, New York IS, N. Y.
Please send me without obligation or expense your new
illustrated booklet containing full Information on Speed-
writing — The Modern Shorthand ; Also your easy, tntar
e, ting demonstration lesson,
Name
Address
City and State
(Include P.O. Zone No.. If any)
Copyright 1045. School of Speedvvritiru Inc.. X. Y.. X. Y.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
379
'The crying
need of our
generation '
says DR. STANLEY COBB
of Harvard University
"is for insight into the human
nature, the behavior of man ....
"Here is a book based on ex-
perience, the experience of
'feeling as one's own" the emo-
tions of a great number of
girls and women. . . . The book
is a real contribution. . . . It is
important to all of us, whether
we happen to be parents,
teachers or psychiatrists."
PSYCHOLOGY
OF WOMEN
Volume II
•MOTHERHOOD
by
HELENE DEUTSCH, M. D.
Associate Psychiatrist
Massachusetts General Hospital
You will find this book has
a direct bearing on the multi-
plying problems that confront
you these turbulent times.
PSYCHOLOGY OF WOMEN
Volume I
GIRLHOOD
by He'en Drutsrh, M.D.
Fifth Printing $4.50
Order direct or from your
bookseller.
GRUNE & STRATTON
381 FOURTH AVENUE
NEW YORK
(In
should be left to each nation to work out
according to its own traditions and needs.
The jealousy of outside interference in
educational matters is nowhere stronger
than in the United States where even fed-
eral aid meets with opposition out of fear
of centralization. The members of Con-
gress on the American delegation were
therefore opposed to any mention of the
word education in the Charter, and it was
only inserted there at the insistence of the
entire body of consultants under the com-
promise formula of "educational and cul-
tural cooperation."
There is, of course, no serious proposal
anywhere to inject international control of
education in any country. What is pro-
posed is simply a cooperative effort to se-
cure a better understanding, by the civilized
peoples, of the world in which we live.
Broader Horizons
The need for this enlargement of our
horizon is especially brought home to us
in connection with the reeducation of Ger-
many. The conference in London on in-
ternational education, called for Novem-
ber, is largely due to the fact that the
ministers of education of the occupied
countries have been living and working
together in London throughout the war
years, and bring the advantage of this ex-
perience to the plans for international edu-
cation in the United Nations.
The Organization on Intellectual Coop-
eration of the League of Nations, with its
headquarters in Paris, was always ham-
pered by the abstention of both Great Bri-
tain and the United States from any for-
mal connection with it. In both countries
the cooperation was unofficial.
The creation of a Division of Cultural
Relations in the State Department a few
years ago was at first directed towards
Latin America and then enlarged to deal
with the problems of China, but its pro-
gram was never properly directed to the
problem of international cultural relations
as a whole. During the war years its ac-
tivities were inevitably lessened.
There will be need for a thorough re-
casting of the whole structure of the State
Department in this regard, but it would
be a calamity if there were not full recog-
nition of the unofficial organizations in the
intellectual and cultural fields. This is
fully recognized by men like Dr. George
F. Zook, president of the American Coun-
cil on Education, and his collaborators. It
is well, however, that this report should
end on a warning note, for nowhere is there
greater need for private initiative and free-
dom of thought than in the field of thought
itself.
The Committee of the San Francisco
Conference on economic and social matters
held some forty meetings at which all the
nations present took an active part. Chap-
ters 9 and 10 of the Charter, which reflect
their achievement, combine, in the words
of the Report to the President, "the wis-
dom of experience with the wisdom of
hope." It will depend chiefly upon a
democracy like ours to make sure that that
promise is realized.
answering advertisements please mention SURVEY
380
RECONVERSION ON CAMPUS
(Continued from page 367)
of course, study is nothing. Financial com-
petence rather than ability and desire to use
educational opportunity necessarily assumed
a larger role in college admission tests. *In
any process of reconversion in the society of
post-World War II, a chief concern should
be to reduce the cost of education as much
as possible, so as to widen the range of
those to whom it may be made available.
Because of the very genuine contribution
to the war effort made by college women,
it is likely that these institutions will have
a new period of great popularity. At the
present time, practically every college for
women that I know of has crowded appli-
cation lists, with students clamoring for
admission in unprecedented numbers. A
similar condition may be expected in the
men's colleges as servicemen return to ci-
vilian life. It is now the time for college
authorities to plan for the future in order
to determine not how the college may hold
its encouraging popularity, but how it can
make its maximum contribution to the
needs of this country in the years to come.
The Responsibility of the Colleges
Changes we ' may expect. They will
come upon us even if we sit still and do
nothing. It would seem, therefore, that the
college faculty and college officers should
try to direct the course of these changes
instead of being helplessly at the mercy of
forces we do not try to understand. For an
educational institution in particular it is ob-
vious wisdom to plan our society instead of
blindly accepting what comes and then try-
ing to make the best of it.
The obligation to analyze with as much
intelligence as we possess the social forces
directing American life at present is a job
which belongs most particularly to the col-
leges for women. These colleges have not
had to mark time during the war. Actually
their opportunities have been enlarged and
made more favorable.
For some years to come, the colleges for
men will have special problems in trying
to adapt themselves to the needs of the
thousands of returning young veterans.
There will be comparatively few women
returning to college or entering college from
war service. The path of the college for
women, then, is relatively clear. If we have
the will and the intelligence to state our
aims and plan our direction, we can follow
our own course. We shall slip backward
and lose the gains made in women's educa-
tion for many years past if we simply accept
the way of least resistance, or try to turn
back to the point where we were in 1941.
Nothing can be more harmful or more
stultifying in education (as in politics and
industry) than an attempt to "return to nor-
malcy" because we liked the past and
shrink from the effort of trying to plan for
the future. Preparation of young people
for the building of a very much better
America is the responsibility which the col-
leges must not shirk.
In setting forth here only the items of
GRAPHIC,)
reconversion which have to do primarily
with external arrangement of time I realize
that these are not the only matters to be
considered nor are they the most import-
ant matters. But other more fundamental
points at issue are another story. It is not
only the time to be consumed but the meth-
od and content of education in our liberal
arts studies that must be reexamined in
order to enable students to make their max-
imum contribution to society. Nothing
less can justify the privileges colleges en-
joy as institutions favored by public good
will and by exemption from taxation.
Nothing less than the best the colleges can
offer should be tolerated in the new task
of reconversion which is already upon us.
RIGHT ' OFF THE PRESS
JOSEPH McCABES NEW BOOK
TRAIL-BLAZERS
(Continued from page 365)
the league started early in 1942 on its own
brand of war work.
The somewhat learned pamphlets gave
way to page-long broadsides printed in large
letters on bright colored paper and distrib-
uted by the thousands. In Hamilton Coun-
ty, Tennessee, last spring a broadside and
a booklet on Dumbarton Oaks were left
in every doctor's and dentist's waiting
room and wrapped in every package in
two department stores and two bookstores.
In Louisville in July, 85,000 broadsides were
distributed — one for every five citizens in
the city.
Window displays blossomed out all over
the country, from the village store to Lord
and Taylor's Fifth Avenue space. The ra-
dio was pressed into service.
The method of "directed conversation"
was explored and leaguers found that by
talking, just talking to the people with
whom they came in contact — the sales-
girl at the glove counter, the seatmate on
the bus, the man who came to lay new
linoleum, anybody — public opinion could
be influenced. Particularly in smaller com-
munities this informal face-to-face work
turned out to be a potent educational force.
Also the league began to take issues di-
rectly to the voters in order to find out
where the emotional block was and try
to erase it. Twice within the last year the
St. Louis league, for instance, has can-
vassed every voter in one ward explaining
the issues at stake, answering questions, and
urging him to be sure to vote. Before
the San Francisco Conference, the National
League prepared a questionnaire to be tak-
en from door to door or used in street
interviews to stimulate people to think
about peace and what makes it. In Law-
rence, Kan., the league polled the whole
town about the Dumbarton Oaks agree-
ments. When the results showed the com-
munity to be overwhelmingly international-
ist in sentiment, the fact was made known
to legislators, newspapers, congressmen and
representatives to the Conference.
However, the device which has seemed
to be most effective is the discussion group.
The older type "study group" in which
members learned more and more about a
given phase of government became a dis-
cussion group whose members were trained
to lead the new groups that were being
Outlines of World's Great 'Isms
An Exposition of the Creeds that Appeal to the Modern World
Joseph McCabe's new 60,000-word book, "Outlines of the World's Great "Isms," is
complete and gives 91 titles in alphabetical order, which makes it a little encyclopedia.
Here's the full list of "Isms" covered by Joseph McCabe in this large book (5'/2 x 8'/2
inches in size) :
Agnosticism
Altruism
Anarchism
Anti-Semitism
Asceticism
Atheism
Authoritarianism
Behaviorism
Bolshevism
Buddhism
Capitalism
Catholicism
Christianism
Christian Scientism
Clericalism
Collectivism
Communism
Confucianism
Congregationalism
Darwinism
Deism
Determinism
Dialectical Materialism
Dualism
Epicureanism
Ethicism
Evolutionism
Fascism
Feminism
Fundamentalism
Hedonism
Hinduism
Holism
Humanism
Idealism
Imperialism
Indeterminism
Individualism
Intellectualism
Intuitionalism
Judaism
Liberalism
Mathusianism
Materialism
Mechanicism
Mendelism
Menshevism
Methodism
Militarism
Modernism
Mohammedanism
Monism
Mysticism
Nationalism
Naturalism
Nazism
Nietzscheanism
Obscurantism
Occultism
Pacifism
Pantheism
Patriotism
Positivism
Pragmatism
Protestantism
Puritanism
Radicalism
Rationalism
Realism
Satanism
Secularism
Sensualism
Shintoism
Skepticism
Socialism
Sovietism
Spiritualism
Stoicism
Supernaturalism
Syndicalism
Theism
Taoism
Theosophism
Totalitarianism
Transcendentalism
Ultramontanism
Unitarianism
Universalism
Utilitarianism
Vitalism
Zionism
The above 91 Isms are covered with more than mere definitions. McCabe offers an article under each of his 91 heading*.
That's why this book is a little encyclopedia instead of a dictionary. In a statement accompanying his Ms., Joseph McCabe
wrote:
"I worked hard to make this book a 'must' with all persons who seek to understand the important currents of
thought that are influencing our generation. I consider this book one of the most important I've ever done. In writing it.
I kept my audience always in mind — the Man in the Street who wants the truth in simple, candid speech. I hope this
volume will reach a wide audience. If we are to rebuild this sorry world we will have to get our facts straight. That b
the foundation on which we must build. 'Outlines of the World's Great 'Isms' gives the intelligent reader the facts, first
and always, for I approached this big field in a thoroughly objective mood."
This 60,000-word, 96-page book (5/2 x 8/2 inches in size) costs 75c per copy, prepaid. Address orders to:
E, HALDEMAN-JULIUS
BOX 1558
GIRARD, KANSAS
formed. The National League has no idea
how many of these groups are in existence,
but it does know that 5,000 discussion lead-
ers have been trained and that the sale of I
publications to be used by them has tripled
in the past year.
Discussion has been found to have a habit
of multiplying. One group spawns other
groups. Like this, for instance. An Ohio
league member led a discussion before a
woman's club. One of those present got a
league discussion leader for her church
group. A member of that group asked the
leader to her mothers' club, and someone
there took her to a P. T. A. meeting.
Sixteen members of the P. T. A. arranged
discussion meetings in their own homes.
What happened after that I don't know,
but no doubt something did.
This discussion campaign is particularly
aimed at the men and women who cannot
leave the children to go downtown to a big
meeting, but who can slip over to a neigh-
bor's for an hour after the children are in
bed. It is designed to give people a chance
to make up their own minds about govern-
mental policy by threshing out their ideas
together as their forefathers did around fire-
place or pot-bellied stove.
During its quarter-century of existence
the league has had its share in legislative
achievements. Besides those already men-
tioned, one should certainly list the Lame
Duck amendment and the long fight to
keep Muscle Shoals as a yardstick. Pure
food, drugs, and cosmetics, extension of civil
service, Social Security, Reciprocal Trade
Agreements are other long time interests.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
381
BIG opportunities and jobs
waiting for those who speak
Spanish. Millions of dollars be-
in? invested in Mexico, Central
and South America. Enjoy
more — earn more, /ncreaje
joriaf, business, travel and
reading pleasure*. CORTINA
Method fomou* for over 6O
year*, teaches you to speak like
a miiirf. Learn quickly, easily
at home "by listening" to Car-
tinapHone record*. Thousands have, why not you T
No risk under our Five-Day Approval offer.
FRENCH, GERMAN, ITALIAN also taught by lAi.
anuuing method. Send for Free Book, "The _Cor-
tina Short-Cut" — state language interested in.
CORTINA ACADEMY— Established in 1882
Dept. 399 IDS Went null St., New York 18, N. Y.
On state and local levels the record is also
lustrous.
In view of the past achievements, it is
especially interesting to note that the more
broadly based program of mass education
is showing results in proportion to the
stepped-up energy which has gone into it.
There is, of course, no way of measuring
how much effect its Second Chance cam-
paign had upon the events in San Francisco
or the favorable vote in the Senate. But in
some other recent activities the league is
known to have furnished both the initiating
force and the steady drive.
Georgia's abolition of the poll tax, for
instance, was publicly credited to the
league's six-year program of educational
(Continued on page 383)
THE BOOKSHELF
WHEN YOU MARRY
by Evelyn M. Duvall and Reuben Hill
A realistic, functional, and coordinated approach to
marriage written for today's young people in response
to their pleas for counsel. Answering their most fre-
Quent questions it treats comprehensively' the sociologi-
cal, biological, psychological, and economic aspects of
family living. $3.00
ASSOCIATION PRESS
347 Madison Avenue New York 17
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
Official Journal of the American Sociological Society.
In addition to papers and proceedings ol the 80-
alety. it contains articles on sociological research,
news Dotes, book reviews, and foreign corresixjndence.
Subscription $4.00 a year . Special library rate J3.K)
Address: Managing Editor
American Sociological Review
U. S. Department of Agriculture, Washington, B.C.
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF NURSING
shows the part which professional nurses take in
the betterment of the world. Put it in your
library. $3.00 a year. 1790 Broadway at 58 St.,
New York 19, N. Y.
LANGUAGES
29 LANGUAGES BY LINGUAPHONE. Russian,
Spanish, Portuguese — Direct conversational method
for mastering any language quickly, easily, cor-
rectly at home. Send for FREE book. LINGUA-
PHONE INSTITUTE, 50 RCA Bldg., New
York 20. CI 7-0830.
FOREIGN BOOKS
SCHOENHOF'S FOREIGN BOOKS, INC.
1280 Massachusetts Avenue, Dept. SV
Cambridge 38, Mass.
PRINTING
LET US PRINT YOUR PAMPHLETS. Send
for free circular giving terms. Haldeman-Julius
Company, Box P-1003, Girard, Kansas.
PERSONAL NAME STICKERS printed with
your name and address. 500 for $1. Box 24, Rich-
mond Hill, N. Y.
BOOKPLATES
FREE CATALOG, showing several hundred beau-
tiful desirms.
ANTIOCH BOOKPLATES, Box 218, Yellow Springs, Ohio
PROFESSIONAL SERVICES
SPECIAL ARTICLES, THESES, SPEECHES,
PAPERS. Research, revision, bibliographies, etc.
Over twenty years' experience serving busy pro-
fessional persons. Prompt service extended.
AUTHORS RESEARCH BUREAU, 516 Fifth
Avenue, New York, N. Y.
ORIGINAL SERMONS, SPEECHES, LEC-
TURES, Club Papers, professionally prepared.
Criticism, rewriting, plotting, ghostwriting of
Ijook-lerigth manuscripts, short-stories, feature
articles. Testimonials galore. Printed Lectures,
Sermons and Outlines also furnished. FREE
Circular. Dept. "S," Continental Writers' &
Speakers' Bureau, 210 Fifth Ave., New York,
N. Y.
RESEARCH : Congressional Library, Government
Bureaus, etc. Questions, literary or scientific in-
vestigations, genealogy, business errands, attended
by experts. Circular free. CREHORE, Box
2329-G, Washington 13, D. C.
BOOK REVIEW drudgery done for you by experi.
• enced lecturer, newspaper and SRL reviewer.
Henrietta Hardman, Central Village, Connecticut.'
MAGAZINE SUBSCRIPTIONS
UNLOAD YOUR SUBSCRIPTION CHORES!
Send me- your Want-list of magazines and news-
papers, new and renewal: I get all available, bill
you afterwards. Institutional accounts expedited.
Catalog, circular free. JOHN CREHORE, Post-
box 2329-G, Washington 13, D. C.
CLASSIFIED RATES
Display 35c per line; non-display 8c per word;
minimum charge $1.50 per insertion. 10% discount
on six insertions, 15% on twelve. Cash with order.
WORKERS WANTED
SUPERVISOR, professionally trained and experi-
enced, to have charge of a family service depart-
ment in multiple service Jewish case work agency.
Responsibilities include supervision of workers and
students, administration of unit and community
committee work. Salary range $2700 to $3800.
8215 Survey.
SETTLEMENT HOUSE, three .group workers
needed : — Assistant Director — Activities Director,
man or woman. Playroom leader — woman. Girls'
activities leader. Apply: Martin Dinga, Director,
North Toledo Community House, 3439 N. Erie
Street, Toledo 11, Ohio.
CHILD WELFARE SERVICES— Pennsylvania-
two vacancies, Lewistown and Wellsboro, yearly
salary range $2136-$2412. College degree— 2 years
social work experience required. Professional train-
ing, child welfare experience desired. Provisional
appointments pending civil service examinations
Write Rural Child Welfare Unit, Educational
Building, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.
CASE WORKER with Masters in Social Work, no
other need apply, wanted in Child-Placement
Agency. Beginning salary $3,000. Apply Mrs.
Ethel Copelan, Director, Jewish Children's Serv-
ice Bureau, 78 Marietta Street, N.W., Atlanta,
Georgia.
CASE WORKERS. Two, professionally qualified,
by Jewish Family and Children's Agency offering
good supervision and special interest assignments.
Classifications Case Worker I and Case Worker
II provide excellent salary range. 8210 Survey.
TWO TRAINED CASEWORKERS for good
standard, small, private child placing agency. One
position is new project of casework with small
children^ institution. Requirements: Graduate
degree in social work ; experience or training in
children's agency preferred. Salary range $2,000.00-
$2,400.00 Miss Ruth Butcher, Children's Service
Bureau, 127 Northwest 2nd Street, Miami 36,
Florida.
WANTED: Case Worker for Private Agency in a
Mid West town of fifty thousand. Challenging op-
portunity. Adequate salary. 8207 Survey.
ADOPTION AGENCY wants professional trained
case worker for study department, child placing
experience desirable; ability, either latent or de-
veloped, -to relate as a case worker to young
babies and to use knowledge about infant develop-
ment -discriminatingly. Salary $1800 to $2400.
Write Miss Julia Ann Bishop, Director of Case
Work, Children's Home Society of Virginia, Box
554, Richmond, Virginia.
CASE WORKER: Woman, in Jewish multiple case
work agency, upstate New York. Graduate or
equivalent experience considered. 8208 Survey.
WANTED: Red Cross Home Service Secretary.
Case Worker with Red Cross experience and exec-
utive experience or ability preferred. Small agency.
Working conditions and salary good. Write
Bristol Family Welfare Association, Bristol, Con-
necticut.
CASE WORKERS with training and experience for
positions with Home Service Department of
American Red Cross. Opportunity for case work
with discharged servicemen. Midwestern City,
population over 200,000. Salary good. 8202
Survey.
BOYS' WORKER for new settlement house in mid-
dle west. Good salary and opportunity 'for ad-
vancement. 8205 Survey.
YOUNG SOCIAL WORKER, trained, interested
in executive work in middle western family and
children's agency. Good pay and interesting job.
8206 Survey.
QUALIFIED DIRECTOR for a Jewish child-caring
agency maintaining a foster home program. Male
or female. Write details of training and experi-
ence to Mr. Harry D. Cohan, c/o Hebrew
Women's Home for Children, 185 Westbourne
Parkway, Hartford 5, Connecticut.
WANTED IMMEDIATELY a trained, experienced
Children's Case Work Supervisor and 3
trained, experienced capable Senior Case Workers ;
must be persons of unquestioned good health,
character and habits, and able to furnish refer-
ences. Good_ salary, permanent employment, and
an opportunity to do a real Case Work job with
a State-wide, non-sectarian Child Placing Agency.
Apply to the Children's Home Society of Florida,
403 Consolidated Building, Jacksonville, Florida.
CASEWORKER— Catholic family or child welfare
caseworker,- salary range $1920 to $2340. Must
have graduate training. 8178 Survey.
WANTED : Supervisors and case workers with
training and experience for work with" the armed'
forces, ex-servicemen, and. their .dependents. Ex-
cellent salaries. Apply Home Service, American
Red Cross, 161 Massachusetts Avenue, Boston 15,
Mass.
GROUP/WORKERS (2) working with boys and
girls in club and activity program, also social
recreation. Jewish' Community 'Centre, New York
City. State fully education, experience, references
and salary expected. 8185 Survey.
CHRISTODORA
HOUSE
601 East Ninth Street
New York
A Residence Club for men and
women, providing an atmo-
sphere particularly acceptable
to social workers, educators,
students, professional people
generally.
All outside rooms . . . meals optional
Write for folder
COOPERATIVE COMMUNITY
MORE MEMBERS WANTED to plan together our
own self-reliant independent cooperative commu-
nity. Introduce yourself fully in first letter. 8144
Survey.
•POWHATAN" INDIAN PIPE
SEND a dollar bill for genuine "Powhatan" hand-
made Indian clay smoking pipe, replica famous
original Virginia antique, two long stems, his-
toric booklet, directions, enjoyment, and care.
Rustic container, postage prepaid. PAMPLIX
PIPE CO., Richmond, Virginia.
EMPLOYMENT AGENCY
GERTRUDE R. STEIN, INC.
AGENCY, 64 West 48th Street, New
York. Wise. 7-4961. A professional
bureau specializing in fund-raising, group
work, institutional, casework and med-
ical social work positions.
WE OFFER EMPLOYERS AND CANDIDATES
in all fields of social work everywhere an en-
tirely new, unique medium for finding just the
right person or position. Because screening tech-
niques have been streamlined, and placement fees
reduced to a flat $25.00, the widest selection
current conditions permit is attracted. Why leave
any stones unturned? Perhaps the very person
you would most like to get in touch with is also
reading this ad. Write for details. Central
Registry Service, 109 South Stanwood, Columbus
9, Ohio.
SITUATIONS WANTED
ASSISTANT DIRECTOR, male, now employed in
Orphanage, considering change. Many years ex-
perience administration, child program manage-
ment, finest experience, wil Itravel. 8198 Survey.
SUPERINTENDENT, institution, or agency. Man,
now (10 years) administration large public child
care program, 10 years private social agency of
exceptional standards. Academic background in
psychiatric social work. Special interest in mod-
, ern • standards institutional care, adoption, guar-
dianship, foster care. Religion — Catholic. $4,600
tot$5,000 or maintenance equivalent. 8211 Survey.
RESIDENT DIRECTOR— Children's work. Ad-
ministrative ability, long years of experience. Un-
derstanding modern child care. Case work back-
ground. Excellent references. 8212 Survey;
MAN with long executive experience in boys' work
• desires location in New England. Available Oc-
tober 1st. 8189 Survey.
WOMAN EXECUTIVE, available October 1st to
head Home for Dependent Children. Long ex-
perience in institutional administration; health
programs; diet1; case work; problem children;
community contacts, etc. 8204 Survey.
SUPERVISOR-WORKER, trained, experienced,
skilled in simplifying case work, would help es-
. tablish effective family program, not encroaching
other community agencies. Executive experience
but may consider special lead or Intake service
•.with some supervision. 8200 Survey.
(7», answering advertisements--: please mention. SURVEY GKAPHICJ
382
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR AND MATRON (Jew-
ish couple), experienced in Homes for Aged, In-
firm and kindred services. Excellent background
and references. 8209 Survey.
TRAIL-BLAZERS
(Continued from page 381)
work. Said the editor of the Atlanta Jour-
nal: "When the Georgia league announced
its stand there were no loud huzzahs from
the press or the populace and no support
whatever from politicians and office holders.
We had just made up our minds that the
poll tax was part and parcel of our south-
ern heritage and nothing could or should
he done about it."
In the same way the Missouri league was
so active first in securing a constitutional
convention, then in following and influenc-
ing the work of the year-long session, and
finally in getting the new and greatly im-
proved charter adopted, that the charter
was said by the president of the Missouri
Committee for the New Constitution to be
"a triumph for the League of Women
Voters."
The Milwaukee league made a study of
local housing conditions, interested other or-
ganizations and helped to organize a joint
action committee which finally pushed
through an ordinance to set up a housing
authority — in a town which had been in-
different to its housing problem- . . . The
Middletown (Conn.) league secured a se-
cret ballot in the election of the school
board. . . . The Superior (Wis.) league
engineered a shift to a council-manager
form of government. . . . The Cincinnati
league saw to it that ninth grade students
in that city learn about their municipal
government at firsthand. . . .
And so one might go on through a long
list of recent league jobs over the country.
Anna Lord Strauss, now president of the
National League, remarked not long ago,
"The times are ripe for bringing renewed
vitality into our democratic form of govern-
ment." One of the factors in this renewed
vitality, if it comes, will be the trail-blazing
and the experimentation which have gone
on in the league.
SOCIAL SECURITY
(Continued from page 371)
of the families receiving public assistance
in the USA are getting less than the amount
certified as necessary for them by the work-
ers in the state agencies administering the
program. The situation is not the fault
of the caseworker or of the state legisla-
ture— except, perhaps, in one or two in-
stances. It is due to a state's economic in-
capacity to provide adequate assistance un-
less it receives supplementary federal aid.
What of the coverage of welfare services
throughout the country? In spite of wide-
spread gains in the 1730's in both public
and private fields, these are, by and large,
still undeveloped — not merely services, for
people who need cash assistance, but •serv-
ices that would b>; helpful to those not' in
financial straits^ . ,
In determining whether the minimum
level of well-being. cart-he maintained, we
should take into account not only social
security benefits and 'welfare services, but
also such individual resources as home own-
SCHOOL OF NURSING of Yale University
A Projection for the College Woman
An intensiTe and basic experience in the Tarious branches of nursing is
offered during the thirty months' course which leads to the degree" of
MASTER OF NURSING
A Bachelor*g degree in art*, iciance or philosophy from a college of
approved standing is required for admission.
For Catalogue and Informa,ion addr«.: Tie Dean. YALE SCHOOL OF NURSING
New Haven, Connecticut
ership, private insurance, other forms of
savings, self-help and mutual aid.
Certainly it is unfortunate if people are
obliged to draw on relatives' resources at
the sacrifice of other members of the
family group. But what are families for if
not for the help their members give one
another? The greatest satisfaction in life
is to share things with those we love.
Perhaps that idea is old-fashioned; certain-
ly it can be misused. If I were a state
welfare administrator I should push for
abolition of "relatives' responsibility" in the
public assistance law. But at the same
time I would encourage caseworkers not to
overlook the values which members of a
family gain in helping one another when
they can.
Accomplishments: 1935-1945
Despite shortcomings in meeting our ob-
jectives of a minimum level of well-being
the country over, we shall have reason
to be happy if we make as much progress
toward social security in the next ten years
as we have in the last ten. Here is' the
record:
Old age and survivors insurance. Here
and now at the close of this first decade we
have a national system under which some
forty million persons are insured. That is,
they have not only credit toward retirement
benefits at the close of their working life
but, if they should die today, monthly beneT
fits or a lump sum would be paid to sur-
vivors designated in the act. Their sur-
vivors insurance alone represents $50,000,-
000,000 in family insurance protection.
More than thirty million additional per-
sons have, some credits towards acquiring
insured status under the system.
Meanwhile, benefits totaling more than
$23,000,000 a month are already payable
to some 1,300,000 people on the benefit
rolls — to aged workers, their aged wives or
widows; to aged parents hitherto wholly de-
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
383
pendent on a deceased worker without
widow or child; to children of retired or de-
ceased workers-; and to widows, irrespec-
tive of age, who have a child of the in-
sured in their care.
Federal-state system of unemployment
compensation. In operation throughout the
nation, under this system about thirty-six
million workers have wage credits that
qualify them for benefits at state stand-
ards if they are thrown out of work in-'
voluntarily and cannot get another job.
; Today, in the face of the uncertainties of
the reconversion period, there is almost
$7,000,000,000 in state accounts in the na-
tional Unemployment Trust Fund — a back-
log such as the country has never before
had :when grave economic changes were
in process.
Public Assistance. The Social Security
Act has stimulated comprehensive programs
of old age assistance, aid to the blind,
and' aid to dependent children in all or
nearly all states. The social insurance sys-
tem itself is too new to have affected most
people now old and in need, but more than
two million of them — one in five of the
total aged population — are getting public
assistance (old age pensions) on the basis
of need. Aid is being given under the
act to more than 50,000 blind persons; and
(in more than a quarter million families)
to about 650,000 children who have been
deprived of parental support and care by
the death, incapacity or continued absence
from home of one or both parents.
• Overall. The outstanding achievement of
the program cannot be measured in statis-
tics. This is the common understanding it
has spread of the strategic importance of a
social security system to democracy, to eco-
nomic progress — even to lasting peace.
Dire predictions that the program would
lead to "regimentation," to Prus^ianism or
communism — or what have you — failed to
Unibersitp of Cfjtcago
School of Social ferine* Abmuiist -aiion
ACADEMIC YEAR 1945-46
Autumn Quarter begins October 2, 1945
Winter Quarter begins January 2, 1946
Spring Quarter begins March 25, 1946
SUMMER QUARTER, 1946
(Dates to be announced later)
ANNOUNCEMENTS
Giving complete program and requirements
for admission will be sent on request.
SMITH COLLEGE
SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL WORK
A Graduate Professional School Offering a Program
of Social Work Education Leading to the Degree of
Master of Social Science.
Academic Year Opens Late June, 1946
The course provides two years of academic credits
including theory, field practice in selected social
agencies, and the writing of a thesis.
The urgent demand for qualified social workers in
civilian and war-related social agencies offers a wide
variety of opportunities for graduates.
SMITH COLLEGE STUDIES IN SOCIAL WORK
Contents for September, 1945
Racial Attitudes of Negro Clients Olga Verin
The Relative Amenability of Dull and Bright Children
to Child Guidance Treatment Jean M. Cooley
Treatability of Children of Alcoholic Parents
Marcia Holden
Some Differences between Neurotic Delinquents and
Other Neurotic Children Margery Stern
For further information write to
THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8
Northampton, Massachusetts
SOCIAL SECURITY
(Continued from page 383)
materialize. So too, have those advance
fears that social security would sap our
moral stamina and turn us into a nation of
loafers. To the contrary, the war years
have demonstrated that Americans want to
work and will work when they have a
chance. Here are three samples of the evi-
dence in the case:
For every aged worker who is drawing
retirement benefits, there are two who are
eligible but choose to work rather than take
their payments.
Public assistance rolls declined as defense
and war jobs opened up. After a long de-
pression, people rose to the chance to earn
in ways that not only relieved them from
leaning on relatives or friends, but made
public support unnecessary.
The few persons drawing unemployment
benefits in wartime have been predominant-
ly the old, the disabled and the unskilled —
last hired, first fired, and hard to place
even when labor is short.
There were rather natural misgivings, ten
years ago, about the problems involved
in administering a social security scheme
in so vast and various a country as ours.
These misgivings, also, have been dissipated
by actual experience. To illustrate, the So-
cial Security Board has been able to keep
detailed, accurate records of workers' tax-
able wages in some eighty million social
security accounts — and this at an average
account cost of around 17 cents a year.
Carefully selected and trained, federal, state
and local staffs, working under personnel
merit systems, have overcome initial lack of
experience and achieved a countrywide
reputation for impartial and efficient admin-
istration.
As a people, we have come to realize, in
the words Franklin D. Roosevelt used in
the economic crisis of 1933, that what we
have most to fear is fear itself. That was
two years before he initiated a social se-
curity system which has substituted hope
and confidence for fear, and has helped us
to have and to hold, individually and col-
lectively, the independence and freedom we
cherish.
The Decade Ahead
In the United States, as in all other coun-
tries that have developed social legislation,
the first step has been to recognize the needs
of particular groups whose special plight
has won wide public attention — the blind,
the aged, widows and orphans, and so on.
A law is passed to deal with a particular
group, and in time there come to be several
measures dealing with various parts of a
problem. Next comes a time — which 1
think we are now entering — when we can
draw aside and try to look at our experience
as a whole over a ten-year span; to iron out
discrepancies, strengthen weak spots, and
fill in gaps. Facing the postwar world, not
only this country but others are going
through such stock-taking.
General recommendations for strengthen-
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
584
ing and rounding out the social security pro
gram in the United States have been made
by the Social Security Board to Congress.
These call for extending social insurance
to protect all gainfully employed persons
everywhere — and their dependents. They
call for covering the other major risks of in
voluntary wage loss to which a worker is
liable — those from sickness and disability no
less than unemployment and old age. They
call for insurance against costs of medical
care.
They call, also, for expanding federal-
state public assistance programs to meet
the needs not merely of the special groups
now covered, but of any person who lacks
die basic minimum for subsistence. And
they hew to the line that insurance bene
fits and assistance payments alike, shall b?
more adequate; that inequities in the pro
tection available to persons whose circum-
stances are similar but who live in different
parts of the country, can and should be re-
moved.
I am optimistic enough to believe that
progress in this second decade of social se-
curity in the United States will at least
equal the progress we have made in the
first. But I am also confident that when
these next ten years have rolled by, we shall
still be talking about the inadequacy of
the program in achieving minimum well
being.
Social security will always be a goal,
never a finished thing, because human as-
pirations are infinitely expansible — just as
human nature is infinitely perfectible.
:ontinued from other side
retail price, and frequently much leas. (A small
charge is added to cover postage and other mailing
expenses.)
As a member you receive a careful pre-publica-
tion report about each book-of-the-month (and at
the same time reports about all other important
new books). If you want the book-of-the-month,
you let it come. If not, you specify some other
book you want, or simply write, "Send me noth-
ing." With every two books-of-the-month you buy
you receive, free, a book dividend. Brave Men is
an example. Last year the retail value of books
given to Club members was over £9,000,000.
Your only obligation as a member is to buy no
fewer than four books-of-the-month in any twelve-
month period, and you can cancel your subscrip-
tion any time after doing so. (Prices are slightly
higher in Canada.)
a
FREE
BRAVE MEN
BY ERNIE PYLE
"This book for thousands and thousands of us,
who have sons or friends' sons in this war, will
be the source book of what happened to them,
as they saw it. This is the first-hand reporting
which will never be equaled by stories told
afterwards." — Henry Seidel Canby. Here is
what your own boy would tell, what all fhe
boys would tell, of what they have seen and en-
dured, if they only could write as Ernie did.
TEAR OUT AND MAIL
THIS POSTCARD
•
NO POSTAGE
NEEDED
BOOK-OF-THE-MONTH CLUB, 385 Madison Ave., New York 17, N. Y.
*• lease enroll me as a member. I am to receive a free copy of BRAVE
MEN, and for every two books-of-the-month I purchase from the Club I am to
receive, free, the current book-dividend then being distributed. I agree to pur-
chase at least four books-of-the-month from the Club each full year I am a
member, and I may cancel my subscribtion any time after purchasing four such
books from the Club.
Name . .
Address
Print Plainly
City
Potul DUtrict
No. (if any)
.State
From Surv.y Grwhil A351
Q IMPORTANT: Please check here if you do NOT want us to begin your sub-
scription with this recent double-selection, Up Front and The World, The Flesh
and Father Smith. The price of the two books, to members only, is $}.00.
tb tfo BOOK-OF-THE-MONTH CLUB
\*G(KtM 46&cti&t,
BILL MAULDIN
BRUCE MARSHALL
COMBINED PRICE TO MEMBERS $3.00
UP FRONT
by Bill Mauldin
Here is war as the G.I.s see it. Sergeant Bill Mauldin,
the G.I.s' favorite cartoonist, comes home after five
years of war to find himself famous. His book — over
a hundred cartoons with running text — has been
greeted throughout the country with the same spon-
taneous enthusiasm accorded Ernie Pyle's Brave Men.
OffMv
THE WORLD, THE FLESH
AND FATHER SMITH
by Bruce Marshall
Bruce Marshall wrote that delightful book, Father
Malacbfs Miracle. Now he has written an equally
delicious story of a Catholic priest in Scotland. "It is
asperged with cleansing mirth," Christopher Morley
says, "the sly mischief that has as much fun in smil-
ing at itself as at anyone else."
TO JOIN THE BOOK-OF-THE-MONTH CLUB
Signing and mailing the postcard enrolls you. You pay no fixed
sum as a member and obligate yourself for no fixed term. You
pay for each book as you receive it, no more than the publisher's
—continued on other side
FIRST CLASS
PcnnR No. 419
(Sec. 510 PL&R)
New York, N. Y.
BUSINESS REPLY CARD
(No Pottno Stamp Neeeuary If Mailed In the United Statet)
POSTAGE WILL BE PAID BY
BOOK-OF-THE-MONTH CLUB, INC.
385 MADISON AVENUE
NEW YORK 17, N. Y.
Don f look at me, lady
I didn't do it."
Why the hell couldnt
you have been bom a
beautiful woman t"
A FREE COPY
TO NEW MEMBERS
BRAVE MEN
BY ERNIE PYLE
"The first-hand reporting of this
war which will never be equalled
by stories told afterwards."
OCTOBER IQ45
SURVEV
3O CE NTS fl COPY
GRAPHIC
RECONVERSION IS NOT ENOUGH
As Millions of Wage Earners and Veterans Shift from War to Peace
WILLIAM HABER HELEN HALL PHILIP MURRAY
BEULAH AMIDON BRADLEY BUELL JOHN N. ANDREWS
Will Congress Clean House? by Hillier Krieghbaum
The Charter— and Control of Atomic Energy by James T. Shotwell
0
^jrnc
A non-partisan, non-profit, educational society
organized to promote the common welfare
PUBLISHERS OF SURVEY GRAPHIC AND SURVEY MIDMONTHLY • 112 EAST 19 STREET • NEW YORK 3, N. Y.
OFFICERS
RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR., President
ACNES BROWN LEACH, Vice President
JOHN PALMER GAVIT, Fin PmUent
PAUL KELLOGC, Editor
ANN REED BRENNER, S.rrelary
DOROTHY L. BERNHARD
JACOB BILLIKOPF
NELLIE LEE BOK
EVA RILLS EASTMAN
BOARD OF DIRECTORS: Joseph P. Chamberlain, Chairman
EARL C. HARRISON
SIDNEY HILLMAN
FRED K. HOEHLER
BLANCHE ITTLESON
ALVIN JOHNSON
W. W. LANCASTER
WILLIAM M. LEISERSON
THOMAS I. PARKINSON
JUSTINE WISE POLIER
WILLIAM ROSKNWALD
BEARDSLEY RUML
EDWARD L. RYERSON
LOWELL SHUMWAY
HAROLD H. SWIFT
OHDWAY TEAD
Dear SURVEY Reader:
LET ME INVITE YOU to join Survey Associates. This fall
is bringing us assignments as stiff as any in wartime; and if
we are to do justice to them we must recruit new members.
With victory in two hemispheres, this final quarter of 1945
should prove to be a first lap in domestic revival and enduring
peace; but we are all conscious how beset the transition is with
tremendous readjustments. These strike home in the very fields in
which our work of inquiry and interpretation has enlisted imagina-
tion and support.
By way of illustration, let me trace a sequence which began in
1929.
— Six months before the market crash, we brought out (at
the suggestion of the late Justice Brandeis) a Graphic special on
UNEMPLOYMENT AND WAYS OUT.
— Two years ago, with Stuart Chase as special editor, we is-
sued our 8th CALLING AMERICA number:— FROM WAR
TO WORK, in which labor and business leaders, social workers
and economists, explored "Full Employment and how to get it."
— Last March, Survey Graphic carried one of the first por-
trayals (by Leon Keyserling) of "The Full Employment Act of
1945" — today a keystone in the President's program to outflank
postwar unemployment.
— And in this comes a sheaf of articles on the situation
confronting service men and discharged war workers — led off
by Prof. William Haber of the University of Michigan, adviser
to the Office of War Mobilization and Reconversion; who draws
on expert forecasts of what may be looked for in late 1945 and
1946 — if things are allowed to drift.
Or as a double-barreled example, take two series in 1945:—
A Graphic series edited by Beulah Amidon, with Waldemar
Kaempffert, science editor of The New York Times, as consultant,
has dealt with the human implications of wartime advances rang-
ing from penicillin to stratosphere flying. The latest, on "The
Atomic Bombshell" (September) by Prof. S. Colum Gilfillan of
the University of Chicago.
For Your Convenience . . .
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, Inc.
112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
Enroll me as a $10 Cooperating Member of Survey Associates.
D Check enclosed D Expect remittance on
Name
Address
A membership includes a joint subscription 'to Survey Graphic
and Survey Midmonthly for the 12 months the membership^ runs.
We shall be glad to send the balance of your present subscription
to a friend of your choice or to a military hospital library.
Another Graphic series is by James T. Shotwell, historian of
World War I and a chief consultant at the Golden Gate Confer-
ence. In this number he comes to grips with forebodings
that atomic energy has knocked the United Nations into a cocked
hat — not by minimizing it but by analyzing the powers of control
inherent in the San Francisco Charter. More, he is the first to
show how this new force let loose in the world will enhance the
status of the small powers and the Assembly.
Kindred illustrations can be cited in Survey Midmonthly:
... In November, a sheaf of articles on veteran needs, based
on field work appraising Washington policies as they pan out
at the local level (see "The Veteran Returns to Dayton, Ohio"
— Midmonthly, July).
... In October, a forward-looking special on private health
agencies edited by Bradley Buell, and based on a canvass by
the National Health Council (See FITNESS FOR FREEDOM,
a Graphic wartime special number, six weeks after Pearl
Harbor).
In December, comes a Graphic sheaf on voluntary plans of
health insurance, edited by Michael M. Davis, who has long
pioneered this field for us.
LOOKED AT ANOTHER WAY, this fall quarter of 1945
rounds out four war years. It has been the understanding and
the support of members of Survey Associates that has seen us
through them. This holds for special numbers of Survey
Midmonthly which have reinforced social agencies the country
over. Holds for adventures in stretching understanding among half
a million readers in the CALLING AMERICA series of Survey
Graphic— of which the BRITISH AND OURSELVES, last May,
was the 10th since Munich. Let me quote Ambassador Winant:
". . . What a fine job it is. I can well understand the work
and conferences, and the editorial effort to keep apace of
events, which went into it; and I am certain that it will do
much good ... as evidence of the serious endeavor of re-
sponsible Americans to understand and interpret the relations
between nations. . . ."
Our month in, month out work has gone ahead with a staff
telescoped by war service abroad, and our printers shorthanded;
with paper quotas and higher costs; and with momentous events
upsetting long range plans and close drawn budgets. Altogether
the war years have put to the test this cooperative working scheme
of ours.
The outcome of a year of inveterate hazards now hangs in the
balance. May we count you in?
Sincerely,
EDITOR
FOOD
FAMINE
The Challenge of Erosion
Ward Shepard
Here is a revolutionary plan for
meeting the most gigantic and
complex economic task confront-
ing men— the task of reconstruct-
ing the world's broken-down soils
and river systems. Mr. Shepard
describes soil erosion as the most
insidious and fatally destructive
scourge of civilization, explains
how it came about, and suggests
how it can be overcome by. na-
tional-and international action.
$3.00
Illustrated
MACMILLAN
MAKING
YOUR WISHES
COME TRUE.
One wish has been fulfilled. Won by
3}^ years of deadly struggle. With
God's help, we have prevailed.
Now we have a chance to make an-
other wish come true. For most of us,
the outlook is a bright one. If we will
simply use the brains, the will, the
energy, the enterprise ... the materials
and resources . . . with which we won
our war, we can't fail to win the peace
and to make this the richest, happiest
land the world has known.
Your wishes have been wrapped in
that bright outlook. Your wish for a
cottage by a lake. For your boy's col-
lege education. For a trip you long to
take. For a "cushion" against emer-
gencies and unforeseen needs.
You can make those wishes come
true by buying bonds today . . . buying
them regularly . . . and holding on to
them in spite of all temptation.
There's no safer, surer investment in
the world. You can count on getting
back $4 for every $3 you put in E
Bonds — as surely as you can count on
being a day older tomorrow.
So why not be patriotic and smart
at the same time?
FULFILL YOUR WISH-
BUY EXTRA BONDS IN
THE GREAT VICTORY LOAN!
Inserted by
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.
Publishers of Survey Graphic
and Survey Midmonthly
This is an official U. S. Treasury
advertisement — prepared under auspices
of Treasury Department and War
Advertising Council
A Constructive Theory
of Neurosis
OUR
INN
Bf K.MUK HORNIX, i
OUR
INNER
CONFLICTS
by
Karen Homey, M.D.
Author of The Neurotic Person-
ality in our Time, New Ways in
Psychoanalysis and Self- Analysis
Karen Horney's books, notable
for original thinking and clear ex-
pression, are very widely read
and discussed. In Our Inner Con-
flicts she breaks new ground.
Here is a book Vhtch should
benefit all of us who want to
know ourselves. It goes beyond
the range of merely technical
matters or abstract theory. Most
of us who live in these difficult
times are caught in some of the
conflicts here described and need
all the help we can get. Though
the author makes it clear that
severe neuroses belong in the
hands of experts, she expresses
her conviction that with persistent
efforts we can ourselves go a long
way toward disentangling our own
conflicts. Thus conflicts can be
resolved, she says, by changing
the conditions within the person-
ality that brought them into
being. $3.00
At all bookstores
W. W, Norton & Company
70 Fifth Avenue New York 1 1
SURVEY GRAPHIC for October. 1945. Vol. XXXIV. No. 10. Published monthly and copyright 1945 by SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC. Composed and printed
bv union labor at. the Hughes Printing Company. Kant Stroudsburg. !'».. U. S. A. Publication Office. 34 No. Crystal Street. 1/ast Stroudsburg, Pa, tdllonal
Mid business office. 112 East 18 Street, New York 3, N. Y. Price this Issue 3D cents; $3 a year; Foreign postage 50 cents extra. Canadian 75 cent*.
filtered as seoond class matter on June 22, 1840 at tie post office at East Stroudsburg. Pa., under the Act of March 3. 1879. Acceptano* for maillot at a
s]*dal rate ol postase Brorlded for In Section IMS, Act of Oototwr S. 1917, authorized December 21, 1921.
'e -timed Me c0wer
The peak of the Bell System's
telephone shortage was in August.
Then we had about 2,100,000 un-
filled orders for service.
More orders are received every
day, but now we are installing
telephones faster than the new
orders come in. We will get
700,000 telephones from July to
December 31 this year, and
700,000 more in the first three
months of 1946.
Western Electric, our manu-
facturing company, is setting up
every machine it has that will
make telephone equipment.
In the next 12 months we ex-
pect to install more telephones
than there were in all of France
and Belgium before the war.
Even that will not give service
to every one who wants it in that
time. There are places where we
have complicated switchboards to
install — even places where we
must build new buildings for the
new switchboards.
But we are on our way to give
service to all who want it — on
our way to restore Bell System
standards of service and raise
them even higher.
We are turning our facilities
back to civilian service just as
fast as we turned them to the
instant needs of war.
BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM
Among Ourselves
OUR MASTHEAD TURNS OUT TO BE A CASUALTY
of reconversion. Ten years ago, Victor Wey-
bright became managing editor of Survey
Graphic. He has been on leave these last
three years, a key executive in the Office of
War Information, London.
In December he returns as editorial direc-
tor and vice-president of Penguin Books, Inc.
— an independent American incarnation of the
extraordinary adventure of the Lane brothers
with nine-pence titles and their newer Pelican
Books in the non-fiction field.
Among his associates in the new program
on this side of the Atlantic will be, as presi-
dent and managing director, Dr. Kurt Enoch,
co-founder of the Albatross Modern Continen-
tal Library; as counsel, Morris L. Ernst; and
as initial members of an editorial advisory
board, Judge Jerome Frank and Prof. Eduard
C. Lindeman.
ON HIS TRIP TO THIS COUNTRY LAST FALL, VW
initiated the 10th of our CALLING AMER-
ICA series of Survey Graphic specials — "The
British and Ourselves" (May 1945). His telling
muster of overseas manuscripts and features
was his last service to us. His first goes back
to 1927. He had grown up in the redlands of
Maryland, where Gypsies got their travel-
wagons. Later a resident at Hull-House, he
came across their modern counterparts winter-
ing in Chicago and projected a colorful Graphic
special on "New World Gypsy Trails." Nine
years followed as an editor of Adventure (the
Butterick Company).
His first assignments for us in 1935 linked
his penchant for social discovery with deft
writing. "When Chickens Come Home to
Roost" — etched the homely backgrounds of the
case that threw out the NRA. "Pullman Port-
ers on Parade" was the first full length por-
trayal of the rise of a great union.
His outstanding contribution was in han-
dling our first CALLING AMERICA num-
bers (beginning in 1939) — especially "The
Americas: South and North" (1941).
There was a glint of paradox that the au-
thor of "Spangled Banner," his early biog-
raphy of the writer of our national anthem,
should prove one of our most engaging emis
saries to Britain in the '40's. Here his talent
for interplay among universities and agencies,
travelers and organizations, set a pattern of
cultural relations that will leave its impress
on American embassies in the future.
In September Survey Midmonthly
These Jobs Beg for Workers
Louise C. Odencrantz
Job and Pay Study
Hester Graham Stall
Social Dividends from Public Housing
lay Rnmney and Sara Shtttnan
The Handicapped Are Employable
Marcia Dane
Community Evolution Chester D. Snell
Service to Mental Hospitals
Elizabeth Janet Gray
VOL. XXXIV CONTENTS
Survey Graphic for October 1945
Cover: The Call to Wor/^; Photo ]rom European
Frontispiece: The "V" That Does Not Stand for Victory
No. 10
Reconversion Is Not Enough
"Lest We Forget": Photographs
Empty Pay Envelopes — and Peace
An Economic Bill of Rights
"Sixty Million Jobs"— If [The Wallace book]
As Uniforms Are Shed [The Baruch report]
The Veteran Goes to College
Control of Atomic Energy
Will Congress Clean House?
When Doctors Disagree
Letters and Life
Three Views of the Japanese
WILLIAM HABER
HELEN HALL
PHILIP MURRAY
BEULAH AMIDON
BRADLEY BUELL
. . . JOHN N. ANDREWS
. . JAMES T. SHOTWELL
HILLIER KRIEGHBAUM
. . MICHAEL M. DAVIS
HARRY HANSEN
389
392
394
397
400
401
402
407
409
412
414
414
Copyright, 1945, by Survey Associates, Inc. AH rights reserved.
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.
Publication Office: 34 North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburg, Pa.
Editorial and Business Office, 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
Chairman of the Board, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN; president, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, J».; vice-
presidents, JOHN VALUER GAVIT, AGNES BROWN LEACH; secretary, ANN REED BRENNER.
Board of Directors: DOROTHY LEHMAN BERNHARD, JACOB BILLIKOPF, NELLIE LEE BOK, JOSEPH
P. CHAMBERUAIN, EVA HILLS EASTMAN, EARL G. HARRISON, SIDNEY HILLMAN, FRED K. HOEHLER,
BLANCHE ITTLESON, ALVIN JOHNSON, WILLIAM W. LANCASTER, AGNES BROWN LEACH, WILLIAM M.
LEISERSON, THOMAS I. PARKINSON, JUSTINE WISE POI.IER, WILLIAM ROSENWALD, BEARDSLEY RUML,
EDWARD L. RYERSON, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR., LOWELL SHUMWAY, HAROLD H. SWIFT, ORDWAY
TEAD.
Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.
Associate editors: BEULAH AMIDON, ANN REED BRENNER, BRADLEY BUELL, HELEN CHAMBERLAIN,
KATHRYN CLOSE, MICHAEL M. DAVIS, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, HARRY HANSEN, FLORENCE LOEB KEL-
LOGG, LOULA D. LASKER, MARION ROBINSON, LEON WHIPPLE. Contributing editors: HELEN CODY BAKER,
JOANNA C, COI.CORD, EDWARD T. DEVINE, RUSSELL H. KURTZ, ALAIN LOCKE, MARY Ross, GERTRUDE
SPRINGER.
Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINGER; Circulation manager, MOLLIE CONDON; Advertising
manager, MARY R. ANDERSON; Field representatives, ANNE ROLLER ISSLER, DOROTHY PUTNEY.
Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue, 30c a
copy. By subscription — Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year — Foreign SOc;
Canadian 75c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor Articles, Public
Affairs Information Service, Quarterly Cumulative Index Medicus.
Survey Midtnonthly published on the 15th of the month. Single copies 30c. By subscription —
Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year — Foreign SOc; Canadian 75c.
Joint subscription to Survey Graphic and Survey Midtnonthly: Year, $5.
Cooperative Membership in Survey Associates, Inc., including a joint subscription: Year, $10.
FORMER ATTORNEY GENERAL FRANCIS BIDDLE
has been appointed American judge on the
international tribunal to try Axis war crimin-
als (with Judge John J. Parker of the Fourth
Circuit Court of Appeals as alternate).
Mr. Biddle has been a warm friend of
Survey Associates for a long time, both before
and since his active participation in its plan-
ning as a member of the board of directors
1936-39.
Readers will remember Clinch Calkins' in-
timate and yet penetrating sketch of our
wartime attorney general in Survey Graphic
for October 1942.
THE COUNTRY LOST ONE OF ITS GREATEST SOCIAL
educators and crusaders when Msgr. John A.
Ryan died in September at the age of 76. His
absorption in social questions was life-long.
His doctoral dissertation (1906), "A Living
Wage: Its Ethical and Economic Aspects," be-
came an epochal book — it broke the path for
the minimum wage in this country. Monsignor
Ryan framed the minimum law for his home
state, Minnesota — a law which became a
pattern for other states to follow.
The Survey leaned on his wisdom through-
out his many years of social pioneering for
the general welfare — as professor of moral
theojogy and industrial and social ethics at
St. Paul Seminary, the Catholic University,
and Trinity College, and as director of the
social action department of the National Cath-
olic Welfare Council.
In Monsignor Ryan's last contribution ti
Survey Graphic (November 1941, a special
number on industrial relations and defense),
he gave as the supreme rule of political con-
duct the directing of all the country's efforts
toward the common good. His definition of
the common good was characteristic — "the
welfare of the community as a whole and in
all its parts; not only the general welfare but
the well-being of classes, families and indi-
viduals."
When his autobiography "Social Doctrine
in Action" was published in 1941, Leon
Whipple wrote of it in our pages:
"Social workers will find this book rich
in inspiration: it is their own story, too.
Those who are ignorant of the Catholic con-
tribution will be informed; those unaware of
how progress has been won will be chal-
lenged."
387
THE "V" THAT DOES NOT STAND FOR VICTORY
SU RVEV
PHIC
Reconversion Is Not Enough
Why do we face large scale unemployment through 1946? Facts
and forecasts — and the President's program of prevention.
WITH THE WAR OVER AND VICTORY WON,
Americans can look back on the amazing
capacity 'of our people and our democratic
institutions to make adjustments and to
make them fast — in putting our strength to
work across two oceans.
What happens to ourselves in the change-
over from war to peace hangs on our
capacity to do its like again — fast — and to
do it at home. For with the war over, a
new victory must be won as contracts for
munitions and ships are cancelled, troop
movements to Asia pared down, and pro-
duction cuts and plant layoffs rip the fabric
of wartime employment. Impressive plans
for a slow change-over and "orderly transi-
tion" had to be shelved. The one-front war
in the Pacific was over before we could get
any large scale 'reconversion under way.
With the unconditional surrender of the
Japanese, a host of problems, economic,
fiscal, social, international, dive-bombed at
us in one fell swoop. And in early Septem-
ber, President Truman drew together, in
the skein of his first peacetime message to
Congress, the strands of what might be
called a new national defense.
Today, every boatload of homecoming
veterans registers our success in mustering
manpower, twelve million strong, into our
armed forces, to be equipped and deployed
on the fighting fronts. At the same time,
over seven million new workers "above
normal" poured into mills and factories,
mines and transport, offices and shops. The
most mobile labor force in all the world —
with its heritage of spirit from our fron-
uering epoch — moved or was moved as the
shifting needs of our rapidly expanding
war plant required. Boom towns which
sprang up over night, old industrial centers
which burst their bounds, grappled with
problems of housing, congestion, child care,
so production might go forward in high.
With the result that the value of pur
current national output was boosted again
and again. Only a few short years ago the
National Resources Planning Board ven-
tured to set our national income objective
as at least $100 billion annually. By mid-
WILLIAM HABER
1945, we produced at a rate of $200 billion
a year. American labor, management and
agriculture, working with government,
nearly doubled production goals which had
been called fantastic in 1940. With the
further result that everyone who wished a
job could get one. In civilian life, full em-
ployment became a reality plus; and in
spite of substantial price advances, lifted
standards of living for uncounted Amer-
ican families.
In mid-August, as our national gear:,
— By the adviser on manpower and labor
relations to the director of the Office of
War Mobilization and Reconversion —
who throughout his career has centered
on research, planning, and administra-
tion close to his present theme.
Mr. Haber has spent most of the war
years at Washington on leave from his
post as professor of economics at the
University of Michigan — to which he
will return next November. In major
assignments of the National Resources
Planning Board, he was chairman of its
Committee on Long Range Work and
Relief Policies. He is a member of the
Federal Advisory Council on Social
Security. When war was declared, he
was appointed special assistant to the
director of the U. S. Budget; later direc-
tor of planning, War Manpower Com-
mission.
Wisconsin-trained, he had engaged in
labor management for Hart Schaffner 8i
Marx (Chicago garment manufacturers)
after his doctorate at Madison under
Prof. John R. Commons.
In Michigan, in the '30's, he served
in turn as State Emergency Relief Ad-
ministrator, as chairman of a commission
which drafted the State Unemployment
Compensation Act, and later as a mem-
ber of the new Michigan Unemploy-
ment Compensation Commission.
His writings have dealt with industrial
relations, unemployment compensation,
and the social insurances generally.
swung into reverse, the Office of War
Mobilization and Reconversion brought out
a report to the President entitled "War to
Peace." This was designed to answer spe-
cific questions uppermost in people's minds
now that Japan had collapsed. "In a sense,"
warned the OWMR director, John W.
Snyder, "we have exchanged lives which
would have been lost in battle for sharp
unemployment at home. It was a welcome
swap." But as he pointed out, it challenged
us forthwith to redirect four main factors
which make our economy tick — "our man-
power, our raw materials, our plant and
equipment, and our managerial know-
how."
Now unemployment is something about
which American workers and American
management have learned hi the hard
school of experience. They have faced it
in depressions; in seasonal unemployment
and business failures; and in new modern
forms when mass production stops to re-
tool for new models. So the prospect of
sharp unemployment for a few months in
the shift from military to civilian output
was something everyone could grasp and
try to adjust to.
But would this mean nothing more than
a return to pre-war conditions when we
had a fair measure of business prosperity,
and $80 billion national income but, along
with them, seven or eight million jobless?
Would it mean that workers would slip
back further — from payrolls to "poor re-
lief," from teeming war production areas
to old rounds of sharecropping and part-
time work, to the hopeless trek of migrants
searching for a pot of wages at the end of
some economic rainbow? Would it mean
again the old fight for jobs with discrimi-
nations against race and color P
What about this new talk of full em-
ployment in normal years? Hadn't we
shown in a crisis that we could organize
our whole manpower and our incomparable
technology? Without such teamwork be-
tween labor and management the Axis
powers would not have been licked. Were
we to knuckle down now, helplessly, to
389
such a modern enemy as mass unemploy-
ment, entrenched though it was with the
ancient axis of poverty and sickness?
Reconversion Arithmetic
The immediate charge upon us as a
nation is to deal with the shock produced
by the sudden ending of the war — and the
dislocations bound to come in its train.
Rigorous calculations made by government
experts, skilled in the art of projecting
national economic trends, give us the pic-
ture. Their estimates are that war expendi-
tures will fall from an annual rate of some
$87 billion in the first half of 1945 to a
rate of $40 billion in the fourth quarter.
This decline, which will continue sharply
in 1946, is the dominating economic fact
in these first months after V-J Day.
Meanwhile reconversion will forge ahead.
As production of civilian goods and services
gets under way, non-war expenditures will
mount from an annual rate of $119 billion
in the first half of 1945 to $125 billion in
the present quarter. Such gains, however,
are by no means sufficient to absorb all
manpower separated from war production
and demobilized from the armed services.
Federal calculations make allowance for
sharp reduction in hours which should
spread out production over more workers,
and for a considerable withdrawal of
women and youth from the labor force.
Even so, unemployment will probably rise
from about one million at mid-year to
above SIX MILLION before the end of
1945 — a phenomenal shrinkage in the
nation's payroll in the span of a few
months.
During 1946, however, the tempo of re-
conversion will go up as production bottle-
necks are overcome, and raw materials be-
come plentiful. The value of non-war out-
put, estimated at the annual rate of $125
billion during the fourth quarter of 1945,
may rise to the rate of $150 billion by the
end of 1946, and to a rate of $160 billion
during the first half of 1947. This, in turn,
would mark an extremely rapid increase in
total output, more rapid, the experts tell us,
than anything in our previous peace time
history. As a result, the number of jobs in
civilian production and services may in-
crease by more than SIX MILLION be-
tween the fourth quarter of 1945 and the
fourth quarter of 1946.
The possibility of such a compensatory
rise in employment during 1946 has led
to optimistic newspaper headlines — even to
predictions in certain quarters of a labor
shortage a year from now. Those who
jumped to that conclusion found support
when reports from various parts of the
country seemed to indicate a relatively
small volume of new unemployment even
after V-J Day.
True, the War Manpower Commission
had estimated that about 2,100,000 workers
were laid off from war jobs in the first
eighteen days after the Japanese surrender.
But these laid-off workers failed to show
up in the local employment offices either
to apply for jobs or to file claims for un-
employment compensation. The number of
such claims for the week ending August
18, for example, was only 340,000. By the
beginning of September, they had increased
to 1,200,000, but even so this represented a
relatively small proportion of all the work-
ers estimated as dismissed. Clues from
many localities seemed to show that war-
weary war workers might have "gone
fishing"; that the rush for jobs and un
employment compensation checks would
show up in late September or October.
Meanwhile, there were those who
jumped to the conclusion that the unem-
ployment estimates had been overdrawn
and that reconversion was going ahead
more successfully than was recognized in
official quarters. As a result, congressional
committees considering the President's rec-
ommendations for federal unemployment
benefits for war workers, were cool to his
plea of emergency.
6 Million Unemployed a Year Hence
What is overlooked by such prophets of
an almost painless transition from war to
peace is that the rise in employment in
civilian industries will be offset not only by
a continuing decline in war expenditures
(which still afford jobs), but — even more
important — by the extremely rapid de-
mobilization of our armed forces. In the
not distant future, from 900,000 to 1,000,-
000 men will be separated from those serv-
ices each month. Between mid-1945 and
the end of 1946, the armed forces now plan
to release at least nine million persons.
As a result of this large outpouring of
manpower from the separation centers,
unemployment will continue to increase
between the fourth quarter of 1945 and
the first quarter of 1946; and decrease
rather slowly during the remainder of
1946.
For unless large scale constructive meas-
ures are unlimbered in the interval, the
probability is that a year from now we shall
be entering the winter of 1946-7, again
with more than six million unemployed.
This will be the climate to which fully
half of our veterans will return in com-
peting for footholds in American life and
labor with discharged war workers and
civilians generally.
The tabulation below, based on calcula-
tions by federal economists, and assuming
the most favorable developments looked for,
crystallizes the prospect as follows:
Employment and Labor Force*
(in millions)
(Selected Quarters — Future quarters estimated)
1st half 1945 1st qr. 1946 4th qr. 1946
Civilian employment 51.6 45.8 52.0
Armed forces 12.2 9.1 3.0
Unemployment 0.8
Total Labor Force. 64.6 62.8 61.5
These responsible government forecasts
on unemployment were not based upon the
assumption that reconversion would pro-
ceed slowly. On the contrary, wartime
agencies were prepared with programs and
* The Committee for Economic Development, a
non-partisan organization made up of business and
industrial leaders, has predicted — on the basis of an
eponomic climate favorable to private enterprise — a
total of 53,500,000 jobs "in the first complete year
after reconversion." (See The Nm> York Times,
Sunday, Sept. 9.) This estimate of employment as of
September 1, 1946 is about 1.5 million higher than
indicated in the table; and would reduce unemploy-
ment as here calculated to 5 million at that date.
procedures for cutbacks, release of material
controls, cancellation and settlement of
contracts, clearing of plants. With a fair
start at V-E Day, reconversion has moved
ahead rapidly since.
Predictions of such a continuing and
stubborn volume of unemployment flow
from the realistic conclusion that however
successful- and speedy reconversion is, it
cannot by itself keep pace with the ex-
tremely sharp decline in war expenditures
and the rapid release of servicemen during
the first six months of 1946.
Our real danger lies in the prospect that
we shall run headlong into business pros-
perity with six to eight million workers still
jobless. It would be dangerous indeed in a
democracy if, with our wartime demonstra-
tion behind us, we should tolerate that sort
of stalemate.
Thus, the President's message to Con-
gress must be weighed in the light of a
telescoped war budget, speedy demobiliza-
tion, and the impact of both on the volume
of unemployment. Deflationary forces are
bound to be let loose by deep cuts in the
volume of workers' earnings; inflationary
forces by the sharp competition for scarce
commodities on the part of manufacturers
who want to get under way ahead of their
competitors. Uncontrolled, these forces
would lend themselves to inventory build
up, to boom, and later collapse, such as
followed World War I.
Mr. Truman and His Tools
On either hand, the President proposed
to be ready with levers to check any de-
flationary trend — with public works, hous-
ing developments, tax relief, unemployment
compensation, wage increases, and similar
devices; and ready to put the brakes on
any inflationary trend — through price con-
trols until postwar supply reduces the
danger to the minimum.
Wartime stabilization has been more suc-
cessful than generally supposed. Resisting
pressures and abuse, the OPA, WLB,
WFA, WPB, and OES had made it pos-
sible to enter the reconstruction period
without a disastrous price collapse. On the
other hand, the runaway inflation associated
with World War I came after the Arm-
istice of 1918. Said the President: "We must
be sure this time not to repeat that bitter
mistake. . . . The American people are
entitled to a firm assurance . . . that rents
and the prices of clothing, food, and other
essentials will be held in line." Hence his
recommendations that we must retain ra-
tioning for scarce items, aid production of
low priced goods and break bottlenecks.
Whether we have deflation or inflation or
both to fight, he held that war powers,
most of which expire on December 31,
must be extended.
It must be borne in mind that statistics
on employment are not in themselves a
sufficient gauge of purchasing power.
Workers who keep their jobs may be tak-
ing a terrific beating in their pay envelopes.
It has been estimated that cancellation of
overtime pay, plus reduction in hours to
forty or less per week, will cut weekly
take-home earnings as much as 30 percent.
390
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Even at present prices that would bite
deeply into standards of living — and spend-
ing. The President knows this. Hence his
references to collective bargaining as a
method for regaining lost ground in real
wages; his proposal to lift bottom levels
long since set in the Fair Labor Standards
Act.
Nor is he content merely to go back to
economic conditions prevailing, say, in 1940
— which would be nothing short of disas-
trous. Rather he chimes in with the go-
ahead spirit Secretary Vinson expressed in
his July report before he left the director-
ship of the Office of War Mobilization and
Reconstruction: "The American people are
in the pleasant predicament of having to
learn to live 50 percent better than they
ever lived before." Hence the message in
its twenty-one sections went beyond indus-
trial reconversion and came to .grips with
full employment, with housing, public
works, national resources, and other lever-
ages to lift rather than depress levels of
production and consumption.
Let us look at some of the measures de-
signed to provide positive assistance to
labor, business, and agriculture, through
which he would cast the federal govern-
ment in a constructive role for the transi-
tion period and after. Opinions will differ
as to whether his program is bold enough
in view of the complex issues we face; but
that it is in the right direction is attested
by difficulties promptly thrown in its way
in Congress by those who hug the inhibi-
tions of our federal-state system or have
been slow to comprehend the "peace emer-
gency" which lies ahead.*
Aid to Job Seekers
Peace overtook us before we had pro-
jected any adequate scheme for protecting
war workers when laid off. Dismissal or
severance pay is perhaps the simplest and
most logical method developed in Amer-
ican practice. This was considered as a re-
course for some time, for it could be ap-
plied easily to employes of prime war con-
tractors. But complexities arose when it
~ame to those on the payrolls of many
thousands of subcontractors, or those in
private establishments having no contrac-
tual relationship with the government.
But the nation has an established federal-
state system of unemployment compensa-
tion, and the conclusion was that reliance
should be placed upon that. Here, again,
there were hurdles. In the first place, some
fifteen million workers are not protected by
it at all: Federal employes, for example,
including wartime workers in government
shipyards and arsenals; officers and men
of the merchant marine. The President
recommended that these should not be left
at loose ends; and, also, that states be given
the option of covering employes in the
* In the first test, the Senate upheld recourse to
federal funds in the postwar emergency to extend
state unemployment benefits to 26 weeks, but struck
out the companion provision to lift them to a $25
weekly level; and voted the return of the I'. S. Em-
ployment Service to the states in three months.
This article does not attempt to review the course
of legislative consideration, but to give readers back-
ground and foreground in welshing measures, old
and new, falling within ths framework of the Presi-
dent's program. — ED.
many small establishments which fall out-
side their present provisions.
In the second place, analysis showed that
weekly benefit payments under many state
laws are clearly too low to meet present
conditions. Almost half of the forty-eight
states set a maximum of $15 to $18 per
week. These are 1940 dollars. Their pur-
chasing power now is about one third
lower. The President endorsed proposals
that during the emergency "every eligible
worker should be entitled to 26 weeks of
unemployment benefits in any one year,"
and that "the maximum weekly payment
for those workers whose previous earnings
were high enough should be not less than
$25 per week." These standards he urged
"not only as a matter of justice and human-
ity, but also as a matter of sound business."
Mr. Truman might have gone further.
He might have pointed to vulnerable "dis-
qualification" provisions in many state
laws and to the effects of "experience rat-
ing" both on taxes collected and on benefits
paid. All told, the states have accumulated
unemployment insurance reserves of $7
billion, and a paradoxical situation may be
expected in some of them with large re-
serves and yet with large numbers of unem-
ployed left to public relief.
When the Social Security Act was
passed in 1935 we failed to adopt a gen-
uinely national unemployment insurance
system with both uniform duration of pay-
ments and decent benefits for all. The
President might have urged that we rectify
that situation. What he did urge was the
next best thing — to meet the emergency by
providing supplementary federal payments
to make up for the deficiency in the state
laws. Whatever the immediate outcome
may be on such legislation, the issue may
be reopened when Mr. Truman carries out
his announced intention of submitting rec-
ommendations for "extending, expanding,
and improving our entire social security
program of which unemployment insur-
ance is a part."
Job Placement
"Placing demobilized veterans and dis-
placed war workers in new peacetime jobs
is the major human problem of our
country's reconversion to a peacetime econ-
omy. It is imperative that this work be
done swiftly and efficiently, and that men
and women lose a minimum amount of
time between jobs." — Thus, the President.
This is the assignment of the United States
Employment Service not only in job coun-
seling and placement, but in advising
workers as to retraining for civilian oper-
ations and in guiding them to areas of
postwar opportunities. It was the President's
strong recommendation that, during the
period of transition, the program continue
under federal operation until June 30, 1947.
That has been the case since the out-
break of the war when the state systems
were drawn into a unified national service
to mobilize the nation's manpower. Mil-
lions of men and women had to be re-
cruited. Certain areas had surpluses of
labor; others desperately lacked labor.
Interstate and interregional migration
affected hundreds of thousands of work-
ers. Only a centrally operated service
that covered the entire country with reason-
ably uniform policies could have done the
job.
"Now we are faced with this problem in
reverse," wrote President Truman. "Hun-
dreds of thousands of men and women will
want to seek jobs in towns and cities other
than those in which they worked during
the war. . . . Millions of veterans also will
be getting back, in search of peacetime jobs.
They will want to know where such jobs
can be found, not only in their own areas
but also in other parts of the land."
Hence his plea against any change now
that would slow down the process. The
President might have gone further and pro-
posed permanent federalization. If the war
experience has taught us anything it is that
our labor market is national and not local.
Tensions and Security
Any period of unemployment inevitably
increases prejudices and tensions, sharpen-
ing competition between Negro and white
and against minority groups in general.
Recognizing this, the President urged that
progress made during the war against job
discrimination should not be allowed to
lapse and reiterated his recommendation
that the Fair Employment Practice Com-
mittee should be made a permanent federal
agency.
With nearly fifteen million men and
women entitled to World War II veterans'
status [see page 401], the GI Bill of Rights
and other measures make provision incom-
parably more generous than any security
heretofore thrown over workers in war or
peace. Reviewing these guarantees, the
President made constructive proposals — in-
cluding the extension of social security
credits to all service men and women for
the period spent in the armed forces. Sim-
ilarly, he called on Congress to clarify
provisions as to veterans' rights to jobs
which are ambiguous and may lead to
labor-veteran strife. Especially, it is im-
portant to spell out the status of six million
servicemen who had no jobs before they
were drafted.
For veterans and war workers alike, the
postwar transition is only a bridge between
today and tomorrow, when pent up con-
sumer demand and the first flusl. of busi-
ness revival will be things of the past. What
long run assurances have they of steady
employment — of higher standards of liv-
ing? It is along this horizon line of the
future that the President made some of his
major recommendations.
First of all, as indicated, he would lift
our conception of minimum wages. The
Fair Labor Standards Act has become ob-
solete and the President called for expand-
ing its coverage and lifting its standards.
Collective bargaining will provide the basis
for adjustments and advances for organized
workers, but new legislation will be needed
to safeguard others. Overtime payments
and penalty rates often have tended to con-
ceal inadequacy in wage rates for the stand-
ard work week. "As these props are re-
(Continued on page 418)
OCTOBER 1945
391
LEST WE FORGET-
FLOOR
HEALTH
5TI
^L •< I
j^^lhj^^^^l ^H^ffll
Rothstein for FSA
Lute tor FSA
Empty Pay Envelopes - and Peace
The causes of postwar unemployment may be new — but what mass insecurity
does to men, women, and children is an old story which should never be repeated.
HELEN HALL
ROBERT F. WAGNER MARCHES ON! As NOTH-
ing else, the familiar phrase fits his record
• — for bills that bear his name have lifted
the level of life for Americans the country
over. He began it in the state Senate at
Albany and carried to Washington his deep
concern for people. As senior senator from
New York he has again and again pushed
out the horizon lines of modern legislation
— not only in the far reaching Social Secur-
ity Act of 1935 but in housing, health,
steady work, and industrial relations.
So it seemed like old times in mid-
August to get a wire from him to testify
on an employment bill. The first time he
had done so was six months after the stock
market crash in 1929. There were only
ten people who testified on an Employment
Stabilization Bill then pending. Now, the
Senate Committee on Banking and Cur-
rency, under his chairmanship, had sched-
uled a week of hearings to consider what
eight months ago was hopefully christened
the "Full Employment Act of 1945." [See
page 395] I am sure that if all the people
with something to say on it, pro and con,
had turned out, the hearings would still
be going on.
Fifteen years ago, the immediate need
was to fend against layoffs in one indus-
trial district after another due to the col-
lapse of the boom of the 1920's. Today,
our concern has been not only to do some-
thing about mass unemployment in shifting
from war to peace but to fortify democracy
at its roots. To quote the definition that
leads off this bill, its purpose is —
"To establish a national policy and pro-
gram for assuring continuing full employ-
ment and full production in a free com-
petitive economy, through the concerted
efforts of industry, agriculture, labor, state
and local governments, and the federal
government."
Witnesses to Unemployment
Spokesmen for some but by no means
all business groups have protested that in-
dustry can deal with postwar unemploy-
ment alone without government aid. As I
read Senate Bill 380 (HR. 2202), it encour-
ages business to go the limit in attempting
just that, calling upon federal help when
private industry is demonstrably unable to
make the grade. So doing, the bill essen-
tially takes the line that it is the concern
of all of us that all have work if we need
it. More, it makes it clear that we no long-
er want to get our statistics on unemploy-
ment from breadlines nor look to anxious
apple-sellers in faded uniforms as shock
troops in meeting its impact.
Throughout the haid times, social work-
ers— perhaps more than members of any
other profession — had firsthand knowledge
of what any widespread breakdown in
— By the director of Henry Street Settle-
ment, New York, who draws on case
stories of household experience in war-
time in industrial centers throughout the
country.
Chairman of the social security divi-
sion of the National Federation of Settle-
ments, Miss Hall was, in the mid-Thirties,
a member of the President's advisory
committee in drafting the Social Security
Act.
' Since her service for the American
Red Cross in the South and Southwest
Pacific, she has been vice-chairman of
the consumers advisory committee of
the Office of Price Administration and
chairman of the corresponding body in
the New York area.
wage earning exacts of family life. Not
only were we in the thick of emergent re-
lief and work-projects in our own neigh-
borhoods and communities, but we rallied
in support of constructive advances in pub-
lic welfare, in employment services, and
unemployment compensation. These, stage
by stage, gave new security to homes and
breadwinners caught in the great depres-
sion.
So this year it was history repeating
itself for social workers to offer their testi-
mony along with employers and labor,
bankers, economists.
What I put before Senate committeemen
in August was drawn from personal inter-
views by settlement workers with families
of wartime wage eafners in such districts as
the auto center at Detroit; Chicago with its
stockyards and varied modern plants; such
machine trade centers as Cleveland and
Philadelphia; Rochester, N. Y., with its
garment factories, and Lorain (O.) with its
steel mills. They included Greater New
York and Boston, and representative com-
munities from Minneapolis (Minn.) to
Birmingham (Ala.).
What I had put before the Senate hear-
ing in the spring of 1930 had been kindred
case stories of household experience gath-
ered in 1928 and 1929 under a special com-
mittee of the National Federation of Settle-
ments. These earlier findings brought out
in two books* are still serviceable evidence
— for they show not only what the human
costs of unemployment are in a modern
society like ours but, also, who the people
are who carry the real burden of depression.
Our first use of .them had been to help
get the public to recognize the existence
of widespread unemployment before the
stock market crashed. If a "Full Employ-
ment Bill of 1919," along the lines of the
* "Case Studies of Unemployment" (University of
Pennsylvania Press, 1931); and a widely read inter-
pretation of them: "Some Folks Won't Work," by
Clinch Calkins (Harcourt, Brace, 1930).
present one, had been enacted at the close
of World War I, we can only guess at how
much misery it might have prevented; how
many business failures might have been
forestalled; how many American families
might have been spared enforced idleness
and frustration throughout the 1930's. The
children growing up in that decade paid
for the lack of either plans or controls for
conserving wage earning and purchasing
power.
As late as 1932, something so convincing
and practical went by default as a bill to
rehabilitate our United States Employment
Service (which had gone to pieces since
the first World War). This bill had strong
congressional support; endorsement, also, by
the President's own experts. Its veto at the
White House symbolized how reluctant we
were to use national tools in dealing with
nationwide economic problems. The stale-
mate was broken in 1933.
Myth-Making vs Job-Making
Those early Settlement studies not only
visualized the extent of unemployment at
the threshold of the hard times, but drove
home the fact that households should not
be expected to bear the whole brunt when
breadwinners lose their jobs through no
fault of their own. It took time in those
years to overcome two popular myths:
— The myth that most people were un-
employed because they didn't want to
work;
— The myth that the "dole" (the tag
clapped on proposals for unemployment in-
surance in those days) would weaken the
moral stamina of the American people.
World War II has laid those two myths
for keeps. The mines, mills, and factories
of the United States have equipped fight-
ing forces the world over. They have been
manned by American workers many of
whom were unemployed in the early Thir-
ties, and most of whom were covered by
unemployment insurance before the decade
was out. So they did work when given a
chance — and unemployment insurance
hasn't ruined them.
Last year, our War Mobilization and Re-
conversion Act threw national protection
over servicemen, whenever and wherever
they should be discharged. But another
myth had sprung up as World War II wore
on, and a very different reception was ac-
corded proposals (the Kilgore Bill —
S.1274) to throw national protection over
men and women laid off when war con-
tracts should be cancelled or war plants
closed down. That time is here and now
and these proposals were still hanging fire
when Congress reassembled this fall. The
President had thrice recommended passage.
This bill sought amendment of the Act
of 1944 by supplementing unemployment
394
SURVEY GRAPHIC
compensation payable under state laws to
discharged war workers so as to assure
benefits of $25 a week for half a year if
they are unemployed that long. More, the
bill authorized transportation for dislocated
civilian workers who have been employed
in essential war activities — together with
their dependents and household effects — to
any place where the U. S. Employment
Service certifies there are suitable jobs avail-
able.
In setting twenty-six weeks as the span of
protection, this bill sought to bring our
American practice abreast of that in other
progressive industrial countries. The $25
standard sought to bring weekly benefits in
backward states up to levels set in our
more advanced states. Surely, these are not
soft or haphazard standards for the wealth-
iest country in the world which throughout
the war years unitedly strove for all-out
production and national survival. [See foot-
note, page 391.]
There are no state lines drawn in dying
for your country. Why should they be
drawn in working for it?
Aside from any humanitarian motives,
the greatest threat to our economy is a wage
earner without money in his pockets. When
he and his kind stop buying, the bottom
drops out of the market.
Wartime Households
Nonetheless, the discussion at once pro-
voked by these measures indicated a wide-
spread belief that high wartime wages have
placed war workers in particular, and
American families generally, in a position
not only to move about at will over the
USA but to tide themselves over handsome-
ly, months at a time if need be, until work
is again plentiful.
This sort of myth-making seems to have
been based on the optimistic assumption
that all wartime workers "took home" $100
or more each week; or on scanning tables
of high wage brackets and aggregate bank
savings rather than on any familiarity with
the budgets of low income families. Certain
it is that the myth did not click with the
impressions of settlement workers as to the
facts of life among our neighbors. We all
knew too many of them who have had diffi-
culty in getting by even when they clearly
showed good sense and management.
So again our National Federation of Set-
dements undertook more case studies to
get intimate family pictures. The idea was
tried out just a year ago by Henry Street
Settlement, not in our neighborhood on
New York's East Side, but in a crowded
wartime area back of the Brooklyn Navy
Yard. As a result of this sampling, a ques-
tionnaire was worked out which settlement
workers elsewhere employed in 1944 and
1945 in getting close-ups of what wartime
employment had meant to some 300 fami-
lies in twenty urban districts.
Our study was not a statistical one. Rath-
er it provided a mosaic of experience among
households made up of from two to eleven
members; some continuing in their old call-
ings; others crossing the continent on the
trail of essential war jobs. They were run-
of-the-mill Americans with all sorts of rac-
ial backgrounds. Their livelihoods ranged
from common labor and semi-skilled work
on the assembly line to a considerable group
of skilled crafts.
The earnings o{ one fifth of the families
had doubled. Eighteen had even trebled
their income. Well toward a third included
two wartime wage earners in the house-
hold; eight families had three, and their
family budgets had jumped accordingly.
At the other end of the scale, approximately
one out of seven households had lower in-
comes to count on than in pre-war days.
Many of these were in industries adversely
affected by the war. Some workers who
earned higher wages than before had no
more to take home after payroll deductions
for income taxes.
The fact remained that in six out of
seven of the families visited, wartime earn-
ings were higher than before. But, as
against this, prices had gone up. One fifth
"The Full Employment Act of 1945'
(S.380— HR. 2202)
The bill was introduced in the Senate
last January by Senator James E. Murray
of Montana — for himself and Senators
Wagner of New York, Thomas of Utah,
and O'Mahoney of Wyoming. Senators
Morse of Oregon, Tobey of New Hamp-
shire, Aiken of Vermont, and Langer of
North Dakota joined in sponsoring an
amended and strengthened bill. This was
reported on September 18 to the Banking
and Currency Committee. In the House, the
bill was introduced by Congressman Wright
Patman of Texas. For one of the first full
length portrayals of the measure and its
significance, see "From Patchwork to Pur-
pose: An American Bill" by Leon Keyser-
ling, Survey Graphic for March.
In drafting it, the sponsors linked for
the first time in United States legislation
these national objectives:
a. The policy of fostering "free com-
petitive private enterprise and the invest-
ment of private capital" with
b. The right of "all Americans able to
work and desiring to work ... to useful,
remunerative, regular, and full time em-
ployment." and
c. The responsibility of the federal
government "to assure continuing full em-
ployment, that is, the existence at all times
of sufficient employment opportunities" for
all Americans to exercise this right.
The intention was not to lay down
specific projects for new employment,
private or public, or for expanding social
security in the period of transition and
after. Such bills are now before Congress
— others are to be anticipated. Indeed,
the drafters leaned backward to include a
final section designating things the text did
not explicitly authorize.
What the measure would afford, if its
essentials are enacted, is a framework for
blocking out an all-round and consecutive
program, in cooperation with industry,
agriculture, labor, state and local govern-
ments, by which the federal government
would assure continuing full employment.
This program must stimulate private enter-
prise to provide the largest feasible volume
of employment opportunities. By way of
example, the bill enumerates a wide range
of possible recourses to this end.
If these in turn are insufficient to assure
continuing full employment, the federal
government is to provide sufficient volume
of federal investment and expenditure to
assure continuing full employment. The
bill also enumerates a wide variety of
possible federal expenditures, of which
public works is only one, toward this end.
The initial step in developing this pro-
gram is through a National Production and
Employment Budget to be transmitted by
the President at the beginning of each
regular session of Congress. This would set
forth:
a. Estimates of "the number of employ-
ment opportunities needed for full employ-
ment, the production of goods and services
at full employment, and the volume of
investment and expenditure needed for the
purchase of such goods and services";
b. Current and foreseeable trends of
employment opportunities, production of
goods and services, and investment and
expenditures to purchase them; and
c. A general program to assure con-
tinuing full employment, including legis-
lative recommendations.
The National Production and Employ-
ment Budget, with its estimates and recom-
mendations, would be prepared by the
President, in consultation with his Cabinet
and heads of departments, and drawing in
advisory boards composed of representa-
tives of industry, agriculture, labor, con-
sumers, state and local governments, etc.
To further the national all-out front on
unemployment, thi» administrative pro-
cedure is to have its legislative counterpart.
The measure provides for the establishment
in Congress of a Joint Committee on the
National Budget, composed of fifteen mem-
bers each of the Senate and the House, to
be appointed respectively by the President
of the Senate and the Speaker.
This Joint Committee would be equipped
with experts, consultants, and technicians.
The National Budget would be referred to
it for study, findings, recommendation*,
and a joint resolution setting forth a gen-
eral policy as guide to any congressional
committee in dealing with specific legisla-
tion which falls within its province.
In their revisions, the sponsors strength-
ened and clarified parts on the Need and
Principles of the bill. It was passed by the
Senate (Sept. 28) with modifications to
avoid what critics construed as "compen-
satory deficit spending"; and with an
amendment (offered by Senators Taft and
Radcliffe) providing that after 1948 "any
program of federal investment or expendi-
ture" shall be accompanied by one for
taxation "to prevent any net increase in
the national debt."
OCTOBER 1945
395
of these households were paying for food
and rent alone more than their total earn-
ings before the war. One woman brought
things down to earth when she said: "It
seems to us that real wages have gone
down. The clothing we buy doesn't wear
and the policy of allowing one pair of pants
to a suit is wasteful; my husband wears
out three. I have not been able to get
underclothes for my seven-year-old boy.
Work clothes for large men like my hus-
band are scarce and the material sleazy."
The increased cost of food and clothes of
course bore down hardest on big families.
Take one of eight with children ranging
from two to fifteen years old. The mother
kept the home and the father's wages had
increased from $40 a week to a "take
home" of $50.60. The mother reported they
could just manage on it, however. When
they wanted to buy a needed piece of furni-
ture they just waited until the boys got a
few weeks work on a farm in the summer
vacation — "Otherwise we make what we
got last." They were saving a dollar a week
on bonds but had had to cash them in for
emergencies.
Or take another family whose four chil-
dren range from two to seven years. The
father, a machine operator, had had his
wages go from $28 a week to $52.15, but
in two years he had not yet caught up with
overhanging medical bills or paid back
money borrowed from relatives. He hoped
his war job* would keep up long enough
not only to get even but to start saving for
a little repair shop where he planned to
use his skill on motors, vacuum cleaners,
and other household appliances.
Hangover from the Hard Times
Other evidence drawn from our sched-
ules reveals what broken employment and
stretches of no work at all in the depression
years had cost these workers. Instead of get-
ting ahead in wartime, as one housekeeper
put it, they were trying to catch up. Almost
every other family we talked to had come
into the. 1940's with the handicap of back
debts — many of them considerable in
amount — contracted in the hard times. One
woman, when congratulated on the good
war jobs she and her husband had secured,
replied, "// we keep them for two years,
we'll get the debts all paid off.''
One fifth of the families having back
debts owed $300 or more. Let us look at
some of those who owed the most:
#4,500 — This, the largest debt reported,
included heavy medical and dental bills.
Four of the family had gotten themselves
jobs. The mother and father were bringing
home $45 and $37.50 a week respectively;
and the fourteen and sixteen year old son
and daughter were earning $12 and $9 a
week respectively. By the time of our in-
quiry, all but $500 of the $4,500 had been
paid off.
#4,400 was owed on the house a family
were buying. Eleven years steady employ-
ment with a wartime increase from $40 to
$66.40 had put them in an unusually good
position to clear the mortgage.
#3,000 — A debt reaching back deep into
the depression when the father had earned
$52 a month on the WPA. He had been
able to get a job in the early days of the
war at $45, working seven days a week,
and had held it for four years — itself a sig-
nificant bit of social history. One girl, the
only child, now twenty-one, had also had
a job for three years paying $35 a week.
These changes in fortune, plus hard work,
had enabled the family to clear up the
$3,000 in back debts and to start buying
a home for $1,200. When they were visited
they were planning a bathroom in the
house if the father's job kept up.
#2,000— A grandmother's funeral ex-
penses (her insurance policy had lapsed)
coupled with earlier repairs on her little
house and on their own had brought the
family's debts to this figure; but they had
been steadily whittling it down. The father
had a paint sprayer's job at $53.85 (after
taxes), and the mother had worked, too,
leaving the three children with their grand-
mother until her death.
Approximately five out of seven of the
families reported heavy medical expenses
during the war years. Some were so exten-
sive— running from $200 to over $900 — as
to suggest that they were trying to make
up for ravages of neglect when they had no
money to pay for professional services. Two
thirds of the families had contracted dental
bills and in two thirds of these they ranged
from $50 to $300. The schedules bore out
how people get the'ir teeth fixed and under-
go needed operations when they can afford
it. From the standpoint of the health of
the community, it would seem wise to see
that people have steady jobs to enable them
to meet such emergencies — and health in-
surance to spread the risk.
Badly needed replacements of furniture
and household goods also proved to be a
drain on the new wartime wages. This is
an old story to social workers among fami-
lies long unemployed. I recall one woman
who through good luck was about to get
into a public housing development. When
I urged her not to go into debt by buying
all at once on the installment plan, she
replied, "Why, Miss Hall, I can't wait.' My
furniture wouldn't stand to move across the
street."
Here again, household buying has had
to be done in a market where prices were
high and quality low. The amounts spent
on clothes and shoes vary greatly in these
schedules of ours, depending upon circum-
stances and the temperament of the family
heads. But, on the whole, much less went
into them than we anticipated, knowing
how long wardrobes had been made to
stretch. Every family had purchased new
clothes with wartime pay, but three fifths
of the group had spent less than $300.
Thrift for the Future
On the plus side of the picture, two
thirds of the families had bought war
bonds. A third of these reported more than
S250 worth— the highest being $1,750.
Some, of course, admitted that they had
had to sell their bonds almost as soon as
bought, but most had been able to hold
on to them and felt they held out hopes
for the future. Two women planned to put
theirs toward a "home with plenty of yard
space." A man hoped to "join relatives in
California and have a vineyard" — which
meant to him "a comfortable old age not
depending on relief of any sort." Other
plans centered on setting up in small busi
nesses and education for children such as
their parents had missed. Bonds may help
make such family hopes come true, but onl\
if "work holds out." So a steady job had
priority in all family planning.
One out of four of the families had bank
accounts. Of these, half had saved up to
$100; a quarter from $100 to $625; and an-
other quarter from $1,000 to $2,200. In the
top family both father and son had war
jobs as carpenter and molder respectively.
The former had held his since 1942 when
he started his savings. Before then he had
done "odd jobbing" as he called it, and
his comment on his plans after the war was
short and to the point. He "would like to
have a job with a steady income." The
next highest in the group, with $2,000 in
the bank, was a driller earning $70 a week.
With his wife and two small children he
lived with the wife's parents. They wanted
more children and a home of their own
and were fighting hard for this goal.
These were the fortunate ones. As in
dicated, three fourths of the whole number
of families had no money in the bank; ami
among those who did, few had a largr
enough cushion to see them through an)
prolonged unemployment.
For such families, if they are living in
war areas rather than in their own home
towns, the problem of postwar credit is
intensified. Local grocers and butchers
often carry neighborhood people over
months of unemployment, but they can
scarcely take this risk among war worker^
laid off en masse who may never get an
other job in the district.
Steady Work
Settlement workers saw the fabric ot
neighborhood life crumble in the last de
pression. That has been true every time a
business cycle has thrown people out of
work wholesale. The reconversion perioil
may be equally disruptive to livelihood. Un
less something is speedily done about mass
unemployment, now, .our settlement cast
stories of what it meant to families in 1928
to 1930 will be just as true for the month-,
or the years ahead as they were then. The
causes may change from one decade to an
other, but what insecurity does to men and
women and children doesn't change a bit.
Unless we prevent it, it will be as devastat-
ing, physically and psychologically, to the
children who are ill fed and insecure; to
the then who hunt work hopelessly; to tbr
women who face the unpaid grocer and thr
hungry child — in 1945 or '46 or '49 as it
was in the Thirties.
We were told back in 1928 and 192«
that people didn't want to work. We know
now that was nonsense. It was these same
people and their kind who, working and
fighting, won this war. It seems incredibly
stupid if Americans can plan together to
win such a war and yet cannot plan so th.it
men and women can work steadily.
396
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Shipyard War Workers
Kuropean
An Economic Bill of Rights
Here is a labor blueprint for establishing now the right of every
American to work, steady wages, fair profits, a rising living standard.
PHILIP MURRAY
1 00 NOT ASK YOU TO TRY TO VISUALIZE TEN
million bales of cotton heaped up in piles.
Or ten million army trucks and military
weapons lying idle. Or ten million books
on library shelves. But I do ask you to
try to picture ten million living, breathing
human beings who are being dismissed
from their war jobs, and who must have
continuous employment with a good in-
come if they are to provide themselves and
twenty million dependents with food, cloth-
ing, and shelter.
My warrant for asking you to picture
these ten million Americans is because out
of my own experience I know what it
means to want work and be without money
to get necessities.
We are a powerful nation, in every sense.
At the moment we are custodians of atomic
power, the full significance of which we
are only beginning to understand. That is
a new challenge. There is an older one.
Are we going to master our own economic
-.ystem or are we going to allow another
cycle of unemployment, hunger, and de-
pression which will lead the world to war?
Are we masters of the force of nature but
unable to prevent little children in work-
ers' homes from being undernourished be-
OCTOBER 1945
— By an outstanding labor statesman,
president of the Congress of Industrial
Organizations, formerly vice-president
of the United Mine Workers.
Mr. Murray served on the National
Bituminous Coal Committee in World
War I, on the National Industrial Re-
covery Board in 1935, and has been
called frequently to Washington as
labor adviser in World War II. He was
co-author with Morris L. Cooke of
"Organized Labor and Production"
(1940).
This article is based on Mr. Murray's
testimony at hearings on the Full Em-
ployment Bill before a subcommittee of
the Senate Committee on Banking and
Finance.
cause their parent cannot have a job? Are
we to go on talking about atomic power,
radar, and electronics, while Americans are
right now wondering how they are going
to get the necessities of life?
Last April a CIO conference was held in
New Jersey to discuss the problems of re-
turning veterans. A corporal asked, "What
guarantee does the Constitution give me
that 1 can get a job When 1 get out of the
army?" He had to be told that die United
States Constitution contains no such guar-
antee, and that the passage of the Full
Employment Bill of 1945 would be a first
step toward adding an economic Bill of
Rights to our political Bill of Rights.
Congress has an enormous opportunity
this fall and a solemn responsibility. These
months should be memorable for the pro-
gressive legislation passed. The country
must be mobilized for an attack upon pov-
erty, ignorance, and fear that compares to
our war effort. No one can say such a
mobilization will cost us too much; the
contrary is true — it will cost us too much
to fail.
The war cost us ten million dollars an
Hour: ten million dollars a Day for the
transition to peace would be an insignifi-
cant sum in consideration of the treasure
we shall lose and the unhappiness we shall
endure if we have mass unemployment.
The total dollar cost of the war will be
more than 400 billions. The sales lost
through mass unemployment of Americans
during the depression totalled 355 billion
dollars. Even greater than wage and profit
loss was the suffering of people which can-
397
not be measured. I insist that every citizen
has a right to a job at a high wage, com-
mensurate with work performed; that it is
the responsibility of the national govern-
ment to assure that right; that all the re-
sources of the government should be ap-
plied to make it effective.
We must use what it takes to prevent
the catastrophe of mass unemployment just
as we used our resources in cooperative
endeavor to prevent the catastrophe of fas-
cism from overwhelming the world. My
idea is not merely that work shall be cre-
ated through appropriation of public funds
to keep people from starving on a 52-dol-
lars-a-month WPA. We are dealing with
new wealth greater than we have ever con-
ceived, created by the application of skill,
intelligence, and energy in such volume
that really substantial fruits of victory will
spread throughout the world.
Some manufacturers are saying they can-
not provide more jobs than existed during
the war or even as many. I do not believe
or admit that. We never before the war
produced the quantities of food, clothing,
and shelter needed to give all Americans
a decent standard of living. We can expect
such productive activity to provide millions
of jobs.
The Opportunity We Confront
We have a dozen million veterans re-
turning. They are not going to be satis-
fied if veterans of the last war and other
workers are discharged to give them em-
ployment. But production itself has a triple
obligation to meet from the wealth that
is created through the cooperative efforts of
management and labor in mining, manu-
facturing and transportation. There is not
only the obligation of dividends to owners;
even more important is the obligation of
high wages to workers and of ample taxes
to support the huge new public services
which both provide the people's basic needs
and give new jobs.
At the close of the greatest war in his-
tory, with our economy safely preserved
from enemy attack, we find ourselves at
once in the most promising and the most
vulnerable position of all the Allied nations.
They are confronted with the problem of
reconstruction and rehabilitation. We face
the question of how to live with our abun-
dance.
Chapter 10 in Fred D. Vinson's July 1
Report, (written while he was still director
of War Mobilization and Reconversion)
contained this passage:
"The American people are in the pleas-
ant predicament of having to learn to live
50 percent better than they have ever lived
before. Only the defeatist can scoff at the
inescapable fact that we must build our
economy on that basis."
But people are not going to be 50 percent
better off if they no longer have jobs. Peo-
ple who are unemployed are 100 percent
worse off. I am making no criticism of
Judge Vinson; rather I praise him for the
vision reflected in his statement, as well as
for his letter last June to Senator Wagner,
when he gave the full force of his consid-
erable influence in support of S.380.
The American people are asking: Why
are the good things a part of war? Why
can't we have them in peacetime as well?
They have seen infant and child care, hous-
ing, maternity care for wives of servicemen,
more ample supplies of good food, physical
fitness activities, steady jobs at better wages,
more complete utilization of the labor and
skill of all Americans.
Now that hostilities have ceased, even the
things war has provided are rapidly dis-
The Sum of Prosperity
The Murray-Patman Bill (S. 380), to
provide machinery for a continuous
full employment policy.
The Kilgore-Forand Unemployment
Compensation Bill, providing sup-
plementary federal funds to make
possible unemployment benefits of
#25 a week for 26 weeks a year in
every state.
The Pepper amendment to the Wage-
Hour Act, increasing the minimum
wage in interstate industries from 40
to 65 cents an hour.
The Wagner-Murray-Dingell Bill to
liberalize the social security program
and establish health insurance.
A permanent Fair Employment Prac-
tice Committee.
Improvement in existing laws to pro-
vide adequate help for veterans, es-
pecially the disabled.
A whole new concept of tax legisla-
tion, to give relief to low income
groups and force idle wealth into
healthy circulation.
Abolition of the poll tax, to extend the
franchise to every American.
A large scale program to modernize
postwar America — new roads, schools,
hospitals, housing.
Establishment of the Missouri Valley
Authority.
Public control of atomic power, forever
keeping these forces of life and death
out of the hands of private monopo-
lists.
appearing. Some questions are in order:
Are we concerned about the health and
care of mothers and children only when
the husband and father is in the armed
forces? Are we willing to provide housing
on the basis of people's need for it only
when soldiers are living in foxholes? Are
we ready to feed people adequately when
they are making or using engines of de-
struction but care nothing about nourish-
ment of the same people when war is won?
Our citizens are not foolish persons; they
are asking all these and a multitude of
similar questions. To preserve democracy,
it will be necessary to give them very con-
crete demonstration that the fruit of vic-
tory is something better than we have ever
had before.
We are thinking of these things while
victory is new and masses of people are los-
ing their jobs. When an army bomber hit
the Empire • State Building in New York,
the cables on one ot the elevators were cut
and the car dropped some eighty floors to
the street. The unemployment resulting
from contract cancellations is causing the
same sudden and precipitous drop in buy-
ing power, just at the time when we need
tremendously enlarged income to take up
the slack created by cessation of so much
government war spending.
Before me as I write is a copy of a study
of the Braddock, Pa., steelworkers em-
ployed at the Edgar Thompson works of
U. S. Steel in that city. The steelworkers
throughout the war — even while averaging
47% hours of work a week — have been go-
ing into debt. This study shows that the
cost of living has risen faster than their
wages. Those now working regularly 40
hours a week are suffering hardships and
going further into debt.
Everybody knows about the 15 billion
dollars invested by the federal government
in war plants and machinery. Workmen do
not think of them as figures in an ac-
countant's ledger; they think of them as
hours of labor applied . . . units of goods
turned out.
The American labor movement believes
in private competitive enterprise. Rank and
file union members are expecting the in-
dustrialists to buy or lease the plants and
run them. If the plants are not soon started
up to make jobs and turn out goods, the
average citizen is going to ask, "Well, why
doesn't the government hire engineers and
managers to operate these factories as it did
during the war?" .
If private enterprise fails to give workers
jobs at good wages, turning out things we
all need, the people will recognize the fail-
ure of private capitalism and vigorously call
for government operation.
Enabling Legislation
Passage of the Full Employment Bill will
be the legal acknowledgment that the na-
tional government assumes responsibility
for prosperity in peactime. But, of course,
the bill does not either bring full employ-
ment or say how the new high standard of
living shall be maintained. It is a declara-
tion of intention, and provision of the
means to start the job.
I think of the history of the Panama
Canal as an illustration. We spent a century
talking about digging a canal; Congress
passed the enabling legislation in 1902. The
bill did not contain all the specifications
and engineering data. Enactment of the law
merely said: It is the purpose of the nation
to have a canal. There were many dif-
ficulties to overcome and much effort to be
put forth before that purpose was accom-
plished. But the canal was finished and the
great oceans of the Atlantic and the Pacific
were joined for the betterment of com-
merce and communication.
Senate Bill 380 is enabling legislation, the
object of which is to unite the two great
oceans of production and consumption so
that commerce may increase and full em-
ployment be attained. The bill designates
the machinery to begin a job which cannot
and must not be delayed.
There is a certain disgrace in the fact
398
SURVEY GRAPHIC
that this measure and a score of similar
imperative measures were not enacted into
law a year ago. Some very important
people were asleep at Pearl Harbor on
December 7, 1941; there is even less excuse
for having been asleep at this second, eco-
nomic Pearl Harbor.
Warnings from the Past
Back in the summer of 1940 the big in-
dustrialists were unwilling to take orders
for production of war goods unless they re-
ceived certain unreasonable assurances.
When new plants had to be built to in-
crease output they refused to move until
the national government guaranteed them
that the costs would be amortized in five
years. This has meant that the products of
these plants have been priced at least 20
percent higher than they should have been.
The plants have been paid for by the
people, but are privately owned by the
corporations.
In April 1942, President Roosevelt sent
to Congress the seven-point stabilization
program, which was delayed and dilly-
dallyed over and amended until a weak-
ened economic stabilization act was passed.
It was emphasized at the time that the
entire seven points had to operate together
to makes the program effective. The ad-
verse economic consequences of selecting
only wage control for real policing with
almost no concern about profits and too
little concern about prices, is apparent in
the imbalance now existing between prop-
erty ownership and workers' income.
In October 1942, the Kilgore-Pepper-
Tolan bill for total war mobilization was
rejected. The operation of that measure in
our war economy would have made more
secure the transition into victory.
In April 1943, Congress repealed the
$25,000 limitation on personal salaries,
again giving concern only to those who
have too much and ignoring the great mass
of the people who have too little.
In February 1944, there was the overrid-
ing of the President's veto of tax legisla-
tion, a bill which was aptly described as
giving "relief for the greedy, not for the
needy."
Promise Made in December
In August 1944, after assuring corpora-
tions of all costs plus profits in a contract
termination act, and promising them the
exclusive use of government-owned plants
in the Surplus War Pro'perty Act, Congress
refused to report and pass the Murray-Kil-
gore bill to provide unemployment com-
pensation and transportation costs to war
workers. This has been reintroduced in the
present Congress as the Kilgore-Forand
bill.
The promise that was made at the end of
1944, when the 78th Congress adjourned,
to take up this question first in the 79th
Congress has not only been completely
broken, but when President Truman sent
an urgent message late last May, some ten
weeks passed before a bill even was in-
troduced.
Even though Congress did enact the War
Mobilization and Reconversion Act of 1944
with its Title V calling for planning and
preparation of public works through the
public works administrator, the 150-mil-
lion-dollar appropriation requested to begin
the engineering and blueprint work was re-
jected, the House Ways and Means Com-
mittee driving the figure down to a mere
55,000,000 until the Senate came to the
rescue and insisted on $17,500,000 — still a *
completely inadequate amount. The Ameri-
can Society of Civil Engineers shows a goal
of ten billion dollars worth of private con-
struction projects with only 404 million
ready for bids, and a goal of five billion
dollars worth of public construction projects
with only 805 million ready for bids.
Profit Security
Those members of Congress who are
guilty of all these derelictions concerning
the common people have not hesitated to
add to the inflation of American corporate
fortunes. Last July, a special interim tax
measure was made law to hasten the return
to the wealthy of some of the taxes they
had been charged from their excess war
profits. This action was taken at the same
time President Truman's message urging
unemployment compensation legislation lay
untouched.
The Revenue Act of 1942 already con-
tained the carry-back, carry-forward pro-
visions, as well as the provision for refund-
ing 10 percent of corporations' excess profit
taxes which had been paid during the war.
The first of these allowances made available
a total of $27,000,000,000 and the second
approximately $3,000,000,000. On top of all
this, the working capital of American cor-
porations listed on the national stock ex-
changes increased $20,000,000,000 from war
profits. The July 20 report of the Securities
and Exchange Commission headlines the
war profit gain in working capital of cor-
porations at 63 percent above the 1939
level, and declares:
"The steady increase in working capital
to unprecedented levels, reaching a new
high estimated at 45.5 billion dollars for
all American corporations, is considered by
the commission to reemphasize the ability
of American industry as a whole to recon-
vert to peacetime production and also to
undertake considerable expansion without
recourse to outside sources of funds."
Against this huge coagulation of wealth,
the cost of industrial reconversion beyond
that absorbed by the government under the
Contract Termination Act is only three bil-
lion dollars. This figure is stated in the
May 10 document entitled The War —
Phase Two issued by Judge Vinson im-
mediately after V-E Day.
These figures become more significant
when I point out that they mean the typical
American corporation is protected against
reconversion loss of income to the extent of
fifteen years of normal net income on the
base of 1936-1939. If this huge sum were
available to workers, it would mean that
the average wage earner would now have
on hand war savings in the amount of $7,-
200, would shortly receive a tax refund of
$1,200 from the United States Treasury,
and in case of reduced earnings or no earn-
ings during the next year or two, could call
on the Treasury for additional payments
up to $9,600. His total protection for tht
transition would add up to $18,000.
Instead of such a sum, each wage earner
has on the average only about $300 backlog
of savings. This includes the great majority
who have nothing, as well as those who are
lucky enough to have saved a thousand
dollars or more. Even if the full $25 a week
of unemployment compensation urged by
President Truman and the labor movement
should be paid, for the full 26-week period
suggested, the total amount would be only
$650. This would not support a family
adequately for a half year.
I mention these matters of neglect and
discrimination to show that certain people
in and out of Congress are so shortsighted
as to oppose purchasing power for workers.
Why, I do not know, since the success of
businessmen depends on their having a
good market for their products.
Who Wants Unemployment?
Some of these same people have been
raising objections to the full employment
bill and the related legislation. I should
like to be quite direct about this: Who does
not want full employment? I have noticed
in the financial and some daily newspapers
an undertone of satisfaction that there will
be masses of unemployed people again.
Who wants to see a big "float of unemploy-
ment" and why do they want it?
I take this occasion to put the question
directly to every member of Congress: Do
you want to see unemployment of Ameri-
cans? I am not satisfied to listen in reply
to legalistic double talk. I am not interested
in a sterile discussion about isolated phrases
and whether the "right" to a job and a
good income is an introduction of "tyr-
anny."
Here is a situation with respect to our
economic welfare and the prosperity of our
people which reminds me of a well known
statement of nearly twenty centuries ago:
"He that is not for me, is against me." One
is either for a fulli employment program
with responsibility in the national govern-
ment, or he is for unemployment. This
basic truth cannot be hidden in verbiage.
Can we look into the mind of a man
who wants unemployment? What can the
motive be? In this connection I am re-
minded of a remark attributed to Insull:
"The surest guarantee of a contented work-
ing force is a long line at the employment
office window."
President Truman's radio report to the
people on the Potsdam conference included
a pertinent sentence: "The thing we have
learned now, and should never forget, is
this: that a society of self-governing men is
more powerful, more enduring, more crea-
tive than any other kind of society, how-
ever disciplined, however centralized." Self-
government — that is, democracy — extends
into the employment relationship.
All of this economic struggle we are now
going through is part of a lesson we arc
learning that the common people are not
primarily "hewers of wood and drawers of
(Continued on page 419)
OCTOBER 1945
"Sixty Million Jobs" If—
A truly creative American shows the way to the abundant life modern technology
opens to us — if we are willing to pay the price necessary to attain it.
HENRY A. WALLACE OFFERS AMERICA A
five-year plan. By 1950, he submits, we
can and we must be operating on the
basis of 60,000,000 jobs and a $200,000,-
000,000 annual national income. His wide-
ly heralded book, "Sixty Million Jobs"
(cloth, Reynal & Hitchcock — Simon and
Schuster, $2; pamphlet edition, Simon and
Schuster, $1) sets forth his argument; and
blueprints his plan in text and graphs,
except for one important "If — ".
The former Vice-President of the United
States, now Secretary of Commerce, starts
from the premise that a lasting peace must
be a "peace of abundance." It takes only a
three-page chapter to sketch clearly the
grim alternative to full employment and
production. Aside from the human cost
— the fear, insecurity, malnutrition, dis-
couragement— of the Thirties, we lost in
those years 88,000,000 man-years of pro-
duction, or something like $350,000,000,-
000. That is, the cost to us of a decade of
unemployment in time and output was
higher than the cost of total war.
The other side of the picture, spelled out
and figured out in far more detail, analyzes
die job opportunities of the American econ-
omy and shows what full employment
means — to the businessman, the worker,
the farmer, the veteran.
Of the. 60,000,000 jobs, which is his esti-
mate of full employment, Mr. Wallace sees
23,000,000 provided thus: by government
and the armed forces, 7,000,000; by agricul-
ture, 8,000,000; domestic service, 2.000,000;
self-employment, 6,000,000.
The other 37,000,000 must be found in
manufacturing and mining, construction,
transportation and other utilities, "trade of
all kinds," and the service industries. Here
there are two strategic areas of employ-
ment, he points out: "One is manufactur-
ing, where government can either accelerate
or choke off the reconversion process —
where it can either help to keep fourteen
million people employed or can precipitate
a decline which will be extremely difficult
to check. The other is construction, where
the government can act and has tradition-
ally acted, directly, to create employment
in the construction of needed public
works."
Mr. Wallace's mechanism is essentially
that of the Murray-Patman bill (see page
395), and kindred to Beveridge's plan for
Great Britain. That is, acceptance of the
principle that every American has a "right"
to a job, and of the responsibility of govern-
ment to safeguard that "right"; presenta-
tion of "a national full employment bud-
get" by the President to Congress annually,
giving estimates of "current job-creating
expenditures by business and consumers."
BEULAH AMIDON
— A significant new book by Henry A.
Wallace is here reviewed by the indus-
try editor of Survey Graphic.
If a job deficiency seems likely, it would
be the duty of the President to suggest two
specific types of incentives. One type, in-
volving no government spending, would
include tax and credit incentives "to stimu-
late both consumers and businessmen to
spend more and therefore to create more
jobs." The other type would mean the
use of government funds for grants-in-aid
for local or state public works projects, or
"for actual investment directly by the fed-
eral government in development of our
resources."
In contemplating full production and its
possibilities, Mr. Wallace would have
Americans enthusiastic not only about
"backlogs of unfilled orders in business, but
also about backlogs for the nation as a
whole — the government's backlogs of pro-
ductive work to supplement and stimulate
, business and industry."
Mr. Wallace sees housing as the largest
of the new frontiers where "job oppor-
tunities" are to be thrown open. Other
major backlogs are health care and preven-
tive medicine, river valley developments
like TVA, land conservation, forest devel-
opment, rural electrification.
His is a pre-Hiroshima book. As he
scans "new horizons in industry," Mr. Wal-
lace sees vast peacetime applications of war-
stimulated advances in radio and radar,
chemistry, synthetics, and so on. But in
writing, he kept the secret of Washington's
two-billion-dollar gamble on our "inven-
tive genius and technological know-how,'
and how it brought the dawn of 'the atomic
age. How does this incalculable factor
affect the complex formulas of social-eco-
nomic planning? Mr. Wallace does not
raise this question but he probably would
be among the first to insist that the answer
must be found, and that essential research
must go forward hand in hand with pres-
ent intensive research directed to the pro-
ductive harnessing of atomic power.
Balancing Freedom and Control
It is as a successful midwestern business-
man, and as Secretary of Commerce, that
Mr. Wallace seems to have written one of
the most provocative sections of his book,
"The American Approach to Abundance."
For here he proceeds to pour the new wine
of economic planning into the old bottle
of the free enterprise system, all the while
arguing that it is the best and most service-
able container yet devised.
In today's terms the problem, as Mr.
Wallace defines it, is "for Americans to
organize the activities of the federal govern
ment in taxation, agricultural adjustment,
social security, foreign trade, resource de-
velopment, and other fields so as continu-
ously to promote in private enterprise the
maximum of sound employment and busi-
ness activity. We must do this to keep
free enterprise free and functioning con-
tinuously. For this is die essential process
of our own freedom."
It would be difficult to dodge the logic
of Mr. Wallace's calculations. He starts
from the premise that "we must find the
proper balance between liberty and control,
between stimulating full employment and
keeping free enterprise free." He reject!
the extremes of the regimented state and
of "Social Credit." He then proceeds to
draw up sample budgets for annual produc-
tion totaling $200,000,000,000, showing
how consumer, business and government
spending can maintain this market.
In balancing his specimen budgets, he
uses broad tax policy, including tax conces-
sions, to stimulate or control risk-taking,
the flow of capital, and consumer spending.
Mr. Wallace's presentation of this sort
of national budget "as a businesslike system
for avoiding the high cost of unemploy-
ment" is clear and persuasive. And then
comes the "If — ." The price for "this
maximum of business investment and con-
sumer expenditure," he concludes, "must
be paid by a willingness to cooperate — and
not by an increase in the federal debt." He
continues: "This demands a maximum of
cooperation every step of the way between
Main Street and Washington — between
congressional and senate appropriation and
revenue committees; between the House
and Senate; between the Congress and the
President; between the- various departments
and agencies of the federal government,
and between federal, state and local gov-
ernments; between government and busi-
ness, labor, and agriculture, and between
management and labor."
This is a far cry from tugs-of-war be-
tween the White House and Capitol Hill —
even under wartime urgency for united
action; from today's front-page accounts of
"crises" in industrial relations; from friction
between federal agencies; the state-federal
cleavage over unemployment insurance and
the employment service; the threats and
counter-threats of pressure groups.
Cooperation on a wholly new level of
effectiveness is put forward by the Secre
tary of Commerce as essential to his pro-
gram for 60,000,000 jobs and new frontiers
of abundance. But here even Mr. Wallace
cannot offer a blueprint of "how to do it,"
but only an eloquent plea.
SURVEY GRAPHIC
As Uniforms Are Shed
To set the veterans off from the rest of the nation would lead
to failure. Mr. Baruch's formula for a successful program.
BRADLEY BUELL
"WE MUST NOT FAIL THE VETERAN FOR
then we fail ourselves. We fail our nation
with its heritage of greatness which is the
challenge to all the world. We must show
that our political and economic system
which met the test of war so magnificently
can be turned as effectively to the solution
of human problems in the return of peace."
So concludes the most recent of the
notable reports by that sagacious Elder
Statesman, Bernard M. Baruch, adviser to
Presidents in mobilizing American resources
in two world wars. The report was pre-
pared after months of study, which Mr.
Baruch undertook at the request of Presi-
dent Roosevelt.
Addressed as a personal communication
to General Omar N. Bradley, newly ap-
pointed director of the Veterans Admin-
istration— dated August 16, just after V-J
Day, and released to the press September 6
as Congress reassembled — the timing 4 un-
derscores the "extreme urgency" expressed
in the document's cogent phrases: "There
now prevails a 'no man's land' of neglect
of the human problems of the change-over
from war to peace. . . . Reorganization,
modernization and expansion of the Vet-
erans Administration cannot be delayed.
. . . Your excellent appointment has been
hailed as foreshadowing a thorough-going
shake-up of the government's handling of
veterans' matters."
Part of a Larger Program
Mr. Baruch has a unique capacity for
putting the problem of the moment in its
significant perspective. Thus he sees clearly
that the satisfactory readjustment of return-
ing servicemen is in fact the core of our
entire problem of postwar re-orientation:
"Solution of the veterans' problems does
not — can not — proceed alone. During the
period when our soldiers and sailors will
be shedding their uniforms, six to eight
million workers in strictly war industries
will be shifting jobs or homes. The ultimate
goal of any veterans' program must be to
restore the returning soldier and sailor to
the community — socially, economically and
humanly. . . . One terrible danger of failure
may be to set the veteran off from the rest
of the nation ... his feelings an explosive
fuel ready to be ignited by some future
demagogues."
The families of the twelve million service
men make up one fourth of the population
of the enure country. The families include
vrives, fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters,
who have done their part in the tremen-
dous home front effort which poured out
supplies for all the United Nations' battle
fronts. Only as they and millions of other
industrial workers make a satisfactory
peacetime adjustment will the veteran re-
turn to a family and community setting that
OCTOBER 1945
— By the executive editor of Survey
Midmonthly which this year has pro-
jected field work throughout the country
to find out how communities are meeting
their responsibilities to veterans in the
transition from war to peace.
Thus in July, the Midmonthly carried
"The Veteran Returns to Dayton," by
Mr. Buell and Reginald Robins'on. Other
close-up appraisals will be brought out
this fall.
The last time we drew on the thinking
of the chairman of the War Industries
Board of 1917-19 was in December 1941.
Then we crystallized his testimony on
industrial mobilization and price control
as one of the major features of "Man-
ning the Arsenal of Democracy" — one
of the "Calling America" numbers of
Survey Graphic.
lends itself to the ordering of his own
future. The federal government, Congress,
and responsible people everywhere must
understand that "this cannot be accom-
plished except as part of the larger program
embracing the whole of human demobili-
zation."
In this report, Mr. Baruch makes it clear
that he would trust administrative leader-
ship of tested competence and broad vision
to work out the specifics of policy and pro-
gram. The report itself is in no sense a
manual. Rather, it is a broad policy-form-
ing guide to action in four main areas. Two
of these are concerned with the Veterans
Administration itself — recommendations
which would segregate its medical program
and generally overhaul its non-medical ac-
tivities. Two are outside the immediate ad-
ministrative responsibility of the Veterans
Administration. They aim to implement
the coordination and planning functions
of the closely related Retraining and Re-
employment Administration, and to
strengthen the GI Bill of Rights.
The Veterans Administration
The Veterans Administration now dis-
I charges two major functions. It is a health
agency providing hospital and medical care.
It is also a benefit or pension agency which
distributes the various kinds of cash pay-
ments to which ex-servicemen are entitled
by law. During the past year, the admin-
istration of the medical part of its program
(Continued on page 420)
BERNARD M. BARUCH
By Max Kalish for the Notable Men of Wartime Collection, Smithsonian Institution
401
The Veteran Goes to College
The beginnings of a postwar story— what returning World War II veterans want
the colleges, what the laws provide, what the campuses offer servicemen.
OF THE MORE THAN 13,000,000 MEN AND
women who have been in uniform during
the war, 3,500,000 include school or college
in their postwar plans. This is the estimate
of Ernest V. Hollis of the U. S. Office of
Education who bases his figures on careful
samplings. Of the 3,500,000, a round
million probably will want full time school-
ing at the various levels— elementary, sec-
ondary, collegiate, graduate, and postgradu-
ate. The balance will seek additional edu-
cation on a part time basis. The number
who actually enroll will depend upon
various factors, including the length of
time before discharge, the effectiveness of
the educational programs, and the employ-
ment opportunities open as veterans return
to civilian life.
Education will be especially important
in the readjustment of servicemen and
women to peacetime living. Willard Waller
in his book, "The Veteran Comes Back,"*
stressed the point that, better than any
other experience, education can restore the
ex-serviceman to a feeling of "belonging-
ness." School and college administrators
help veterans decide what they want to
do next and secure the cooperation of other
agencies toward these objectives. Generally
speaking, the colleges stand ready to do
their part. President Conant of Harvard
has expressed a common attitude: "Every
American school, college, and university
now faces the responsibility of helping
members of the armed forces to resume
their education once the war is over."
The Time Is Now
The job of the colleges is right at hand.
With the sudden collapse of Japan, the
number returning for the 1945-6 college
year mounts daily. Even for 1944-5, the
figures were substantial. Before that college
year closed, several institutions had en-
rolled five hundred or more veterans. A
report of the Veterans Administration in-
dicates that as of April 30, 1945, there were
23,552 former servicemen taking courses
under the GI Bill of Rights, and 14,478
in training under Public Law 16. Following
V-E Day, but before Japan surrendered,
the army planned to release 2,000,000 men
from active duty. With the end of the war
in the Pacific, the figures jumped. As of
October 1, more than 3,000,000 veterans
will be out of uniform.
But the educational programs developed
are even more important than the numbers
served. If the early enrollees in the colleges
receive stimulation and practical help, ex-
servicemen will continue to stream into
colleges and universities. But if the pro-
grams do not meet the veterans' needs, the
greatest educational opportunity of this or
any other generation will be lost. The
heavy withdrawal of veterans who returned
402
JOHN N. ANDREWS
— By an educator now in uniform.
Colonel Andrews, on military leave of
absence from New York University, has
been with the National Selective Service
System since 1941, and is now in charge
of postwar activities.
He is the author of "Outlook for the
Serviceman," and of numerous articles
on the adjustment of returning veterans
to civilian life.
to college at the end of World War I was
due largely to the inadequacy of what they
found on the campus.
College Requirements
College administrators find that most
veterans seeking admission begin by ask-
ing three questions: What credit do I get
for service training courses? What required
courses must I take? How long will it take
to complete the work here and will it help
me later in applying for a job?
The answers are vital to veterans since,
as a group, they are more mature than
other college students. They want to speed
up their education and training, and they
feel it should have practical value in pre-
paring them for business, industry, agri-
culture, or the professions.
Many institutions have liberalized ad-
mission requirements to take account of
maturity and experience. Sometimes, a bat-
tery of tests helps determine vocational in-
terests and aptitudes. The results of such
tests, plus interviews with counselors, help
in planning a course of study in accordance
with the veteran's abilities and aims.
The colleges, universities, and technical
schools have learned by experience that it
is important to determine early, and as
definitely as possible, whether a candidate
for admission is fitted by capacity and
earlier training to carry successfully his
chosen program of study.
One college administrator expressed the
feeling of many others when he said: "In
our natural desire to 'give men a break,' we
were somewhat over-lenient in admissions
in the first semester and, as a consequence,
there were some men who became dis-
couraged, finding the work too difficult
either on account of poor preparation or as
a result of too much time elapsed since
their previous schooling. There were a
number of withdrawals during the first
term."
Institutions of higher learning, while
ready to make numerous curricular adjust-
ments for veterans, rightly insist that they
do not want to pamper returned service-
men or offer "war degrees" which may be
discounted later. Standards of academic per-
formance cannot be sacrificed. But every
possible effort must be made to assist war
veterans (men and women) in their re-
turn to the classroom.
Credit for military service is a common
practice. It is usually applied toward re-
quired units in physical education, hygiene,
ROTC, or free electives. In accordance with
the recommendation of the American
Council on Education, most colleges give
credit for the completion of the basic army
and navy training courses. If the veteran
has completed one or more technical
courses, such as meteorology or language,
additional credit is allowed for parallel
courses in college. Those who have com-
pleted officer candidate school and other
special courses are generally allowed addi-
tional units. Technical and professional
schools want to be as liberal as possible, but
the very nature of their programs requires
that students have sound academic prepara-
tion. They feel that, in justice to the stu-
dent himself, no essential feature can be
eliminated from the required course of
study. Credit is commonly granted for
work completed in the Army Specialized
Training Programs, the Navy College
Training Programs, and the Armed Forces
Institute.
Social Adjustments
Most colleges report that veterans quickly
become part of the campus population. To
facilitate the integration, and in other ways
to serve them, many institutions have ap-
pointed a coordinator or director of vet-
erans affairs. Some colleges have estab-
lished special divisions for veterans. In
addition to helping ex-servicemen make
their educational and social readjustment,
the coordinator acts as a liaison officer or
helps unsnarl the red tape in which vet-
erans' education sometimes is involved.
The percentage of veterans who fail to
make satisfactory adjustment seems to be
no higher than that of students who come
from civilian life. Even though it sets up
no special services for veterans, a college
as a rule has some "adjustment" machinery
in operation. This machinery, and the fact
that college students are perhaps closer to
the realities of war than any other civilian
group, create an environment to which
most veterans rapidly adjust.
Former servicemen are active in school
athletics, student affairs, and school func-
tions generally. Many of them have become
class officers, others take part in debating
clubs, dramatic societies, and similar
campus activities. Some veterans' clubs have j
been organized, but these do not hamper
participation in other groups.
Veterans of World War II may become |
eligible for educational benefits and train-
ing under either of two programs author-
ized by the 78th Congress: Public Law j
SURVEY GRAPHIC
346 (GI Bill of Rights) and Public Law
16 (vocational training of the disabled).
Both laws are administered under the
supervision of the Veterans Administration.
What the Laws Provide
Under the GI Bill, the veteran with more
than 90 days in service and a discharge
other than dishonorable, is entitled to edu-
cation or training, the amount of which
depends upon his length of service and his
age at the time he went into uniform. The
costs of tuition, fees, books, and other
materials, up to $500 a year, are paid by
the federal government, and the veteran
receives $50 a month subsistence if he is
single; $75 if he has one or more de-
pendents. Education under this law can be
started any time within two years after
discharge or two years after the end of
the war, whichever is later, and it must be
completed not later than seven years after
the end of the war. No course of study
may exceed four full years.
To be trained under the provisions of
Public Law 16, the veteran must have a
disability incurred in or aggravated by his
service for which a pension is payable (or
would be but for the receipt of retirement
pay), and he must be in need of vocational
rehabilitation to overcome the handicap
created by his disability. While in training,
the disabled veteran receives $92.50 a
month if single; $103.50 a month if mar-
ried, plus $5.75 for each dependent child.
For each parent dependent upon the vet-
eran, there is an allowance of $11.50 a
month. Tuition, books, and other necessary
equipment are paid for by the government.
Before undertaking training under this
program, the veteran is required to take a
series of tests to determine his suitability
for his chosen career. The length of train-
ing allowed depends upon the time re-
quired to overcome the vocational handicap,
but it may not exceed four full years, and
it must be completed within six years after
the end of the war.
Testing and Placement
As I have already indicated, scientific
testing and placement are used extensively
in adjusting veterans. Many universities
and colleges have developed excellent pro-
cedures for measuring the abilities and
aptitudes of students. In the course of the
army and navy training programs, they
gained experience in the placement of mili-
tary personnel. All this is valuable in han-
dling veterans.
For several years the Veterans Admin-
istration has required that disabled veterans
about to begin training to overcome a voca-
tional handicap submit to a battery of tests
and an interview. With the passage of the
GI Bill of Rights, scientific testing was
given a further impetus, and now all vet-
erans who are to train under this law have
the opportunity to take a series of voca-
tional tests and to have one or more guid-
ance interviews, while they are considering
their course of study. The tests are not
required, although special centers for the
purpose have been established by the Vet-
erans Administration at many colleges and
the government pays the cost of the tests.
I talked recently with a veteran whose
problems underscored the need for these
services. He was discharged after nearly
forty months overseas, and expects soon to
resume his education. He would like to
pursue an academic course in college, but
he is not certain that he is qualified for ad-
vanced work. The alternative, as he sees
it, is a thorough vocational course. Aptitude
and placement tests will help him decide
what to do next.
It is important that veterans entering
college be placed at a level which will
stimulate them and give play to their abil-
ities and interests. Some need assistance in
planning their postwar careers, particu-
larly sound vocational information based on
careful study of occupational trends.
The need for adequate counseling was
outlined effectively in "Counseling and
Postwar Educational Opportunities," pre-
pared by a committee of the American
Council on Education, with Dean E. G.
Williamson of the University of Minne-
sota as chairman. The report emphasized
five points:
1. Make available up-to-date information
concerning occupational opportunities.
2. Assist ex-service men and women who
have problems of relearning effective study
methods and reading skills.
3. Assist ex-service personnel with their
problems of marriage adjustment, recrea-
tional enjoyment, learning to live with
others in civilian life, reentering desirable
community and school or college projects
and activities, and other morale problems
associated with transfer from military to
student and civilian status.
4. Provide medical examinations, psychi-
atric services, and other assistance to help
the ex-serviceman assume responsibility for
his own well-being.
5. Help students upon completion of
their study to secure employment.
Many colleges are adding trained per-
sonnel to their counseling staffs, often in-
cluding psychologists and psychological
testing specialists assigned to the admis-
sions office. The aim is to assist servicemen
with their problems, and also to make full
use of service training and experience and
the results of the tests.
Tailor-made Programs
Nearly all institutions of higher learning
have made significant changes in their edu-
cational offerings. Many of these changes
were originally to accommodate the war
training programs, which provided valuable
experience, both in content and method.
Many institutions have organized short
terminal courses, varying in length from
Ex-servicemen at the graduate school of the American University, Washington, D. C.
OCTOBER 1945
403
H. Reinhart photos for International
As the term begins at New York University veterans line up for supplies, paid for, along with tuition, by the government
three months -to two or three years. These
cover a wide range of subjects. Refresher
or review courses on the pre-collegiate level
are common, but few colleges offer such
courses. Provision has been made in nearly
all institutions for part time as well as full
time study.
Many excellent plans have been made to
•encourage veterans to continue their school-
ing and training. Unfortunately, space does
not permit a description of the many im-
portant educational innovations. A few pro-
grams are described briefly to indicate the
general trends.
Howard Bevis, president of Ohio State
University, has suggested that in many
cases "we must adjust our college schedules
and courses to meet the needs of the de-
Elwood C. Kastner, registrar of New York University, heads the counseling service
mobilized student" — which he defines as
the individual whose education has been
interrupted by military service or by em
ployment in war industry. For "demobil-
ized students ' who want part time educa-
tion, Ohio State has established a "Twilight
School" offering regular university courses
at night. The subjects are chosen on the
basis of demand and are taught by mem
bers of the university staff. They are open
to any employed man or woman but many
veterans have enrolled, and it is expecteii
that there will be many more.
New York University has had the mosi
extensive experience yet reported by an\
college or university. Ya«^ magazine, in its
issue of June 29, 1945, quotes the registrar.
Elwood C. Kastner, as follows: "We wili
go all out for veterans. We will have classes
six days a week, day and night. We have
more students than we need already, but we
consider it our obligation, and we are glad
to do everything we can for them."
Ex-servicemen at New York University
get every possible break. In addition to the
regular programs, many special courses arc
offered. At the Washington Square Center.
several precollegiate courses meet the needs
of those who require additional high school
units. There is a special course, approved
by the Veterans Administration, to teach
veterans who have been out of school a
long time how to study. The College of
Engineering is planning short, intensive vo
cational courses. The Arts College is in-
stituting a new curriculum to prepare
veterans for careers in international reJa
404
SURVEY GRAPHIC
H. Reinhart for International News
rrom the speaal 'every Monday morning" group at New York University, veterans soon go into the regular classes
tions. The School of Education offers a
wide variety of courses for veterans who ex-
pect to enter or reenter the teaching pro-
fession, or related fields. The School of
Commerce has expanded its extensive pro-
gram for both day and evening students
who are employed on a full or part time
basis. A carefully planned system of testing
and advisement operates as a part of the
admissions office.
The New Jersey College for Women has
made special plans for serving women
veterans who wish to enter or reenter a
business or professional career. The college
has organized a number of short one-year
programs along two lines: vocational or
professional preference, and cultural or gen-
eral interest. Each program is made up of
five courses grouped about a central theme,
such as home economics, library science, ed-
ucation; the cultural programs center
around such topics as The World Today,
Family Living, Literature and the Arts,
Contemporary Civilization. The .regular
courses offered by the college are also avail-
able to women veterans who are candidates
for degrees. The college has issued a special
bulletin for women veterans, and it offers
extensive counseling services.
Schools of education and teacher-train-
ing institutions of all kinds have a special
opportunity because the teaching profession
faces a critical shortage. Many veterans
would make excellent teachers for the ele-
mentary and secondary schools, as well as
for colleges and universities. One estimate
suggests that the teaching profession could
easily absorb from 100,000 to 200,000 men,
including many with various types of dis-
ability.
Many of the state teachers colleges have
established programs which will attract
veterans. The Southwest Texas State Col-
lege is an excellent example. At this in-
stitution, in addition to the regular courses
for teachers or prospective teachers, vet-
erans can take refresher courses, and in-
tensive short courses along many vocational
lines, giving training in a specific skill.
There are courses for those who desire two
years of general education with an area of
concentration in a vocational field; and
courses leading to pre-professional training.
Basic degree requirements have not been
changed and are in accordance with the
standards set by the state. An innovation at
Former servicemen at George Washington University have their own clubhouse
OCTOBER 1945
40*5
this institution is the program for train-
ing specialists in aviation. Ground school
classes are conducted in the college class-
rooms, and the flight training is given at
Thompson Field, near the campus. Several
committees look after the special needs of
veterans. The committee on admissions
evaluates educational training obtained in
the armed forces; the committee on cur-
riculum gives special attention to curricu-
lum adjustment; the counseling committee
advises the veterans on their rights and
benefits; the housing committee locates
rooms or apartments for veterans and their
families; and the placement bureau helps
students find full or part time employment
while they are still in school or after they
have completed their courses.
Kansas State College gives from four to
eight hours of elective credit for basic mili-
tary training and experience, and up to
twelve hours for officer's training, but the
total of such credits may not exceed six-
teen semester hours, the maximum a resi-
dent student may earn by taking ROTC.
Under a statewide policy, a war veteran
may attend any higher educational institu-
tions in Kansas, whether or not he can
meet the formal admission requirements.
If he is not ready for any of the regular
curricula but desires specific subjects or a
combination of subjects, he is admitted as
a special student and assigned to the courses
he wants and is qualified to pursue. Since
no legislative provision was made for a
recommended vocational school at less than
college level, students who are not qualified
to take any work of college grade are
eligible only for non-credit short courses.
Both the School of Agriculture and the
School of Engineering have provided two-
year curricula with a variety of vocational
objectives. By taking advantage of the six-
teen-week summer session, a student may
complete one of these curricula in sixteen
calendar months. In the School of Arts and
Sciences, it is possible for veterans to ar-
range special programs of almost any dura-
tion from one to four years.
Refresher programs of various types have
been organized, including seminars which
review progress in various fields.
Housing
Large numbers of married veterans will
want to attend college. Some institutions
report that difficulties developed last year
in finding adequate housing for veterans
and their families. A' few colleges have
solved the problem temporarily by recon-
verting one or more dormitories into apart-
ments; others report that they hope to be
able to use nearby war housing projects no
longer needed by industry. But the problem,
which college presidents generally look up-
on as critical, calls for immediate planning
on a larger and more permanent scale.
The National Housing Agency has inter-
preted the Lanham act to permit the con-
struction or relocation of war housing for
the use of veterans pursuing educational or
training courses, but at this writing, no
funds are available for the purpose. In ad-
dition to what the federal government can
do, state governments, local communities,
406
and the institutions themselves have re-
sources which can be put to use.
The University of Connecticut has ar-
ranged to house married veterans and their
families in a war housing development
about eight miles away. The university will
provide bus transportation.
Hiram College in Ohio has worked out
an arrangement with a nearby housing pro-
ject, at Windham, where the government
has erected modern apartments to accom-
modate at least 1,000 Ravenna Ordnance
Plant workers and their families. The
National Housing Agency has agreed to
allow married ex-servicemen wishing to at-
tend Hiram College to occupy some of
these apartments at a reasonable rate.
Trailers are being used by veterans in
some colleges and many more will be in
demand as soon as they are available. Al-
ready a hundred "family type" trailers are
housing student veterans at the University
of Wisconsin, and the same number at the
University of Indiana. The Universities of
Wyoming and Toledo have obtained fifty
apiece.
Dangers and Safeguards
The provisions for veterans education are
generous. The fact unfortunately means for
the veterans the danger of exploitation, and
for the taxpayer the waste of his money by
unscrupulous individuals and agencies.
Cases have already come to the attention of
educational associations of special schools or
programs established in anticipation of
veteran enrollment. In some instances, high
fees for refresher or special courses may be
justified on the grounds of expensive in-,
structional materials, limited enrollments,
and other factors; but there is danger that
some institutions may seek to charge the
student or the government more than the
training justifies.
As the number of returning veterans in-
creases— each entitled to education or train-
ing up to $500 a year — new schools and
courses are appearing. Certifying and ac-
crediting agencies in the states and com-
munities are responsible for safeguarding
the interests of veterans and the govern-
ment, and our educational standards. In a
recent letter to its members, the Association
of American Colleges, representing about
six hundred liberal arts colleges, warned
against "fake" institutions of higher edu-
cation organized under the stimulus of the
GI Bill of Rights. Several recent articles
have also carried warnings against "fly-by-
night" schools established to "assist" vet-
erans. Dean J. B. Edmonson of the School
of Education of the University of Michigan,
in a recent article "Gypped — G.I. Joe Must
Be Protected Against Low Grade Colleges,"
published in the Nation's Schools, urged
that more careful attention be given to the
inspection and certifying of schools and
colleges.
Under the GI Bill of Rights, institutions
for the training of veterans may be approved
either by the states in which they are located
or by the administrator of Veterans Affairs.
But the administrator has announced that
he will not approve institutions except in
unusual circumstances, holding that this is
a responsibility of state educational author-
ities.
Dr. R. H. Eckelberry in an article, "The
Approval of Institutions under the GI Bill,"
published in the Journal of Higher Educa-
tion, concludes that most states are making
a serious effort to exercise care in approving
institutions. He urges the colleges and uni-
versities, and the educational profession
generally, to give moral support to the state
departments as they face a difficult task.
"This." he says, "is the time for a united
front on the part of those interested in
sound educational practice and the welfare
of veterans."
General Bradley congratulates an ex-soldier on his fine record at American University
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Control of Atomic Energy
"It is incredibly fortunate that at the dawn of the age of atomic energy we should
already have set about the creation of an ordered world under the regime of peace."
THE ATOMIC BOMB HAS SERVED ITS IMMEDI-
ate purpose in hastening the end of World
War II. That is history. The problem for
the future, the greatest of all problems con-
fronting us, is that of the control of atomic
energy both to prevent future wars and to
further economic prosperity under the re-
gime of peace.
The problem is twofold, domestic and
international; that is at least the way in
which it comes to us now. The distinction
cannot be maintained, however, in the final
solution because, even if the nations which
at present hold the secret of the discovery
were able to keep it from the other na-
tions, their interest and anxiety would cre-
ate an international problem of the first
order. Therefore, even domestic arrange-
ments will be conditioned by international
needs.
Initial American Proposals
The prelude to the history of control was
already opened in the very first announce-
ment by President Truman, August 6.
After pointing out that it had never been
"the habit of the scientists of this country
or the policy of this government to with-
hold from the world scientific knowledge,"
he stated that nevertheless, under present
circumstances, the government did not pro-
pose to divulge either the "terminal proc-
esses of production or all the military ap-
plications" until there could be a careful
examination of the possible ways "of pro-
tecting us and the rest of the world from
the danger of sudden destruction." He then
promised that he would recommend to
Congress "the establishment of an appro-
priate commission to control the production
and use of atomic power within the United
States." This was the domestic problem.
Next he went on to say that he would
"make further recommendations to Con-
gress as to how atomic power can become
a powerful and forceful influence towards
the maintenance of peace."
At the same time Henry L. Stimson an-
nounced the creation of two committees,
one for the use of the bomb in the war
with Japan and ways of keeping it secret;
the other, called the Interim Committee,
for the study of postwar problems "of both
national and international control." This
Interim Committee meets under the chair-
manship of the Secretary of War and con-
sists of representatives of the Navy and
State Departments with the three distin-
guished scientists who played such an im-
portant part in the discovery of the bomb:
Dr. Vannevar Bush, President James Bry-
ant Conant, and Dr. Karl T. Compton.
George L. Harrison, president of the New
York Life Insurance Company was ap-
pointed an alternate chairman of the In-
terim Committee.
JAMES T. SHOTWELL
BRIDGES TO THE FUTURE
— In these epoch-making months of this
amazing year, Professor Shotwell has
been following the advance toward
world organization in a series of articles
for Survey Graphic.
Chairman of the Commission to Study
the Organization of Peace, a chairman
of the consultants at the United Nations
Conference, he brought intimate knowl-
edge to bear on discussion of the security
provisions of the new Charter (July)
and its economic and social section
(September).
In this seventh article of his series,
Professor Shotwell considers the adjust-
ment of the United Nations Charter to
the startling disclosure of the atomic
bomb.
In the Presidents message to Congress
there was only a passing reference to the
control of atomic energy, but there was the
promise that further messages would fol-
low.
Problem of International Control
All thoughtful people are agreed that
the secret of the control of atomic energy
should not be "internationalized" in the
way in which the ideas of philosophy or
pure science are given freely to the world.
This is too dangerous a matter to be turned
over to irresponsible or anti-social, criminal-
ly-minded governments or peoples. Presi-
dent Truman therefore insisted, and right-
ly so, that adequate controls must be pre-
pared against the misuse of atomic energy
before the United States should release the
secret to anyone.
But what if the others find out the
secret on their own account? Sooner or
later that eventuality is not merely a pos-
sibility but an almost certain probability.
In the history of the discovery, the Ameri-
can and British scientists can lay claim only
to the final, if decisive, steps in the long
series of experiments and researches in
mathematics, physics and chemistry, and
the statement is frequently made that if it
had not been for the bombing of German
plants, German scientists would have an-
ticipated the American achievement and so
might have utterly changed the course of
history.
It is not likely that the German scientists
will cease to work upon this problem, for
never, even in the heart of the war, was
there a greater urge upon scientists than
there is upon the German ones of today
to attempt to recover the lost potentialities
of their country. Russia also seems confi-
dent of success in its experiments.
Indeed, it calls for no great flight of the
imagination to realize that in almost every
laboratory of every scientific institution in
the world there will be concentration of
study upon this central problem of all scien-
tific knowledge. Under these conditions, it
seems naive to suppose that the United
States or Great Britain will be able for long
to keep the secret. In any case, there must
be no failure to make provision against the
possibility of an irresponsible use of this
new force by other nations, for that is fully
as essential a provision for our security
now as the discovery of the bomb itself was
necessary for our security in the war.
There must be no Pearl Harbor in the
lac/( o) provision against surprise by the
atomic bomb. And the only defense pos-
sible is prevention.
The need for provision against the event-
uality of surreptitious preparation for
irresponsible uses of the bomb requires no
argument. Steps must be taken as soon as
possible to ensure a proper control of so
dangerous a force. The need for immediate
action is not lessened by the fact that it
will take time for other powers than those
already in possession of the secret to pre-
pare the actual bomb of the future. How-
ever, continuing the uncertainty as to what
may happen breeds a sense of insecurity
which in turn might result in damage to
the whole structure of international peace.
Already both here and in Europe there
have been voices protesting that the Charter
of the United Nations has been nullified
by the bomb and that we must start all
over again. These generalizations are but
natural in view of the fact that the pro-
visions for security in the San Francisco
Charter were all written prior to the bomb
and deal with a world situation which no
longer exists. But this negative attitude
towards the great effort of the United Na-
tions to find a way of peace should certain-
ly not be accepted without at least a careful
reexamination of the nature of the pro-
visions in the Charter, a study which has
not yet been made, or at least has not been
published.
The Lesson of History
Before we turn to see how the Charter
of the United Nations can be adapted to
the era of atomic energy, it may be inter-
esting to look back over a chapter of his-
tory which is not well enough known.
The Disarmament Conference of the
League of Nations is commonly, but wrong-
ly, thought to have been a complete failure.
As a matter of fact, its survey of the whole
problem of security as well as the limita-
tion of armaments made solid progress in
opening up a field where sentiment and
emotion, both international and national,
had run riot. The outstanding contribu-
OCTOBER 1945
407
don which it made was the insistence
upon adequate international provision for
inspection of armaments instead of pre-
tending that verbal promises could be re-
lied upon where there was no means of
finding out if they had been kept. Inter-
national inspection was seen to be the key
to the whole edifice of security which, as
everyone knows, is largely a matter of
psychology. The withdrawal of Germany
from the Disarmament Conference put an
end, however, to all progress along that
line.
However, in 1923, ten years before Ger-
many's withdrawal, I had a lengthy dis-
cussion on this matter with Dr. Duisberg,
the head of the German chemical trust. It
grew out of the fact that the poison gas
of the first World War was developed in
the laboratories of that great chemical city
of Leverkusen on the Rhine, and that the
Allied Control Commission was attempting
to stamp out every possibility of a renewal
of this activity in any German laboratory
or factory. Poison gas was at that time
the equivalent — as nearly as there could
be an equivalent — of the atomic bomb of
today.
Dr. Duisberg readily agreed that there
would be every advantage to the German
chemical industry in ridding itself of the
suspicion entertained against it of possible
plotting to prepare chemicals secretly with
which to renew the war in a surprise at-
tack. He stated his absolute readiness to
share the secrets of the German chemical
trusts with properly qualified specialists of
other countries on the basis of mutual
reciprocity. When I expressed surprise at
this he stated that the organization of the
German chemical industry was so superior
to that of other countries that he had no
fear of coming off second best in any such
exchange of scientific information. Indeed,
he had made the proposal himself to the
French a short time previously but had met
with rebuff, for. reasons which he did not
explain.
The reasons undoubtedly lay in the fact
that the German chemical organization was
a great cartel which was counting upon
an economic invasion of other countries.
The extent to which it was to succeed in
this became apparent years later in the
revelations concerning certain American
firms. It is by no means suggested here that
international exchange of .scientific matters
should be left in the hands of the great
aggregations of private business. President
Truman's warning against that is abso-
lutely to the point. It is a matter for gov-
ernments acting under the full responsi-
bility of office.
The important point in Dr. Duisberg 's
comment is his testimony that so far as
industrial chemistry is concerned, the shar-
ing of information with properly qualified
specialists of other countries could work
to the advantage of the industry itself.
This is a conclusion of the first importance.
Bomb, and Security Council
Now how would this problem come be-
fore the Organization of the United Na-
tions? Obviously it would first be dealt
with by the Security Council, acting
through its technical committee, called the
Military Staff Committee. This committee
is to "advise and assist the Security Council
on all questions" dealing with the employ-
ment of force by the United Nations. This
is an inadequate body for dealing with so
technical a question as that of the atomic
bomb. It is, however, a perfectly proper
body for the practical application of scien-
tific plans. Obviously it must have attached
to it a committee of experts on much the
same lines as those of the Interim Com-
mittee of the United States.
. It would be reasonable to have an addi-
tional clause in the Charter calling for the
establishment of a technical committee of
Crawford in The ATmwrJr Evening Newt
"first Order of Ruuaaa"
this kind to advise both the Military Stafi
Committee and the Security Council. But
provision could be made for such a body
without an amendment to the Charter, for
the Scientific Committee would not be a
committee of policy but of advice concern-
ing the means available for the maintenance
of peace. It therefore could be set up by
the Security Council which, under Article
29 of the Charter, "may establish such sub-
sidiary organs as it deems necessary for the
performance of its functions." There could
hardly be any doubt as to the necessity for
such an organ as that which we have just
mentioned.
The adjustment of the Charter to the era
of atomic energy is therefore not only pos-
sible, but easy. Yet it must be admitted that
the general picture which the Charter pre
sents of the method of applying force
against an aggressor was made antiquated
overnight by the bomb of Hiroshima.
The picture is that of armies and navies
equipped in the old-fashioned way for
major operations. While the atomic age
will need an international police force, it
will decidedly not need the maintenance of
huge armies and navies. The single bomb
at Hiroshima had a greater striking power
than any army that ever existed and physi-
cists tell us that there was a reserve strength
available almost one hundred percent great-
er than that used. This means that the in-
ternational police force must have control
of all bombs and possible bombs in the
world and, having this single armament in
its possession, it can dominate the world
for peace.
Why, then, not just outlaw the bomb and
keep the old-fashioned military and naval
equipment? The answer is twofold. In the
first place, outlawry would not necessarily
keep a lawless nation from using it unless
there were the same kind of inspection and
control which would be necessary if it were
not outlawed. In the second place, the pilot-
less rocket bomb, even without atomic
energy, has been developed to a point
which renders artillery almost as primitive
as bows and arrows. As General H. H.
Arnold has so forcefully pointed out, there
is no longer any need of marching armies
to launch this deadliest of weapons, for it
can be sent across the stratosphere with in-
credible accuracy from points thousands
of miles away.
Blow to Militarism
The idea of defense by huge battalions
drilled for maneuvers on the parade ground
cannot easily be dispelled, because there is
something in the rhythm of marching and
the massing of thousands of men which
touches the springs of emotion in most
people. But from now on, or at least from
sometime in the not distant future, it will
be seen that this is merely pageantry and
not the vital means of defense against a
threat of war. If, therefore, the atomic
bomb succeeds in dissociating war from
pageantry it will have dealt the heaviest
blow to militarism in all history.
This fundamental change in armament
cannot take place over night, for national
(Continued on page 417)
408
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Will Congress Clean House?
Here are some of the evidences of waste and inefficiency uncovered by
its joint committee, and a forecast of recommendations it soon may offer.
CONGRESS, DESCRIBED AS A MODEL T FORD
truck trying to carry a ten ton load, stands
more than a sporting chance for thorough
going modernization under a program be-
ing developed by members of the national
legislature itself.
Congress has been a favorite target for
criticism during recent years. Members,
political scientists and intelligent citizens
have "viewed with alarm," as that branch
of the government slipped further and
further away from the Founding Fathers'
concept of policy making for the nation.
Like the weather, Congress has been a sub-
ject of much talk but little corrective action.
Two recent events favor the legislature's
current efforts to reestablish itself. The sur-
render of Japan brought speedy removal of
many controls through which the President
exercised his wartime grants of power. Con-
gress can resume in peace much of the
initiative it delegated to the Executive for
war — if it exhibits a will to exercise such
authority. Harry S. Truman, who came to
the Presidency fresh from the upper house
of Congress, has sought to include the
legislators at an early stage in the formu-
lation of administration policies. This has
been exemplified by the inclusion of
Senator Kenneth McKellar, Senate presid-
ing officer, in cabinet sessions and the Chief
Executive's luncheons at the Capitol with
his former cronies.
The Joint Study
The present Congress established a joint
committee to study reorganization as the
two houses themselves took to heart the
rising tide of criticism. However, enough
strings were attached to the concurrent
resolution (H. Con. Res. 18) so that ideas
considered too radical can be pulled up
short by a majority of the membership. For
instance, after considerable backing and
filling on the ticklish questions of cloture
in the Senate and seniority in both houses,
the resolution was reworded to permit the
joint committee to study and recommend
on "the consolidations and reorganization
of committees" but it restrains "any rec-
ommendations with respect to the rules,
parliamentary procedure, practices, and/or
precedents of either House, or the con-
sideration of any matter on the floor of
either House."
The Joint Committee on the Organiza-
tion of the Congress, to give its full name,
includes practically all of the varying view-
points in both houses, with the balance in-
clined slightly in favor of the conservatives.
Senator Robert M. LaFollette, Wisconsin
Progressive and long an advocate of legisla-
tive organization change, became chairman
in March after the death of Senator Francis
T. Maloney, Connecticut Democrat. The
vice-chairman is Representative Mike Mon-
HILLIER KRIEGHBAUM
— By a newspaperman who took leave of
journalism to join the 'U. S. Navy in
1942. Lieutenant Commander Kreigh-
baum graduated from the University of
Wisconsin, then worked with the United
Press at its New York, Chicago, and
Washington bureaus. He taught journal-
ism for a short time at Kansas State
College, but returned to the UP after
Pearl Harbor to head the staff of corre-
spondents covering the war agencies in
Washington.
After joining the navy, Commander
Kreighbaum served first with the fleet
air wing at Norfolk, then was ordered
to Washington for duty. He writes that
he has "high hopes of being a civilian
again by October or November."
roney, New Deal Democrat from Okla-
homa.
During the nearly four months that the
joint committee heard all interested wit-
nesses, 14 senators and 31 representatives
appeared in person at the 39 public hear-
ings and letters or statements were received
from 16 senators and 21 representatives. In
addition, 20 employes of Congress, 12 offi-
cials from the executive branch, and 24
representatives of private organizations
testified. To this testimony has been added
data collected by the joint committee's staff
under the guidance of Dr. George B. Gal-
loway, himself chairman of the American
Political Science Association group that
wrote the booklet, "The Reorganization of
Congress."
This fall, the joint committee is expected
to present Congress with concrete proposals
for self-improvement. This report seems
likely to reflect the hard core of informa-
tion collected at the extensive hearings
rather than to reiterate the prejudices of
committee members.
What Congress will do with the recom-
mendations is a question mark. Any over-
all, thorough going reorganization runs
smack through the vested interests of many
members of Congress and statesmanship
of a high order, plus the persuasive prod
of public opinion, will be needed to estab-
lish fundamental reorganization.
The Committee System
Let's look at how Congress has changed
during recent decades, because it gives some
significant "clues as to why reorganization
is so important to a vigorous American
democracy with three active, independent
branches of government.
The last congressional reorganization
along structural lines was in 1921 in the
House of Representatives and 1927 in the
Senate. Since then the changes have been
solely additional new committees to meet
fresh problems.
For example, before the Spanish-Amer-
ican war and our Panama Canal project,
a Senate Committee on Interoceanic Canals
reflected a pressing public interest. This
committee, which still exists with a staff
of four clerks drawing salaries totalling
$10,500 -a year, reported just two of the
709 public general bills of the two-year
long Seventy-eighth Congress (1943-44).
Statistics before the joint committee show
that the maldistribution of the legislative
workload is widely prevalent among both
houses. Twenty standing committees in the
House reported 89 percent of all public
general bills during the Seventy-eighth Con-
gress while 25 other committees had only
11 percent. In the Senate, 19 standing com-
mittees accounted for 94 percent of all
public bills reported while the remaining
14 committees submitted only 6 percent
James Byrnes, former member of both
houses and now Secretary of State, related
that special committees find an extraordi-
nary reluctance to wind up the job and
cease to exist. He reported that a Senate
Special Committee on Conservation of
Wildlife Resources, created in 1930 to rec-
ommend legislation on the subject, as well
as a House group for the same purpose,
created in 1934, is still in existence.
Here are the figures on committee dis-
tribution for the present session of Con-
gress as compiled by the joint committee
staff:
Type House Senate Total
Standing 48 33 81
Special 5 12
Joint 6 6 6
Total
59 46 99
It is little wonder,- then, that Representa-
tive James W. Wadsworth, -New York
Republican, who has served in the Senate
as well as the House, testified:
"The situation in the House, in its com-
mittee structure, is one which might be
likened to 'Topsy.' It has just grown over
150 years without any planning toward the
achievement of a logical, businesslike or-
ganization. No one is to be blamed for it.
New problems have arisen from time to
time in that long period of years, and as
they have arisen the House has had to
appoint standing committees to tackle
them. . . .
"I am convinced that this hodgepodge
conglomeration of committees in the House
as it now stands jdooms an undue propor-
tion of those men to service on committees
whose work does not attract their interest,
for the simple reason that they haven't
much work of any importance to do."
Recommendations varied as to how to
reorganize the committee system. None,
OCTOBER 1945
409
however, suggested more than twenty com-
mittees in either House or Senate and
some wanted the number cut to a dozen.
Senator LaFollette several years ago sug-
gested the consolidation of Senate commit-
tees into thirteen. Representative Wads-
worth recommended to the joint committee
that the K -ise reduce its number to seven-
teen. Robert Heller, author of the National
Planning Association report on "Strength-
ening the Congress," proposed fifteen com-
mittees for each house without going into
the details of how it should be done. The
joint committee's staff favored thirteen
committees, which would be similar for
both houses and which would correspond
with the principal functional areas of
public policy. For example, a Committee
on National Defense would cover all the
armed services; another on Fiscal Policy
would have jurisdiction over matters con-
cerning the Treasury, Federal Reserve
System, Budget Bureau, Federal Deposit
Insurance Corporation, Federal Loan Agen-
cy, and Securities and Exchange Commis-
sion; a third on Social Welfare would
supervise the National Housing Agency,
Federal Security Agency, Office of Educa-
tion, Public Health Service, Railroad Re-
tirement Board, and Veterans Administra-
tion; and still another on Natural Resources
would have responsibility for the Interior
Department, Tennessee Valley Authority,
and the Federal Power Commission. This
staff-sponsored proposal, naturally, has an
inside track of the chances of being recom-
mended to Congress.
The committee structure is of vital im-
portance. Each committee is a miniature of
the full house. Here the pleas are heard
for or against legislation, here the bill is
smoothed into shape. Representative Mon-
roney asked one witness whether it is not
correct that 90 percent of the work of
Congress is done in committees. While
other committee members nodded agree-
ment, the witness confirmed the statement.
Committee Inefficiencies
Multitudinous committee assignments
fritter away the time of congressmen and
witnesses. In some cases, members have so
many conflicting sessions scheduled for the
same time morning after morning that they
keep abreast of events in none of them.
Researchers found that in the Congress
concluded last year no senator had fewer
than five committee assignments. Four sen-
ators and one representative belonged to
nine committees — a job which would keep
them fairly busy just using the subway to
commute from Capitol to hearing rooms.
Consolidation and simplification of the
congressional committee set-up would save
time of others than members of Congress,
too. Directors of the Executive departments
and agencies frequently spend considerable
time before committees.
Dr. Arthur N. Holcombe, chairman of
the Appeals Board, War Production Board,
told the joint committee that a study early
in that agency's history when matters of
policy were pressing for decision showed
that Chairman Donald M. Nelson spent
approximately one third of his time before
congressional committees. Former Rubber
Director William Jeffers gave in general
the same testimony before five different
committees within a ten-day period.
Even the device of joint hearings, which
are not too common, would save consider-
able executive time. Representatives, how-
ever, fear that the upper house's members
might tend to dominate joint hearings, even
if the deliberations and reports were sep-
arated.
Reduction of the number of committees
also would eliminate the need for numer-
ous special investigating committees. If the
lines of responsibility were clearly marked,
as suggested in the staff proposal, then new
problems would not fall through the gap
when interests overlap.
What, then, is holding back the adoption
of this reform? What has held it back for
decades?
The answer is simple. Any reduction in
committees automatically cuts the number
of committee chairmen. Men who now
hold these positions, or those who are next
in line, know they would lose the perqui-
sites of chairmanship, such as naming the
committee staff and occasionally drafting
their help to carry the load of personal
correspondence.
The Seniority Rule
The same difficulties operate in regard to
overthrowing the traditional rule of seni-
ority. Under this procedure, the committee
member serving longest automatically be-
comes committee chairman, provided he
belongs to the party in power.
As Representative Albert Gore of Ten-
nessee testified:
"I do not think many of us would have
to look very far to see that strict adherence
to the rule, because a man has been warm-
ing a seat in Congress longer than some-
body else, the only rule by which advance-
ment is gained in the organization of Con-
gress, can be carried to ridiculous extremes.
If that is logical, then it would be logical
to have as the Speaker of the House not
the man whom the House would select
but the fellow who had been a member
the longest. Whatever argument I have
heard in support of the seniority rule is
really an argument for the rewarding of
experience."
A difficulty in eliminating the seniority
rule is to find a substitute on which a
majority would agree. Five proposals
have been advanced: Election of the chair-
man by secret ballot of the committee
itself; automatic rotation of chairmanship,
possibly every six years or oftener; rotation
of committee membership according to a
fixed plan, possibly a six-year term (a third
shifting every Congress); selection of a
chairman by a super-committee on com-
mittees, representing the party leaders,
which would tie the committee chairmen
iri directly with the party program, giving
the majority party less opportunity to evade
responsibility; professional administrators
in the committee's field who would serve
as chairmen in a "super-duper clerk"
capacity.
Prof. Walton Hamilton, of the Yale Law
School, now a special Assistant Attorney
General, testified that a rotation system
would periodically refresh a committee
with "new blood, fresh ideas, experience
won in other fields." At the same time,
it would prevent members from long per-
petuating errors in which they have a
vested interest.
Defending seniority, former Senator Har-
old H. Burton told the joint committee:
"I have been impressed with the fact, at
least insofar as it relates to chairmanships,
if there were thrust upon the Senate the
problem of voting a preference, there
would develop a friction which would
surely contribute to unnecessary friction in
the Senate. There is a great premium to
be placed upon avoiding that. Therefore,
if there is a system that avoids the addi-
tional personal antipathies that might come
about from choosing each other for posi-
tions of importance, it should be avoided."
Penny Pinching
The increase in the complexity of legis-
lative business by Congress is recognized
generally. One only has to think of the
Bretton Woods agreement, the United
Nations Charter, UNRRA, OPA, WPB,
reconversion, full employment, disposal of
surplus war commodities, control of the
atomic bomb — the urgent matters are
myriad.
Let's look at the appropriation figures
and number of employes and compare
them with congressional expenditures on
itself and its hired help.
Since 1900, federal governmental ex-
penditures— as distinguished from war
spending — have increased more than twenty
times to more than $10,000,000,000 annu-
ally. Wartime expenditures approaching
$100,000,000,000 a year were authorized
by the Seventy-eighth Congress (1943-44).
Yet the national legislature's expenses have
risen in all, less than four times and now
total approximately $16,000,000 in appro-
priations for salaries, travel, office and com-
mittee staffs, and assistants attached either
to the Library of Congress Legislative Ref-
erence Service or to Congress itself.
Since 1916, when preparations for World
War I began, the Congress has never
allotted more than one per cent of the total
appropriations to itself. Since 1933, less
than two mills out of each dollar have
been expended for the entire federal gov-
ernment. The per4 capita cost of Congress
in 1944 was 11 cents, compared with 6
cents a person in 1900 when the appropria-
tions for the full session did not total a
billion dollars.
Congress employs approximately 3,000
persons. Yet Congress is charged with
supervising and creating basic policy for a
government which employs approximately
3,000,000 civilians in addition to more than
10,000,000 in the armed services. Of course,
the figures are changing rapidly but the dis-
similarity holds.
This penny-wise, pound-foolish policy in
staffing applies at three levels: Congress as
a whole; committees; the congressmen's
offices.
Although a major function of Congress
410
SURVEY GRAPHIC
is to draft, consider, and pass laws, its
legislative drafting service has only five
attorneys for the entire House membership
of 435 and three lawyers — two more are
in the armed services on leave — for the
Senate's 96 members. If the Congress is
to cease to be a "rubber-stamp" for bills
sent up from the Executive marked "MUST,"
then it should have adequate facilities for
drafting legislation. Congress is only ob-
structionist if it insists that every bill must
be checked by its legislative counsel, but
Congress should insure that the laws it
passes express its will.
The total cost of the legislative drafting
service for both houses runs $83,000 a year.
By way of contrast, the solicitor for the
Department of Agriculture has some 600
employes and an annual budget of
$1,600,000.
Like numerous other witnesses, Professor
Hamilton emphasized that Congress can
not properly legislate if denied access to
adequate informational materials.
"If uninformed about public affairs," he
said, "it must either blindly decree the
destinies of the people or else abdicate its
office of lawgiver to the Executive. It is
not content to surrender its office; and
wisely to carry on, it must have facts,
analyses, perspective, alternative proposals,
a feel for the difference it all makes."
Undermanned Workshops
Source of much of the "completely free"
information is the Legislative Reference
Service, a part of the Library of Congress.
Organized approximately thirty years ago,
it attempts to give, quoting Luther Evans,
then assistant librarian of Congress, a non-
partisan, unbiased research and reference
service to the members of Congress, a ser-
vice which they could rely on absolutely
as being valid from a research point of
view, non-partisan, and without policy di-
rective." The Service's 1945 appropriation
was $178,000 of which $105,000 was al-
lotted to research and reference. Its "tenta-
tive goal" for adequate research service is
$500,000 annually.
Whole fields for legislation are not now
covered by researchers with special train-
ing. For example, none has special training
in price economics, international trade, or
economic geography. All national defense
research is handled by the War and Navy
Departments themselves. The research in
the fields of money and banking, social
welfare (including Indian Affairs), agricul-
ture, and education is done on a half time
basis by employes paid $3,200 a year.
The niggardly attitude of Congress to its
own agencies contrasted with provision for
other research activities is shown in the fol-
lowing 1945 appropriations: Bureau of
Agricultural Economics — $4,110,236; Bu-
reau of Labor Statistics — $1,312,000; Tariff
Commission (research only) — $800,000 (ap-
proximate); Interstate Commerce Commis-
sion, Bureau of Transport Economics and
Statistics — $552,026.
Congressional committees are the work-
shops where proposals and recommenda-
tions are forged into all-but-finished legisla-
tion. Yet a recent inquiry revealed that
Senate standing committees had 210 em-
ployes thirty years ago compared with 259
clerks and assistants now — an increase of
49. In the House, committees employed
110 persons thirty years ago compared with
the current figure of 133 clerks and "jani-
tors"— an increase of 23. Thus, over the
past thirty years of tremendous expansion
for two world wars and the peace between,
congressional committees added only 72 in-
dividuals to take care of the increased
spadework for federal legislation. This is
a far cry from the expansion of the Execu-
tive branch and seems to be penny-saving
carried to a ludicrous extreme. In this re-
spect, Congress almost resembles the shabby
man who passed out twenty dollar bills
on a street corner but insisted upon living
in an unheated shack down by the railroad
tracks.
The staffing of committees is so bad that
Lindsay C. Warren, Comptroller General,
could testify:
"At present we have a situation where
Congress annually appropriates billions to
the Executive branch, but treats itself so
poorly that it has to go to the Executive
branch and beg, borrow, or steal personnel
to help run its business."
Many resolutions passed by the Senate
and House authorize committees or sub-
committees to obtain assistance from Execu-
tive departments and agencies. During Feb-
ruary, 1945, a typical month, nine Senate
committees used 66 persons whose total
annual compensation was $247,036.
The chief trouble is that these individuals
may be partisan, or subtly influence legisla-
tion since frequently they are the sole
source of information.
In his testimony, Senator Owen Brewster
of Maine related:
"I have been on Naval Affairs in both
the House and Senate, and both committees
rely exclusively on naval aides. Without re-
flecting at all upon the competency of these
gentlemen, their character and integrity —
I have a high regard for them — I think it is
perfectly ridiculous for a great committee
to depend exclusively upon the Executive
department if we are a three-department
system. . . . Without questioning in the
slightest the character, the intelligence and
integrity of any of the people downtown,
I think it is obvious that Congress is the
agency upon which the people must rely
to make sure that the Executive tree is ap-
propriately and periodically pruned."
Time-wasting Chores
Various witnesses testified that congress-
men spent upwards of 90 percent of their
time acting as "errand boys" for their con-
stituents. One member noted that 46 out
of 48 visitors on a typical day brought him
their "personal problems." The other two
discussed legislation. Senator Sheridan
Downey of California testified that his mail
ran 200 to 300 letters every day in addition
to telegrams, long distance telephone calls,
and personal visitors. Another congressman
spent approximately the full amount of his
$10,000 salary for postage and telephone
calls.
Representative Robert Ramspeck, Geor-
gia Democrat and member of Congress for
fifteen years, told the joint committee:
"For the past two and a half years I have
been the Democratic whip in the House.
Perhaps I ought not to say this but, with-
out being critical of anybody, I know that
the members of the House are finding great
difficulty in giving sufficient time to legisla-
tive matters because of the constant and
pressing demand from their constituents
to deal with matters in the Executive
branch of the government."
Dr. Benjamin B. Wallace of the Ameri-
can Political Science Association, warned:
"Unless the Congress can solve the problem
of the pressure of errand running on the
time of potential statesmen, all else is
whistling in the wind."
Suggested Remedies
To remedy this situation, several propo-
sals have been advanced. Representative
Ramspeck suggested enactment of a consti-
tutional amendment consolidating present
congressional districts with each enlarged
district electing one representative to serve
as his constituents' "errand boy" and the
other to give his time exclusively to legisla-
tion. A number of witnesses endorsed the
plan but others considered it too great an
innovation. An "administrative assistant,"
to be paid up to $7,500 a year, congress-
men agreed, would be a Godsend. A com-
petent man in such a position could lift a
tremendous load off a member of Congress.
Both houses now have provisions restricting
payment to any one employe on a member's
staff to approximately $5,000. The total
amount for staff assistance exceeds this fig-
ure. The House membership voted itself
$3,000 a member in increased staffing funds
at the previous session. The Senate kept
its allotments unchanged.
Running the District of Columbia, where
citizens do not have a vote, and passing
upon minor claims against the government
are two other time-devouring duties for
congressmen.
Sentiment seems to favor enfranchising
the District citizens. Opinions differ as to
how this can best be accomplished, but vir-
tually all who have studied the problem
believe there is little justification for mem-
bers of Congress serving as city councilmen
to approve local ordinances. The House,
for instance, spends two days each month
considering District bills. The general good
certainly requires that these days should
be reclaimed for national affairs — to say
nothing about probable improvements for
the District.
Under the law, a citizen may not sue his
government without its consent, hence a
tremendous volume of private claims flows
through Congress. President Roosevelt in
1942 criticized the handling of private
claims by special congressional act as "slow,
expensive, and unfair both to the Congress
and the claimant." A court of claims un-
doubtedly could administer a more even-
keeled justice, and save legislative time.
Other proposals to aid Congress are le-
gion. A stenographic pool on which repre-
sentatives, senators, and probably commit-
(Continued on page 422)
OCTOBER 1945
411
When Doctors Disagree
MICHAEL M. DAVIS
EDITORS OF POPULAR MAGAZINES DON'T PRINT
the following versicle on their mastheads,
but nevertheless it's their guide, philoso-
pher, and friend in gauging what readers
want:
"The articles that I like best
Are always, if the truth be told
The ones that just corroborate
The views that I already hold."
How is it with medical journals? What's
in the mind of the rank-and-file doctors
who read them and of the appointed elite
of doctors who control them? Doctors'
knowledge of the sciences and arts of medi-
cine we may take for granted. What about
their knowledge of the economics and or-
ganization of medical service? What are
their attitudes towards the public policies
on which the economics and organization
of medicine largely depend? These are
questions of first importance to the future
of medical care in America.
On these pages are exhibits which reveal
some of the answers. Most of the quota-
tions are from editorials or articles in "of-
ficial" medical journals, that is, journals
which are organs of a state society or of
the American Medical Association. A few
are from physicians writing in other pe-
riodicals. Two are official statements of
medical organizations.
The physicians who give formal expres-
sion to the sentiments which exude from
Exhibit A are generally financially success-
ful, middle-aged or elderly specialists who
are the elected or appointed officials of a
medical society. They represent the rank-
and-file of physicians as the owners of
thousand-acre commercial farms represent
HEALTH— TODAY 8i TOMORROW
— A series by the chairman, Committet-
on Research in Medical Economics:
associate editor, Survey Graphic.
(sic?) the dirt farmer. Their political
philosophy is like Herbert Hoover's, or less
polite exponents like Frank Gannett or
Samuel E. Pettengill.
A great mass of rank-and-file physicians
accept these views and give a big hand to
the orator or editor who arouses their feel-
ings by expressing them. They believe sin-
cerely that compulsory health insurance
would mean governmental direction of
medical practice. They believe it would
mean lower standards of care, less income,
loss of independence. Most physicians art-
idealists by tradition, individualists by ex-
perience, small businessmen by necessity,
and conservatives by association. The physi-
cians who achieve the financial, social, and
professional status which bring office and
influence in medical societies are generally
at the extreme Right of the progressive-con-
servative political arc. The editorial from
the Journal of the American Medical Asso-
ciation displays this state of mind.
Exhibit B manifests the opposite point of
view, the forthright advocacy of legislation
which is officially anathema to organized
medicine. To the leaders of most medical
societies, support of the Wagner-Murray-
Dingell bill is not dissent. It is heresy.
"If it were known that I favored this
bill," a rising surgeon in a midwestern city
EXHIBIT A—Right-Wingers
F. H. Smith, M.D., address before the
Women's Club of Abingdon, Va., (Vir-
ginia Medical Monthly, April 1945, p.
179): ". . . If medical care of the sick
... is ever regimented under government
decree and control, not only have we
brought medical service down to a drab
level, but we have taken the most decisive
step possible to conceive of toward taking
over, by tb.e same process, all professions,
all industry, all enterprise of every sort.
And that will be socialism or some other
form of totalitarianism."
Editorial, (Journal of the Medical Society
of New Jersey, Feb. 1945, p. 39): ". . . We
want ... a program of private enter-
prise . . ."
Editorial, (North Carolina Medical Jour-
nal, June 1945, p. 291): ". . . although
the bill (Wagner-Murray-Dingell) nowhere
uses the word compulsory . . . the insur-
ance would be compulsory, not voluntary.
The difference between these two words
is the difference between free enterprise and
regimentation; between democracy and
dictatorship; between self-respect and
slavery. No doubt a determined effort will
be made by various groups, notably the
labor leaders who are closest to Moscow,
to force this bill upon the public . . ."
Editorial, (Journal of the American Medi-
cal Association, June 30, 1945, p. 668):
". . . Mr. Raymond Moley, editor of
Newsiveek magazine, says: 'It is an old gag
of Senator Wagner's to preface a bill with
a bunch of rhetorical tripe, called a decla-
ration of policy!' The statement refers
equally well to the long preamble devel-
oped by Senator Wagner for introduction
to the Wagner-Murray-Dingell Bill— 1945-
version . . . Mr. Moley concludes that
'full employment literally enforced would
mean the end of freedom for all classes of
Americans.'
"It is the simple contention of the
Journal of the American Medical Associa-
tian that the Wagner-Murray-Dingell Bill
— 1945 version — would also mean the end
of freedom for all classes of Americans."
whispered to me at a luncheon to plan a
campaign for it, "I might not be dropped
from my hospital staff position, but I
should certainly lose many of my referred
cases. I just can't face it. I have a wife and
four children." How many doctors are for
national health insurance in principle,
whether or not they have yet satisfied their
minds as to any particular bill? There is
no way of answering this question. The
heresy-hunting policy of the AMA and of
some (not all) state and county medical
societies, springs partly from fear and
partly from a misapplied tradition of "pro-
fessional unity."
Exhibit C moves us from the realm of
slogans towards an area of realism. Since
1939 perhaps as many as 1,250,000 million
people have been enrolled as members of
the surgical-obstetrical insurance plans spon-
sored by medical societies. Half of these
are in Michigan. The other plans are small
and slow of growth. There have been long
delays in getting them started. A majority
of state societies have not as yet started any.
Their motivation is largely negative — fear
of governmental health insurance — and
they proceed as yet with the insistence that
the profession must do the job alone and
by methods of organization and payment
incompatible with comprehensive service
of good quality and low cost.
"My worst job," a leader in one plan
said to me a few months ago, "is to carry
along the conservative members of our own
committee. Some of these fellows are afraid
that any change is the entering wedge of
state medicine. Some of them just keep
fighting to keep the fee rates high."
The medical society plans represent,
nevertheless, an invaluable administrative
experience for physicians, by which many
more people than the handful of their in-
surance plan members will ultimately
profit. State and local, medical societies have
felt popular demand for action to ease
medical costs. The movement for action by
the profession has sprung from the localities
and states and pressed — though not very
hard or unitedly — upon the AMA's long
term policy of delaying actions. In 1934,
one of the ten "principles" adopted by the
AMA's House of Delegates for the guid-
ance of "any social experiments" by state
or county medical societies was:
"However the cost of medical service
may be distributed, the immediate cost
should be borne by the patient, if able to
pay, at the time the service is rendered."
In what direction did this dictum furnish
guidance to doctors starting insurance
plans? No answer being apparent, the
wording was modified in 1935, and again
in 1938, when at last the word insurance
was actually employed. Thus it is apparent
that the AMA's fourteen-point program,
adopted last June (Exhibit D), represents
412
SURVEY GRAPHIC
EXHIBIT B— Progressives
Miles Atkinson, M.D., vice-chairman,
The Physicians Forum, (American
Federationist, June 1945, p. 25): "The
doctors of America realize increasingly,
as do the men and women in the fac-
tories, on the farms, in the villages and
in the cities, that the health of the
American people is not what it should
be. ... Progressive doctors believe
. . . that a bill of the nature of the
Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill should be
passed as quickly as possible by the
Congress. . . .**
Physicians Forum pamphlet — For the
People's Health (1945): "The only fair
way to assure that the people's health
is cared for is through a national social
security system. We already have a
national social security system. AH we
have to do is broaden it."
a movement from the rear forward. Volun-
tary health insurance plans are explicitly
approved (No. 4), though they must fit the
old AM A pattern; federal-state grants are
approved with qualifications (No 7); hos-
pitalization insurance is recognized without
qualification, a change since 1934 when "all
sorts of hospital insurance schemes" were
denominated "mechanizations of medical
practice." Four points relate to postwar ad-
justments, none however indicating how
demobilized doctors are to be gotten into
areas that need them. "Sustained produc-
tion" appears as No. 1, but nothing is said
:ibout full employment. The points about
public health expansion and care for the
needy (No. 2 and 4) follow former pro-
nouncements. Nowhere is a hospital build-
ing program mentioned. Nowhere is there
recognized the principle of nationwide
spreading of costs, or nationwide equaliza-
tion of hospital facilities. Each "locality" is
to do its own job — a conception heedless
of the fact that some localities have a flying
start, with the doctors, specialists, hospitals,
clinics, laboratories, and wealth of a metro-
politan area, while others have nothing at
all but a few devoted, elderly doctors and
not enough income to support them de-
cently.
Points 6 and 12 suggest that nobody
should be in a hurry. These cautions are
reenforced by accompanying statements
that more facts are required about medical
needs and that legislators should be espe-
cially careful to exercise "deliberation"
about compulsory health insurance.
The officers of county and state societies
who want national leadership to help their
slow-moving medical plans, will find noth-
ing in the AMA program that goes even as
far as they have gone already. The physi-
cians who are for national legislation can
see how far their national professional asso-
ciation lags behind.
From these excursions we learn that doc-
tors disagree. Despite a preponderantly con-
servative mass, a progressive minority has
at last come to public self-expression. It is
not only the Physiciahs Forum. The "Com-
mittee of Physicians for the Improvement
of Medical Care" is a body of distinguished
scientists, teachers and practitioners who is-
sue from time to time statements of policy
and analyses of legislation.
At the other end of the scale, even more
Rightist than the AMA, is the "Association
of American Physicians and Surgeons," or-
ganized a few years ago in Gary, Ind. and
dedicated to uncompromising opposition to
compulsory health insurance even to the
extent of withholding service from patients
if a law should be passed. Its by laws re-
quire that any doctor shall be expelled if. he
accepts policies that are disapproved by 75
percent of the membership. To the AMA
leaders, this organization is too impolite to
be expedient.
In his recent literary exchange with Dr.
Ernst P. Boas, chairman of the Physicians
Forum, Dr. Morris Fishbein declared that
he would not publish the Forum's protest,
having no "mandate from the AMA to
make the Journal of the Association a soap-
box." It is precisely soapboxes that are
needed by the medical profession. Intoler-
ance of dissenting views on social-economic
questions and the failure of most medical
meetings and journals to supply doctors
with disagreeable facts and open discus-
sion, handicap very seriously the adapta-
tions which medical men and institutions
will surely have to make during this
generation.
For it is apparent that the official leaders
of the medical majority disagree with the
majority of the American public. The
opinion polls and the election returns
demonstrate that.
Progressives need soapboxes, too. Laymen
and physicians need to study and discuss
programs of medical care and they must
EXHIBIT C — Voluntary Insurance
Carl Bearse, M.D., (Jackson County
Medical Society Bulletin, April 14, 1945,
p. 867, Kansas Qty, Mo.): ". . . we must
accept the fact that radical changes in
medical practice are inevitable. . . .
Through these organizations (county and
state medical societies) we should devise
plans for better distribution of medical
care and promote prepayment medical
care insurance for the low income group."
Editorial, (Pennsylvania Medical Journal,
p. 815, May 1945): "If we ourselves,
singly or collectively, had arranged for the
better distribution of better medical care
many years ago, there would ^P no furore
now for the socialization of medicine. . . . "
Charles Fidler, M.D., presidential ad-
dress, (Wisconsin Medical Journal, June
1945, p. 612): "The physicians and hos-
pitals concerned in caring for the sick are
now in a position to offer something bet-
ter than political control, namely, pre-
paid medical services and prepaid hospital
Editorial, (New York Medicine, Jan. 20,
1945, p. 9): "The medical profession will
always welcome and support any well-
conceived program of voluntary health in-
surance. The profession looks forward to
the day when a comprehensive system of
medical care insurance may be available
on a voluntary basis for all the people."
discuss them together if either is to get the
best results. Many civic and social agencies
have doctors in their membership or on
their staffs — hospitals, clinics, public depart-
ments, homes for old folks and for children,
family agencies, councils and committees.
Among Survey Graphic readers are many
leaders in these agencies. Every such con-
tact provides opportunity for discovering
and encouraging the progressive doctors,
even if only privately, and for talking
things over with the other fellows. Most of
us are more open-minded around a fire-
place than on a platform. This kind of
soapbox is best used with an audience of
EXHIBIT D
The AMA's Program
1 — "Sustained production leading to
better living conditions with improved
housing, nutrition and sanitation which
are fundamental to good health; we
support progressive action towards
achieving these objectives."
2 — An extended program of disease
prevention with expansion of public
health services to every part of the
nation.
3 — "Increased hospitalization insurance
on a voluntary basis."
4 — Expansion to all localities of volun-
tary sickness insurance plans "under
principles already established by the
AMA."
5 — "Hospitalization and medical care
to the indigent by local authorities
under voluntary hospital and sickness
insurance plans."
6 — A survey of each state to establish
the need for additional medical care.
7 — Federal aid to states "where definite
need is demonstrated," to be adminis-
tered "by the proper local agencies . . .
with the help and advice of the medi-
cal profession."
8 — Informing the people of such plans
with recognition that "such voluntary
programs need not involve increased
taxation."
9 — A continuous survey of all volun-
tary health plans to see whether they
meet needs and improve quality of care.
10 — Discharge of doctors from the
armed forces as fast as possible to
speed up redistribution of physicians
to areas short of them.
11 — Increased availability of medical
education to provide more doctors for
rural areas.
12 — "Postponement of consideration of
revolutionary changes while 60,000
medical men are in the service volun-
tarily and while 12,000,000 men and
women are in uniform" ....
13 — Adjustments in draft laws to per-
mit students to prepare for and con-
tinue medical studies.
14 — "Study of postwar medical per-
sonnel requirements with special refer-
ence to the needs of veterans' hospitals,
the regular army, navy, and U.S. Public
Health Service."
OCTOBER 1945
413
LETTERS AND LIFE
Three Views of the Japanese
HARRY HANSEN
AMERICAN KNOWLEDGE OF JAPANESE LIFE
and character is not so extensive and thor-
ough that we are justified in using it as
a basis for quick judgments. We do not
know the Japanese as, for instance, we
know the French and British. Our knowl-
edge of these two peoples has been so pro-
foundly changed by twenty-five years or
more of intimate contact that the motion
pictures have had to discard the stage
Englishman and the gesticulating French-
man with the pointed beard.
The only Americans who profess in-
timate knowledge of Japanese ways are
those who have served abroad in mission-
ary, diplomatic, consular, and commercial
capacities, and residents of the Pacific
Coast states who have had to compete with
Japanese and who know the Nisei from di-
rect association with them.
The rest of America probably has a gen-
eral impression of the Japanese as shifty,
cunning, treacherous — an impression deep-
ened by the surprise attack on Pearl
Harbor. Moreover, as the result of the war,
we lump all Japanese together as war-
mongers, out to conquer the world and dis-
possess the white men in Asia. This is the
counterpart of our view of Germans as
collectively and individually cutthroats, and
worse.
Some of the Undercurrents
But as the camera moves closer to Japan-
ese soil and records not merely die huge
industries but the hovels of the lowly
peasants, we begin to see what authors
mean when they write that there are many
undercurrents of dissatisfaction in Japan
and that we must begin to capitalize them.
Indeed, ever since Japan surrendered, we
have been treated to debate and contro-
versy over the ways the Japanese were to
be punished and reformed, and • die argu-
ment has turned on whether we were
going to work with the established order,
the business and financial agencies, or the
underdogs who were suppressed before and
during the war.
Emphasis on the two policies has made
us aware that Japan is hardly the coherent,
unified nation we suspected when it rav-
aged the East. Central to this debate is the
position of the Emperor, and American
support of his position as the leader and
spokesman of his people has led to the
conclusion in some quarters that we are
also supporting the financial power for
which he stands, and which, though civil-
ian, was the strong box that armed the
militarists.
So we take stock of the views expressed
by men familiar with the Far East and
with Japanese methods and try to reach
(All books
414
a reasonable conclusion that will guide us
in our dealings with Japan. Since none of
the new books is recent enough to analyze
the methods of General MacArthur, we
need not waste time wondering whether he
is going right or left.
How to Change Japan
I am sure Andrew Roth, who writes
"Dilemma in Japan" (Little, Brown; $2.50),
would have discussed this had there been
time to incorporate such a chapter in his
book, for he fears that the policy of the
State Department is influenced too strongly
by Joseph C. Grew. Mr. Grew, for ten
years our ambassador to Tokyo, recently
resigned as Under-Secretary of State. He
wanted to keep die Emperor and is con-
sidered sympathetic to the conservatives
and "stabilization."
The point of Mr. Roth's book is that
Japan is a land of poverty, injustice, sup-
pression, and resentment and that the way
to create a democratic Japan is to deal with
these dissatisfied elements. But Mr. Roth,
who is undoubtedly able though quite
young to be an authority, believes' in a
radical adjustment — the nationalization of
banks and industries and the elimination of
the Emperor. This last is to be accom-
plished by vote of the Japanese people
themselves after proper democratic indoc-
trination.
On reading "Dilemma in Japan" we get
the impression that Japan is ready for a
social and economic upheaval. All that need
be done is to remove die lid. Mr. Roth
cites proof that die Japanese do change
their attitudes when properly approached.
There was, for instance, the episode on
Guam, when two Japanese captives volun-
teered to travel on a sound truck and invite
their compatriots to surrender, assuring
them they would have decent treatment. It
brought results.
In Japan itself many minority groups
have at different times agitated and pro-
tested against unjust conditions. These rice
riots, strikes, and a form of socialist propa-
ganda had the sympathy of liberal jour-
nalists and political leaders. As late as 1931,
when the Manchurian incident took place,
the left-wing labor movement was able to
protest openly against continental expan-
sion; even five years later, the Social Mass
Party elected members of the Diet.
The workers' food rations caused strikes
in Kobe, Nagoya, and Kokura as late as
1941, and according to Mr. Roth opposition
never completely died down. Much of it
was stimulated by the Chinese communists
in Yenan, whose school for Japanese
prisoners has been described before, and
who apparendy were able to circulate anti-
ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will be
war arguments not only among civilian
workers but also in the army.
Mr. Roth's alternadves are: Alleviate
the ills of the people and diey will work
with us; restore their bosses to power and
we lose the peace. He asks us to employ
only those Japanese who have a record of
opposition to militarism. Then he asks us
to draw on "the democratic potential," the
people who need (and want) better living
standards and free speech. It is his con-
viction that no good can be derived from
permitting the financial overlords and
feudal landholders to retain power under
the Emperor. Unless the system is changed,
the people remain oppressed.
Lesson from Hong Kong
Robert S. Ward, an American represent-
ative of the Department of Commerce in
Hong Kong in 1941, who lived under
Japanese rule for six months before being
permitted to return home on the Grips-
holm, has made an expert contribution to
our knowledge of the Japanese and their
military methods in "Asia for the Asiatics;
die Techniques of Japanese Occupation"
(University of Chicago Press; $3).
Mr. Ward's book is pertinent here only
in showing how carefully the Japanese pro-
ceeded to wreck the ruling groups in the
city administration, the financial affairs and
police surveillance of Hong Kong. It is
quite unlikely that Americans in Japan
would so thoroughly devitalize a city, turn
it upside down and then straighten it out
under a new flag, for we are not interested
in making Japan into American territory.
But the Japanese had plans for taking over
Hong Kong, through dispossessing the
British and persuading the Chinese, by
both subtle and direct means, to work with
them. One of their methods was to debase
the Hong Kong currency, in which the
Chinese had their stakes. Mr. Ward has
given every step of the ruin and reorganiza-
tion of Hong Kong in great detail and on
that score his book should have unusual
value for any student of Japanese military
conquest.
Here we learn what an important part
motion pictures and theaters play in influ-
encing opinion. To visit die "garden of
electric shadows" was an important event
in the lives of dockyard workers and shop-
runners, and when they saw only Japanese
successes on the newsreels, they could not
help being impressed. In the theaters the
villain was traditionally the "big white-
face," and we can hardly blame die Orien-
tals for thus turning the tables on us, for
until a • few years ago they provided our
favorite movie villains. In this connection
it is clear that our own propaganda will
postpaid)
SURVEY GRAPHIC
be helped considerably by our newsreels
in Asiatic theaters, although our romantic
movies, picturing unrealistic extremes of
glamor and opulence, hardly tell the truth
about ourselves. Several writers have testi-
fied to the illusions created in oriental
minds about Americans because of the
fairy tale world our motion pictures present
to them.
Conclusions of a Specialist
Perhaps the sanest and best informed of
all recent books on Japan is John F. Em-
bree's "The Japanese Nation" (Farrar and
Rinehart; $3). Mr. Embree is a specialist
on Far Eastern affairs who has been of
great help to the army and the navy, the
Far East Civil Affairs Training School, the
Office of Strategic Services, and the War
Relocation Authority. Since he has no
political program to advance, his book is
better balanced than that of Mr. Roth. Mr.
Embree argues that the Emperor is not so
important as we have been led to believe.
The ruler's position has changed much
with the years, and if today Hirohito is the
figurehead of the financial group, it is only
because that group manipulates the govern-
ment.
Mr. Embree believes that the war will
bring many changes to Japan. Disillusioned
enlisted men and civilians will part com-
pany with government officials and high
army officers. Of special interest is his calm
conclusion that "the economic and financial
structure of the nation, already well on the
way toward nationalization and away from
small scale competing enterprises, will per-
haps become completely socialized, at least
in the field of natural resources, public
utilities, and heavy industries."
Mr. Embree believes in the progress and
independence of the Far East and sees any
attempt to thwart its logical development
as laying the foundations for a new war.
The Western powers, he says, should pre-
pare to "withdraw gracefully."
PREJUDICE: JAPANESE AMERICANS,
SYMBOL OF RACIAL INTOLERANCE,
by Carey McWilliams. Little, Brown. £3.
MR. McWlLLIAMS IS FIRST IN THE FIELD OF
what will undoubtedly become a shelf of
commentaries on the wartime removal of
Japanese and Japanese Americans from the
Pacific Coast. It is trite to say that nothing
like this forced evacuation of 100,000 men,
women, and children ever occurred in the
United States before, but it is not always
realized what a drastic break with Ameri-
can tradition was involved. The judgment
of history will not rest favorably on this ex-
traordinary departure from American prin-
ciple, if the present volume is any indica-
tion.
Mr. McWilliams goes behind the official
doctrine of "military necessity" to discover
the circumstances which caused a whole
"ancestry" group, two thirds of whom were
American citizens, to be stigmatized as a
military "menace." He finds the answer in
a combination of racialism, 'political pres-
sures, and pressures from special interest
groups which saw in the war a golden op-
portunity to get rid of some effective com-
petitors, something which they had been
trying to accomplish for forty years.
Racial bias stands out clearly in the of-
ficial pronouncements of those most re-
sponsible for the evacuation. Forty years of
anti-Japanese agitation had so identified the
Japanese Americans with Japan that even
the highest military authority was unable
to make the distinction. The story of this
long cultivation of an attitude has been told
more than once before, but Mr. McWil-
liams tells it ably and with an eye to the
interests which created and manipulated
racial antipathies.
In the reviewer's judgment, the most use-
ful contribution of this book, apart from its
demonstration of the racialist official atti-
tudes underlying the evacuation, is its
dramatic analysis of the morphology of race
prejudice. Hatred of the Japanese in Cali-
fornia is no grass roots phenomenon, but a
nurtured product. Anti-Japanese agitation
has always been carried on by groups or-
ganized for the purpose. It is seldom
realized how completely race prejudice
against the Japanese (and other Orientals)
in California has been manufactured by
these organized groups. Mr. McWilliams
names them and shows how they work.
The record is carefully documented; with
unimportant exceptions, the conclusions
drawn are supported abundantly by the
facts. It is to be hoped that this book will
be widely read, for it is a necessary anti-
dote to the floods of false propaganda
which have been for so many years the
principal "information" reaching the
American people on this important subject.
Field representative DAVIS McENTiRE
American Council of Race Relations
San Francisco, Calif.
COLOR AND DEMOCRACY: Colonies and
Peace, by W. E. B. DuBois, Harcourt,
Brace. $2.
OUT OF THE LEGION OF CONTEMPORARY
books about the postwar world, this slender
volume ought to be among the half-dozen
judged indispensable. Clearsightedly it con-
nects the political and economic structure of
the modern world and Western civilization
with its historic roots of capitalism and
colonialism, and sees in the double dilemma
of political and economic imperialism the
crux of the world crisis.
It diagnoses the fundamental issue as that
of a world half-slave, half-free, with the
protagonist forces not just democracy versus
fascism but democracy versus colonialism.
This world condition, with 750,000,000
colonials or near-colonials, has been, in Dr.
Du Bois's judgment, the basic taproot of
most modern wars, and will be the basic
problem of world reconstruction and world
peace. The future of colonies and the treat-
ment of colonial peoples, he says, is the •
really crucial issue of any just and stable
settlement of world order and system of
world peace.
Dr. Du Bois documents his thesis with
facts: historic ones — a list of over a hun-
dred modern wars with imperialist objec-
tives and rivalries clearly the cause of the
majority; economic ones, with the stakes of
colonial holdings just as patently unmasked.
The argument comes fittingly out of the
author's lifetime of special experience. A
prime mover in the first World Races Con-
gress held in London in 1911, Dr. Du Bois
organized and led three Pan-African Con-
gresses, one of which attempted unsuccess-
fully to center the attention of the Versailles
Peace Conference in 1919 on the issues of
colonial reconstruction.
This book is really Dr. Du Bois's appeal
to the San Francisco World Organization
Conference; it emphasizes that unless the
Economic and Social Security Council can
safeguard more effectively and constructive-
ly the rights of colonial peoples, the world
will still not be either safe for democracy
or secure from future war.
"Colonies are the slums of the world,"
he says. "Not until we face the fact that
colonies are a method of investment yield-
ing unusual returns, or expected to do so,
will we realize that the colonial question is
a part of the battle between capital and
labor in the modern economy. . . . This
profit has been the foundation of much of
modern wealth, luxury, and power, and the
envious competition to dominate colonial
fields of industrial enterprise led to the first
World War and was a prime cause of the
second World War." Dr. Du Bois's final
prescriptions are:
1. The direct representation of the
colonial peoples alongside the master
peoples in the World Assembly.
2. The organization of a Mandates Com-
mission under the Economic and Social
Council with definite power to investigate
complaints from and conditions in colonies
and make public their findings.
3. A clear statement of the intention of
each imperial power to take, gradually but
definitely, all measures designed to raise the
peoples of their colonies to a condition of
complete political and economic equality
with the peoples of the master nations,
and eventually either to incorporate them
into the polity of the master nations or to
allow them to become independent free
peoples.
In this drastic and democratic way would
Dr. Du Bois have us implement the new
World Charter. And interestingly enough,
the same logic and the same bill of minority
rights is applied to the American race ques-
tion, which the author construes as "an in-
ternal colonial situation and problem."
Howard University, ALAIN LOCKE
Washington, D. C.
RE-EDUCATING GERMANY, by Werner
Richter. University of Chicago Press. #3.50.
THE PREMONITION OF THE AUTHOR THAT
his book would be regarded by many of his
American readers as "too pro-German" and
by anti-Hitler Germans as too severe on the
German people has come true. Yet both
criticisms are unjustified and do not really
meet Richter's argument. Whether this
thought-provoking study can give an an-
swer to a crucial problem of our time,
how to fit Germany constructively into a
peaceful postwar order, may be questioned.
But who would have such an answer ready
except the one-track minds and the easy
simplifiers?
OCTOBER 1945
415
What the book offers is first a thoughtful
analysis and defense of the purposes and
achievements of the Weimar Republic in
the field of education — a necessary correc-
tive to the distortions of the Third Reich
"and th<- empty heritage it left behind. Such
"reconstruction" of an unhappy past is a
thankless task indeed, but it may be help-
ful to the "strategy of rebirth," the outline
of which is the second purpose of Richter's
study.
Based on his intimate knowledge of the
German educational world which he right-
ly sees against the background of European
culture, and enriched by his more recent
experience in American higher education,
Richter offers a number of definite recom-
mendations for educational postwar plan-
ning. They deserve careful consideration,
even if they will not find general accept-
ance. They may be summarized thus: in-
troduction of the American liberal arts col-
lege with its emphasis on social adjustment;
wider employment of women as elementary
teachers in the hope of a more humane
and balanced outlook; a comprehensive
plan for adult education to reorient the
"lost generation"; the removal of the pre-
war disparities in educational and economic
opportunity; and finally, the furthering of
European thinking and Christian ethics.
These recommendations for bridging the
gap between Germany and the world pre-
suppose the existence of the "other Ger-
many." Richter's position means complete
rejection of Vansittart who, the author feels,
"unconsciously succumbed to the Nazi
ideology."
Recognizing that forced education from
die outside will not help, that the rehabili-
tation of Germany must come from within,
the short experience since the collapse
shows clearly that a "rebirth" (if rebirth
there is) of Germany's European and
Christian spirit will take a long time. For
years we have been warned by careful
analysts that the legacy of dictatorship is a
great vacuum and that the Germans may
emerge from this war not penitent but only
doubly embittered by their second defeat.
The Germans may' in time set for them-
selves new positive goals. This will depend
in part on the policies of the United Na-
tions. But nothing is so dangerous as to
follow wishful thinking and to underrate
the dilemma with which Germany will
confront the world for years to come.
SIGMUND NEUMANN
Department of Government
Wesley an University, Middletotvn, Conn.
CITY DEVELOPMENT, by Lewis Mum-
ford. Harcourt, Brace. $2.
WHEN I FIRST GLANCED THROUGH THIS NEW
volume of Lewis Mumford's it appeared to
me to be a series of footnotes which might
be added to his "The Culture of Cities"
which is, incidentally, the finest product of
his agile mind. After reading these essays
I have come to a different conclusion. I
see now that he had another aim in view,
and this brief review represents nothing
more than my interpretation of that aim.
Not many contemporary authors would
have the temerity to republish essays deal-
ing with public issues and printed as far
back as 1921. Fortunately all of the essays
included in this book deal with the same
theme, namely, living in cities, and hence
the disparities of time are not too discon-
certing.
I do not know whether I am now inter-
preting Mumford's purpose correctly, but
from the reader's point of view the chief
merit of this volume is its reference to time.
Many of the larger cities of the world are
soon to be rebuilt. Will all the old and
horrible mistakes be again incorporated in
bricks and stone and steel? Will another
generation of city dwellers be consigned to
live dwarfed and truncated lives because no
one in authority knows either the principles
of building or the principles of living? As
addressed to these questions this collection
of Mumford's essays has relevance and
pertinence.
One need not agree with all of Mum-
ford's principles, but to read him will force
one to think more sharply about one's own.
When he states, for example, that the fact
of lessening population pressure in cities
gives rise to quality considerations, one may
interject numerous doubts, but the prin-
ciple itself necessarily leads to keener
reflection.
What makes his principles so provocative
is the fact that in two of these essays he
actually applies them to concrete situations,
namely, with respect to the future plans
for Honolulu and London. Here he is at
his best; when confronted with projected
programs of contemporary city planners he
is able to draw upon his vast and generous
perspectives; then the play of his critical
mind becomes exciting.
In this connection the present volume has
a value above that of exhortation: it has
the virtue of being a guide for those upon
whom will fall the responsibility of build-
ing the new cities of the future.
EDUARD C. LINDEMAN
New Yor% School of Social Worl(
THE SEAMLESS ROBE, by Sarak Cleghorn.
Macmillan. #2.
TOUGH-MINDED FOLK WHO CALL THEMSELVES
realists may not like this little book. They
will want to argue about it and it should
not be read as argument, but as testimony,
as exposition of a way of life. In these
pages a rare person has revealed her in-
sight, and it is that of a gentle but courage-
ous spirit.
The "seamless robe" is a symbol of un-
realized spiritual unity of mankind. The
deification of love, the attempt to resolve
the age-old problem of evil by creative good
will and, the uncompromising opposition to
war may, to be sure, leave the theologian
and the moral philosopher unsatisfied. But
if they do not find here something authen-
tic, so much the worse for them.
The redemption of human life, in-
dividually and collectively, demands a faith
that outruns both fact and logic. Such a
faith affirms something not merely about
men as they are but about man as destiny
drives him to become. This is, of course,
the language of religion, and Miss Cleg-
horn's book is profoundly religious at the
universal level.
Along with the mysticism, which is that
of common experience not something only
for the initiated, there is plenty of ethical
realism. The cruel denials of social justice
and the thwarting of redemptive intention
that mar human existence stand out
plainly. But the burden of the writing is
the capacity of the human spirit for whole-
ness and fellowship.
The author believes in appraising man in
the light of his best impulses because they
represent his potentialities. If this be "per-
fectionism" it has nevertheless a tonic qual-
ity in a time when the tendency to despair
of the future is fostered by the logic of
tragic events. There is even danger, Miss
Cleghorn thinks, of glorifying sacrifice and
martyrdom, thus "chilling vitality at its
source." Such a mood may lead us "to love
our courage rather than our neighbor, and
his courage rather than his joy." She holds
with Masefield, that "the days that make
us happy make us wise." But exclusive
happiness is spiritual poison.
Particularly valuable are the concrete ex-
amples of the way in which humane and
trustful treatment of offenders has released
unsuspected motives within them and en-
abled them to climb out of their own un-
worthiness. Suggestive also, to social work-
ers and to everybody else, should be the
moving appeal on behalf of the aged people
of the world from whom the elemental
satisfactions of life are slipping away and
who falteringly approach the final adven-
ture of death.
Those who know Miss Cleghorn's work
will be glad to find in this volume the
poetic gem "Orison" and the stirring "Bal
lad of Joseph and Damien." *
Executive secretary F. ERNEST JOHNSON
Federal Council of Churches
HUMAN NATURE AND ENDURING
PEACE— Third Yearbook of the Society
for the Psychological Study of Social Issues,
edited by Gardner Murphy. Houghton-
Mifflin. #3.50.
THIS BOOK MERITS FAR WIDER ATTENTION
than it promises immediately to secure. I
would blow a trumpet for its superb value
and long-lived significance as helping citi-
zens and especially teachers to do a better
job of helping to build enduring peace.
For here is psychological insight of a high
order brought to play upon the most ur-
gent problems at home and abroad, with
the proffer of specific suggestions of great
utility in political, international, educa-
tional, and related fields.
Professor Gardner Murphy, who not only
edits the volume but contributes the most
extended section, deserves special recogni-
tion for a new kind of scholarship — one
which stands with one foot in the labora
tory and study and the other in the market
place. The vitality and relevance of !»!•
grasp, the penetration of his analysis, the
matured common sense of his findings, the
needed practicality of his suggestions — these
are not only unusual in the professional
psychologist, they mark this author as in
the very forefront among basic thinkers
about the mental conditions for creating
* Miss Cleghorn's "Ballad of Joseph and Damien"
was originally published in Survey Graphic, in
1934.— Eo.
416
SURVEY GRAPHIC
peaceful relations among men. His chap-
ter on "The Impulse to War" starts, so to
say, where William James' famous essay
jn "The Moral Equivalent of War" left off
and carries us into the area of the next
thirty years war on the home front with
discernment and detailed guidance.
And his colleagues support and elaborate
liis theme with light on the correlative
issues in a manner which makes this a sane
book of inspiration for a whole new gen-
eration. How any teacher can from now
on give any courses in social psychology
and not become steeped in what this book
says and require some of it for student
reading, I cannot imagine. What we call
''seminal" books are rare indeed; but this
is one. Unfortunately, the fact that it is
not easy reading and that it is packed with
facts and considered opinions will put off
che casual reader.
But I repeat that no one who wants an-
swers to the question of how we can build
love of peace into the desires and conduct
of the generality of people can ignore this
book. The Society for the Psychological
Study of Social Issues has placed us all in
its debt, both by the concreteness of this
body of analysis and by the evidence here
incorporated that psychological knowledge
can in ways we are just beginning to
imagine, help profoundly toward our mas-
tery of the world for ends of peace and
good will among men. ORDWAV TEAD
Lecturer, Columbia University
CONTROL OF ATOMIC ENERGY
(Continued from page 408)
security is primarily a matter of psychology.
No nation is yet so highly civilized as to
feel entirely secure against foreign aggres-
sion by the development of atomic energy
alone. Indeed, the control and management
of atomic energy will require considerable
equipment and manpower. The point is
that it will be a different kind of equip-
ment and manpower than that of the era
in which we have been living until now.
Science, which hitherto was content to sup-
ply weapons of increasing efficiency for ag-
gression or defense, has now come out of
its ivory tower and stepped to the fore-
front of the human drama.
Why not, then, recast the Charter of the
United Nations to fit the new era with full
provision for necessary adjustment? The
answer is a simple one. No one knows yet
•what that adjustment will require. What is
needed, in addition to the association of the
scientists themselves under the Security
Council, is a provision for adequate inter-
national inspection so as to prevent the
secret preparation by any nation, great or
small, of atomic instruments of destruc-
tion. If secret preparations are permitted
in the era of atomic energy there can be
no security for anyone. The world will live
in terror by day and by night and all the
vast potentialities for good which are now
within our grasp will be as dust and ashes.
These two things then must be the min-
imum of our demands:
First, the pursuit of science into the
heart of this • mysterious universe shall be
recognized as an joint cooperative effort;
Second, no steps shall be permitted by
any nation in the application of the newly
discovered forces without throwing this
knowledge open to the world.
But this picture is so different from that
in the chapters of the Charter dealing with
security that we come back to the question
again: Why not change them now? Part of
the answer has already been given: We do
not yet know how to change them. There
is, however, another answer which is
readily available from past history.
In the Covenant of the League of Na-
tions there was a complicated system for
peace enforcement centering in Article
XVI. But throughout its history the League
fell back upon a single sentence in Article
XI, which simply said that in case of war
or the threat of war "the League shall take
any action which may be deemed wise or
effectual to safeguard the peace of nations."
That sweeping obligation is not so well
stated in the Charter. Nevertheless, the
same purposes and principles are spelled
out in its opening chapter; and the func-
tion of the Security Council is to find the
ways and means necessary for carrying out
these purposes. The military provisions are
simply further details which clear the way
for the Council to act, if necessary. They
do not, however, stand in the way of the
Council proceeding to adapt the coopera-
tive defense of nations to the new condi-
tions.
In the Service of Peace
So far, however, we have been dealing
with only one half of the Charter, that
which has to do with security. The sec-
tions dealing with economic and social con-
ditions will have an increasing importance
in proportion as the world feels safer under
the provisions for security. The significance
of these provisions in the economic and
social field cannot be overestimated.
For the first time the whole world com-
munity is presented with a definite oppor-
tunity for functional organizations to deal
with every international and social interest,
from public health and morals to banking
and international trade. In short, we have
now in the Charter the blueprint for a
living world community. We must not for-
get that this community has been created
by science in the conquest of time and
space. Now science challenges human in-
telligence to take full advantage of the
opportunities which it offers, or perish by
failure to do so.
It is incredibly fortunate that at the dawn
of the age of atomic energy we should al-
ready have set about the creation of an
ordered world under the regime of peace.
The Charter of the United Nations is the
first step in the realization of this new era
and its application to all the world. Far
from making the Charter worthless, as
hasty critics have averred, the atomic bomb
will make it real by the ever-present con-
sciousness of the danger to all the world
in a future war. The Charter will only be
a living document if the nations of the
world are determined to make it so.
(Continued on page 418)
Is ours
a "cut-flower"
civilization?
read
D. ELTON TRUEBLOOD's
answers in
The Predicament
of Modern Man
The Western powers "hive an
ethic without a religion, whereas
they are challenged by millions
who have a religion without an
ethic.
"If we had even the beginning
of wisdom we should encourage
our brightest men and women to
devote themselves to the task of
spiritual reconstruction.
"A very able and profound analy-
sis of the spiritual situation of our
time."
— REINHOLD NIBBUHR
At your bookseller $1.00
HARPER & BROTHERS
FOE YOUR FRIEND IK NEED.1
Unique mailing service
Send an original verse a day
On engraved Individual cards
Sealed First Class.
INSPIRATIONAL - PERSONALIZED.
Each day a different verse'
Each verse a different thought.1
Each thought a different "lift".1
Complete set - a memo for keeps!
We will send:
The message you want
To the ones you want
At the time you want
•OS at. Nicholii ATCHM
N«w York Si. N. Y.
Order Your Books
Delivered to Your Door
At Publisher's Prices
by
Survey Associates, Inc.
1 12 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
OCTOBER 1945
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
417
Democratization of War
Finally, there is one development which
lies in the future. The atomic bomb has
ended the age-old difference between great
powers and small. The small power of the
future would be the one that had no atomic
bomb, however vast its extent of territory.
Therefore the Security Council will in-
evitably be democratized as a result of this
last great contribution of science to the cre-
ation of a world community.
It is far too soon to say just how this
might be done, but undoubtedly it will
come through action of the Assembly of
the United Nations. That body, in which
all nations have an equal vote, has the
right under the Charter to "discuss any
questions or any matters within the scope
of the present Charter or relating to' the
powers and functions of any organs pro-
vided in the present Charter" (Article 10),
and the right to "consider the general prin-
ciples of cooperation in the maintenance
of international peace and security, includ-
ing the principles governing disarmament
and the regulation of armaments." (Article
11).
Under the sweeping terms of these pro-
visions, the Assembly can examine any-
thing within the whole range of the Char-
ter. It cannot, however, do more than make
recommendations either to the states con-
cerned or to the Security Council. But a
resolution of the Assembly of the United
Nations is more than the resolution of a
mere debating body. The Assembly of the
League of Nations acquired much more
authority than that, in the vital issues at
the close of the League's history. If either
the control of atomic energy or even the
ability to produce rocket bombs is shared
by small powers, the veto of the Great
Powers in the Security Council will not
have the effective sanction behind it which
was the case before the conquest of atomic
energy. Under these circumstances, the As-
sembly will inevitably play a larger part in
the prevention of war or the threat of it.
Moreover, the Assembly also can have
its committee of specialists, for Article 22
gives it the power to establish any "such
subsidiary organs as it deems necessary for
the performance of its functions." It is
inconceivable that there should be two
rival committees, one reporting to the
Council and one to the Assembly. It is
much more likely that a single technical
committee will report to both. That, at
least, would be the sensible way of proceed-
ing.
In that case, the most important single
organ of the United Nations would be the
advisory committee of scientists, statesmen,
and military experts, to deal with the new
world of radar controlled rockets and
atomic energy.
World Government?
The proposals which are made here
would lead ultimately to the establishment
of something like world government, not
to interfere with the normal course of
events in any country but to ensure the
preservation of civilization itself. It would
not be a government of power politics, but
of cooperation. There would be no Roman
legions even on the skyways of the world,
but atomic energy held in reserve would be
the sovereign power in the new era which
is just dawning.
The day of greatness is at hand for
mankind.
RECONVERSION IS NOT
ENOUGH
(Continued from page 391)
moved, low wage earners will be hard-
pressed to feed, clothe, and house their
families. This," as the President put it,
"flies in the face of a sound public policy."
It may slow down, if not stop our drive
toward an expanding market for business
and agriculture. "The foundation of a
healthy national economy cannot be secure
so lorfg as any large section of our working
people receive substandard wages."
Progressive employers will endorse this
generalization and he may be said to have
addressed them in his plea for prompt
action. "The wage structure on which
businessmen make future plans should be
settled quickly."
Full Employment
Full employment legislation is essential,
President Truman maintained, if the eco-
nomic bill of rights enunciated by Presi-
dent Roosevelt is to be achieved. As he sees
it, "We must look first and foremost to
private enterprise." But he asserted the ul-
timate duty of government to use public
resources if other methods fail to prevent
prolonged unemployment. Such a positive
role must be accompanied by definite assur-
ances designed to maintain business con-
fidence. To his mind, these should include:
"Assurance that all the facts about full
employment and opportunity will be gath-
ered periodically for the use of all.
"Assurance of stability and consistency in
public policy, so that enterprise can plan
better by knowing what the government
intends to do.
"Assurance that every governmental pol-
icy and program will be pointed to promote
maximum production and employment in
private enterprise.
"Assurance that priority will be given
to doing those things first which stimulate
normal employment most."
To his mind, also, the prompt and firm
acceptance of such bedrock public respon-
sibility will "reduce the need for its ex-
ercise." Hence his downright subscription
to speedy enactment of legislation which
would provide "machinery for a continu-
ous full employment policy* — to be devel-
oped and pursued through cooperation be-
tween industry, agriculture and labor, be-
tween the Congress and the Chief Execu-
tive, between the people and their govern-
ment."
The President's recommendations for a •
large scale postwar housing program were
supported both by his awareness of the
dire need for decent shelter and his recog-
nition that "the largest single opportunity
* See "Full Employment Act of 1945" page 395.
for the rapid postwar expansion of private
investment and employment lies in the field
of housing, both urban and rural.
Again, the President's approach was that
house construction for the overwhelming
majority of people should be done by
private enterprise. But along with this, he
laid down a broad program for public re-
sponsibility in insuring housing investment,
in financing, in stimulating research in
methods and materials, in making com-
munity studies, in providing public assis-
tance to rebuild blighted urban areas and
develop rural districts. In general, Amer-
icans "deserve to be the best housed people
in the world"; and when it comes to re-
sumption of our pre-war program of federal
aid to communities for low rent housing,
"we cannot and we will not recede from
these purposes."
Resources and Research
War is destructive — and in a series of
telling strokes the President tallied up in
his message how "our national capital ac-
count has suffered. We have expended our
resources — both human and natural — with-
out stint." A halt was called to our pre-war
conservation program. Our roads are badly
worn. Our program for harnessing the
waters of our rivers was suspended, and
the ravages of flood have returned.
Next came his spirited delineation of
national objectives. We must discover new
mineral and fuel deposits; develop new
technologies to get at low grade ores,
harness our streams, reclaim our land.
There followed a series of recommenda-
tions dealing with public works: buildings,
roads (including the Inter-American high-
way), airports and airport facilities, hos-
pital and health centers. And capping these,
he called for new regional developments
that will make the most of the "natural
resources of our great river valleys."
With plans on foot for rehabilitating the
great Missouri River Basin (in ways that
may outrange the TVA), it is perhaps
natural that a man who has grown up there
should grasp the creative possibilities in-
herent in watershed planning. Mr. Truman
matches this in sensing the new frontiers
pushed out by the scientists. In their tre-
mendous wartime contribution, he finds
both proof and prophecy; and urged Con-
gress forthwith to establish a federal agency
to carry on a comprehensive program of
research both in the basic sciences and in
the social sciences.
We are told that never before had so
much brain power been focused on a single
problem as went into the atomic bomb.
As the work went forward on the pro-
duction level it became a tremendous ad-
venture in applied science — and in con-
certed human effort. Mr. Truman himself
must have been conscious that his message
spreads out like a map of social and eco-
nomic areas in which the spirit of discovery
and the know-how of cooperation will yield
rich rewards. Thus it has been urged that
teams of medical scientists, given unex-
ampled resources and equipment, might
produce phenomenal results if assigned to
the conquest of diseases that have baffled
418
SURVEY GRAPHIC
doctors for generations. And the same holds
for fields from housing to employment
planning.
Meanwhile, here in the President's
message are guideposts for all of us in find-
ing our way from an all-out war to an
abundant peace. At best, the process will
be difficult. In these months ahead, insecur-
ity will return to millions of families who
were economically secure for a while. The
government can help cut the process short.
It cannot afford not to help in providing
higher levels of employment and a greater
security. Decision is with the Congress and
the people.
ECONOMIC BILL OF RIGHTS
(Continued from page 399)
water" to accumulate wealth for others. In
our technological society people are pri-
marily consumers — and in order to con-
sume they must have income. Consumption
must be provided for in order to keep pro-
duction and employment at the maximum.
The long line we need to encourage must
stand, not at the employment office win-
dows but at the cash registers of the na-
tion, ringing up sales to keep orders flow-
ing back to the factories and mines and
mills.
Economic Blood Clot
To date, Congress in its tax legislation
and profit concern, has been driving the
postwar economy toward a depression. The
huge sums in the control of the wealthy
can only clot in the circulation system of
our economy. In contrast, there is a virile
pumping of the blood of spending power
through the system when the mass of wage
earners have money to keep goods moving
into consumption.
I am told discharged war workers need
not worry about being unemployed, because
they have savings to fall back on. I am
quoted the fact of 140 billion dollars of
cash reserves, with the presumption that
this entire sum is in the pockets of war
workers. Nothing could be further from
the truth. Just one simple example will be
revealing. Wage earners hold about 16.5
billion dollars worth of the 165 billion
dollars in outstanding war bonds.
With these bond holders unemployed
and without substantial unemployment
compensation, this "backlog" will go to pay
house rent, food, clothing, and utilities bills,
insurance, and other basic costs of main-
taining a home and family.
Automatic machinery in postwar produc-
tion will have so high a production quo-
tient, so much more can be turned out with
fewer people, that it will become increas-
ingly impossible to sell the output unless
the mass of workers are continuously em-
ployed at high wages. The kind of society
we have organized makes high income of
the mass of people an economic necessity,
quite aside from the ethical truth that com-
mon men and women should have a fair
share of the good things of life.
This fact makes more apparent than ever
the utter fallacy of the doctrine of "pouring
in at the top," which was repudiated in the
1932 election when Herbert Hoover was
turned out. In spite of the people's de-
cision, there has been too much of the
philosophy of paying business ever bigger
profits with the idea that some of the pur-
chasing power would trickle down. It does
not do so; I have already shown how such
wealth clots in the economic system. Per-
haps the idleness of this wealth would not
matter if the mass of workers in the nation
had guaranteed incomes. They would
spend, which would create sales, orders,
and production. But when corporations
have the reserves and will not spend them,
when workers have little or no reserve to
spend, sales decline, orders stop and pro-
duction is held to that fraction of capacity
which pays the highest profits at the lowest
level of operation. This is the vicious down-
ward spiral in operation.
Here, then, is the primary reason for the
Full Employment Bill, S.380. Through this
bill, it is proposed that the national govern-
ment shall step in with certain guarantees.
These will reassure the individual business-
man, and he will expand his production.
The proposal is quite moderate in the
face of the situation before us. The realiza-
tion that we stand on the threshold of the
atomic age is beginning to dawn on us in
fuller understanding. We must catch up
with new concepts while as a nation we
discard some of the old concepts — shifting,
sorting, winnowing so that necessary
change will mean progress, not merely
To People
who want to write
but can't get started
Do you have that constant urge to write but the fear that a beginner hasn't a
chance? Then listen to what the editor of Liberty said on this subject:
"There is more room for newcomers in the writing field today than ever before.
Some of the greatest of writing men and women have passed from the scene in
recent years. Who will take their places? Who will be the new Robert W.
Chambers, Edgar Wallace, Rudyard Kipling? Fame, riches and the happiness
of achievement await the new men and women of power."
50 YEARS OLD — SELLS FIRST STORY FOUR
MONTHS BEFORE COMPLETING COURSE
"For thirty years I floundered in and out of various pursuits, vainly
seeking one which would be satisfactory. With my enrollment in
N.I.A., the quest of years ended. The sale of my first feature article
to Indianapolis Star, four months before I completed the course,
thrilled and inspired me. So, thanks to N.I.A., 1 sit on top of the
world— at 50."— Helen C. Tyrell, Bourbon, Ind.
WRITING APTITUDE TEST FREE!
THE Newspaper Institute of America offers a FREE Writing Aptitude Test. Its object is to
discover new recruits for the army of men and women who add to their income by fiction
and article writing. The Writing Aptitude Test is a simple but expert analysis of your latent
ability, your powers of imagination logic, etc. Not all applicants pass this test. Those who do
are qualified to take the famous N.I.A. course based on the practical training given by big
metropolitan dailies.
This is the New York Copy Desk Method which teaches you to write by writing! You develop
your individual style instead of trying to copy that of others,
You "cover" actual assignments such as metropolitan reporters
get. Although you work at home, on your own time, you arc
constantly guided by experienced writers.
It is really fascinating work. Each week you see new progress.
In a matter of months you can acquire the coveted "profes-
sional" touch. Then you're ready
proved chances of making sales.
for market with greatly im-
Mail the Coupon Now
But the first itep is to take the Writing Aptitude Test. It require* but a few
minutes and costs nothing. So mail the coupon now. Make the first move towards
the most eiipoyable and profitable occupation — writing for publication! Newspaper
Institute of America, One Park Avenue. New York 16. N. Y. (Founded 1925.)
NOTICE TO
CANADIANS
Newspaper Institute's
operations in Canada
have been approved by
the Foreign Exchange
Control Board, and to
facilitate all financial
transactions, a special
permit has been as-
signed to their account
with The Canadian Bank
of Commerce, Montreal.
Newspaper Institute of America
One Park Avenue, New York 16, N. Y.
Send me, without cost or obligation, your Writing Aptitude Test and further
information about writing for profit as promised in the Survey Graphic, October.
Miss
Mrs.
Mr.
Address
All correspondence confidential. No salesman will call on you.
86-S-665
Copyright 1945 Newspaper Institute of America
OCTOBER 1945
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
419
ECONOMIC BILL OF RIGHTS
(Continued from page 419)
change for its own sake. The better the
matching of mental attitudes with tech-
nology, the better will be our new world.
A second gigantic World War in our
times, at the end of which we midwived
the atomic bomb, has forced us to adapt
ourselves to new techniques even before
our social and political institutions were
adapted to the older era. The result is an
even more rapidly extended technology,
still further out of line with our institu-
tions.
The gap has been enormously widened,
just when we had begun to close it some-
what by the modern social-economic legisla-
tion once called the New Deal. A British
columnist wrote recently in a London news-
paper: "While the general election killed
conservatism in England, the atomic bomb
killed it all over the world." There is time
to speed up lagging mentalities, but not
much time.
An Upside-Down Approach
i say these things soberly because of the
bill before us. This bill is not conceived for
an atomic age; it is a bill which should
have been law a decade ago — certainly two
war years ago. It does no more than direct
the President to gather certain information,
embody it in a national budget message,
and recommend action to Congress.
Even while I support the bill, there is a
certain word in it which alarms me. "When
there is a prospective deficiency in the Na-
tional Budget . . ." it says. The bill gives
private enterprise two chances to make
good — once under its own steam, and once
with a stimulating injection by government.
When private enterprise then fails, it calls
for making up the "deficiency." This is not
the vision we should have of the brave new
world we hope to build.
The concept of the CIO unions is not
that Congress shall benevolently step in
when private enterprise is found wanting
and give the people something to keep
them from starving. Our idea is govern-
ment planning and preparation of a na-
tional program which will permit thej
American people to achieve the full poten-
tial of what they can do for themselves.
We say that the federal government is the
instrument through which we can all work
together to accomplish full employment
and a high annual income. We do not like
a "deficiency" approach which presupposes
failure to reach our full capacity and as-
sumes that the duty of government is noth-
ing more than to "shore up" deficiency.
"Deficiency" thinking is an upside-down
approach to the potentialities of today.
Now, for the first time in our history, all
Americans can have abundance because
with our gains in science and technology
we can create abundance. This is not talk
against private enterprise; rather it is a
plea for a program that will permit private
enterprise really to do its stuff. Especially,
we conceive of it as a plan to give private
enterprise vast new markets for goods and
services their most imaginative sales man
agers never dreamed of.
Senate Bill 380 provides the machinery
for the planning, the estimating, the cal-
culating of our full potential. We do not
look upon this and related legislation in
the manner of a vice-president in charge oi
sales trying to figure out how many units
of his company's product he can sell in a
market where only a fraction of the people
are employed, and where those who do
have jobs have incomes so small they con-
stitute only a trickle instead of a river of
purchasing power. We are approaching the
question from the other side.
Social Engineering for Abundance
We need to determine not how many
people can normally buy shoes or afford
houses with plumbing, but how many pairs
of shoes the American people need a year
and how much plumbing. We need to gear
our economy to an over-all full employ
ment plan of that kind, industry by in
dustry, with some governmental guarantee
that the individual businessman will be able
to dispose profitably of output expanded in
accordance with such a plan. This is the
concept set forth in the CIO Reemploymem
Plan adopted in Chicago last year.
At the beginning of the atomic age we
need to make an entirely new approach to
the question of production and consump-
tion. It is a problem in social engineering,
more complex than designing a bridge or
computing stresses in a skyscraper because
people and their feelings and desires are
involved. The job can be done; it must be
done if our institutions are to survive.
We know we can produce abundantly;
we have done it for war. This bill will be
a first step toward doing it for peace. Only
such full production will keep healthy our
agriculture, labor, industry, and business.
There are people in the nation who are
afraid of a program of full employment
and production. Even in Congress, there
are those who have village minds in a cos-
mopolitan society and manage to hold a
penny so close to their eyes that they hide
the whole blazing sun. The existence of
these timid and frightened souls make
more imperative the energy and devotion
of the rest in advancing this constructive
and progressive program.
The last point I want to make is the
urgent necessity 'for speed in the passage of
this bill, and of the supporting legislation
as well. If the bill were law tomorrow, it
would not be applicable until the ne\v
fiscal year which begins July 1, 1946.
On the situation we confront the most
important fact is this: Counting the twelve
million men and women in uniform, we
have employed 64 million people in the
war effort. Allowing that some five mil-
lion will leave the employment market and
that two million will remain in military
service, there remain 57 million who need
jobs. To them there is added an annual
increment of half a million young people
of employable age.
Congress, like the rest of us, needs to rise
to the challenge of these times and match
its decisions and its performance with the
opportunities of the atomic age.
AS UNIFORMS ARE SHED
(Continued from page 401)
has been particularly under fire, and the
recommendations of the report would
mean a complete reorganization, its details
based on the findings of "a small fast-
working independent committee . . . named
to make an impartial study of every aspect
of veterans' medical care."
Instead of a generalized set-up with
hospital and medical services responsible to
lay administration, both in Washington
and locally, Mr. Baruch would create a
new Veterans Medical Service with a clean-
cut separation of responsibilities at all levels.
Headed by an outstanding medical man
as director, it would be assisted also by a
professional review committee, the mem-
bers of which would serve in a continuing
advisory capacity on all matters of general
policy and also of technical administration.
The Veterans Administration, Mr. Bar-
uch submits, should give immediate atten-
tion to the recruitment and training of
better professional personnel — doctors,
nurses, and technicians. Further, the pres-
ent restrictive emphasis on hospitalization
should be broadened into a more flexible
program of medical care. There should be
"outpatient clinics for veterans who do not
need hospitalization; more extended use of
local physicians and medical facilities"; re-
habilitation centers, sheltered workshops,
and so on. New plans for hospital construc-
tion should be made in line with this
broader policy, and, meeting one of the
major criticisms leveled at the Administra-
tion, there should be "closer contact . . .
with established medical centers," and also
"effective liaison between the new Veterans
Medical Service and the medical branches
of the armed services."
Better Medical Care
An alert and professionally qualified
leadership would command the best in
modern medical science. This would mean,
for example, new hope for "veterans who
have been paralyzed through wounds to
the spinal cord or key nerves." It would
mean, too, "a continuous, progressive limb
replacement program, since designs will
steadily improve," It would also "eliminate
or reduce deterrents to full recovery or in-
centives to malingering, while still retain-
ing just compensation for disability."
A major recommendation is for "a psy-
chiatric program both immediate and long
range" in the field "where perhaps there
is the widest gap between need and estab-
lished medical facilities." The program
would emphasize the training of "a vastly
greater personnel over the years." It would
stimulate research, and provide a nation-
wide network of out-patient clinics, "since
most psychoneurotic ills can be treated
without hospitalization."
On the non-medical side, the principal
need is for improved administration and
for a decentralization of responsibility,
which would speed up "payments of every
kind while still protecting the public in-
420
SURVEY GRAPHIC
icrcit. . . . The enormous volume of vet-
erans' laws needs codifying; the mass of
regulations simplifying."
Over-all Coordination
Eighteen months ago, the Baruch-Han
cock report on "War and Postwar Adjust
ment Policies," made the case lor broad
federal planning which would coordinate
the policies of both veteran and civilian
agencies responsible for the conversion of
i he country's economy from war to peace.
Disappointment and impatience are now
expressed by Mr. Baruch over the fact
that "almost a year since Congress created
the necessary office [Retraining and Re-
employment Administration], an effective'
program of human demobilization still is
lacking."
Many of the fundamental things that
need to be done for the veteran, Mr. Baruch
tells General Bradley, are "beyond your
own authority." Dynamic leadership in the
over-all Retraining and Re-employment
Administration is necessary in order "to
maintain a running review of the plans for
demobilization in the armed forces, ... to
see that any faults in discharge procedure
are promptly corrected, ... see that veterans
obtain loans to start businesses, receive the
materials and commodities they need,
to step up and coordinate the artificial limb
program." To this end, Mr. Baruch now
recommends the appointment of a "vigor-
ous, imaginative Work Director," as head
of Retraining and Re-employment.
The Work Director would be responsible
for seeing that "the human side of de-
mobilization is not forgotten." The Vet-
erans Administration and all other agencies
dealing with aspects of demobilization
should be able to look to the Work Direc-
tor for "a unified, detailed employment
program," including settlement of the con-
flict on seniority rights, adequate job place-
ment machinery, personalized job guidance,
cooperation with both labor unions and
business groups in relaxing barriers to em-
ployment— such as initiation fees, appren-
ticeship rules, and so on.
He would develop local veterans informa-
tion centers, coordinated with the military
separation centers, so that veterans will be
hilly informed "of what they need to
know." He would see that in each com-
munity "there is only one place where
veterans need go — in dignity, not charity —
to learn all of their rights and how to get
them." We may assume, although the re-
port is not precise on this point, that this
responsibility would include not only stim-
ulating local communities to set up these
centers, but also advising them about
standards of personnel and methods of ef-
fective operation.
Experience has already shown up many
weaknesses in the GI Bill of Rights. The
report points to a number of these and pro-
poses remedies. Thus it recommends that
the loan provision be spread over ten years
instead of the present two. The present 50
percent guarantee is shown to be too low.
The report suggests "that an incentive tax
of 25 percent less than the normal rate be
given veterans opening new businesses . . .
to be applied in repayment of their loans
up to $25,000." Plans for home loans should
IK consolidated in a "single arrangement
. . . with a flat 4 percent interest rate," to
be administered by the National Housing
Agency rather than the Veterans Ad-
ministration.
To Mr. Baruch's mind, the educational
provisions of the bill "need tightening up"
to protect the veteran "against fly-by-night
trade schools." "So-called second injury
laws," which are proving an obstacle to the
employment of disabled veterans, "should
be corrected."
Finally, the matter of additional benefits
for veterans and their families could be
part of this legislative study. "I know it
would come as a shock to the American
people to learn dial we have not treated
our veterans as generously as some other
countries have theirs."
The first Baruch report was presented in
that dark hour when this country was in
grave danger of losing the war for lack of
rubber. The background of that report, as
of this one, was lack of foresight, confused
planning, and inept administration. The
results of the first report are a matter of
history — an amazing achievement in un-
precedented industrial cooperation, techno-
logical advance, almost incredible expansion
in productive capacity. Is the genius of
America limited to the exploitation of the
physical and material, or will this new
report set free an equal determination to
cope with the social materials that form
the components of our first postwar crisis?
On the answer to that question depends
the shape of our human reconversion.
Know the truth about the Negro!
Better race relations come from the better understanding of the Negroes' part in American
Life. These books give you all the facts you want to know.
THE NEGRO, TOO,
in American History
by MERL R. EPPSE, M. A.
The amazing story of over 300 years of the Negro and his progress down to the present era. An
inspiration and a revelation. Written free of prejudice and opinion.
591 Pages, Cloth Bound, 90 Photographs, Indexed, S3.0O
NOW
\ALL THREE BOOKS FOR $5.OO|
• An Elementary History of America Including the
Contributions of the Negro Race.
350 Pages, Cloth Bound, 24 Photographs, Indexed. S1.50
• A Guide to the Study of the Negro in American
History.
182 Pages, 600 REFERENCES S2.OO
ORDER
NATIONAL PUBLICATION CO.
P. O. Box 445, Nashville 2, Tenn.
Gentlemen: I enclose $ , please send me the
book(s) checked below.
The Negro, Too, In American History S3.0O Q
An Elementary History of America, Inrlud-
ing Contribution* of Negro Race SI. SO Q
A Guide to the Study of the Negro In
American HiMory »2.OO D
YOU MAY SEND ME THE THREE BOOKS FOR $5.00
NAME
ADDRESS
CITY, ZONE STATE
OCTOBER 1945
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
421
WILL CONGRESS CLEAN HOUSE?
(Continued from page 411)
tees could draw would help when they are
snowed under in a blizzard of unexpected
correspondence.
Broadcasting of the proceedings of Con-
gress appeals to many members. Senator
Glen H. Taylor of Idaho, who spent much
of his life in show business, said that broad-
casting "probably would be cheaper than
mailing out Congressional Records and it
would be more effective, a great deal more
effective." Like some others, he doubted
whether the full session should be put on
the air.
Despite the journalistic furore several
years ago when Congress attempted to vote
itself retirement funds, it is generally as-
sumed that both houses will increase their
salaries and grant either retirement allow-
ances or pensions. Rising living costs, espe-
cially when they have to maintain resi-
dences in Washington and in their home
districts, have bitten deeply into incomes
already reduced by greater income taxes.
A 50 percent raise to $15,000 is considered
a minimum and Mr. Heller received con-
siderable support when he advocated $25,-
000. President Truman in his message on
postwar planning advocated an increase in
congressmen's salaries to $20,000.
While all the rest of the government's
employes contribute to retirement funds,
congressmen were frightened from their
pension stand of several years ago by the
public uproar and still have no such pro-
vision. Logic certainly would lump them
in with other civil servants if they wish to
make contributions and accumulate benefit
credits on the same basis.
Two other proposals presented to the
joint committee include enforced recesses
so that congressmen could periodically keep
in touch with their constituents, established
days for committee hearings, and certain
days fixed for full-day sessions of House
and Senate. Over-long sessions keep mem-
bers in Washington without contact with
the people they are supposed to represent.
Under the present arrangement of mornings
allotted to hearings and afternoons to ses-
sions, both suffer as some members stay
on in committee and others go to the
Capitol.
Installation of an automatic electric vot-
ing machine in the House, similar to those
used in state legislatures, could save an
estimated forty legislative days during a
year. The dreary business of calling the
list of 435 members' names twice for every
recorded roll call shows a resistance to mod-
ern progress that can hardly be equalled.
The Larger Issues
Imperative as is the obligation of Con-
gress to put its own house in order, the
need for a legislative follow-through on
acts 'already on the law books is of equal,
perhaps greater, importance. The national
legislature has too frequently legislated and
then forgotten. No restraining hand has
been laid on the Executive branch.
"I wonder if we all realize how grave a
422
constitutional crisis exists in which the life
of representative government is at stake?"
asked Professor Hamilton. "A wedge has
been driven between the exercise of power
by a host of official agencies and its popular
source. . . . Public affairs are administered
by departments, commissions, authorities,
corporations, boards, each acting more or
less for itself, all operating with only the
most casual oversight of the Congress. . . .
The institution of representation runs on;
the larger conduct of government operates
outside its reach. A constitutional crisis,
one of the gravest in our history, impends."
In brief, the three-branch concept of fed-
eral government has broken down. What
can be done?
If the democratic will is to be carried
through to accomplishment, more than the
passage of legislation is demanded. Too
frequently a corporation, for example, has
been authorized with federal funds to
launch it and then allowed to wander along
its independent path.
One reasonable way to prevent this
would be through more frequent reports —
not the current annual documents that too
often are bogged down in unrevealing, for-
malized statistics and oratorical generaliza-
tions.
Possibly an even more effective way is
informal meetings between representatives
of the Executive and the Congress. These
would be different from set committee hear-
ings. Congressmen would seek general
knowledge and information and not some-
thing to apply specifically; the Executive
representatives would try to determine the
congressional intent behind the legalistic
phraseology of the legislation. The Senate
Foreign Relations Committee and the De-
partment of State, the Federal Housing
Agency and the House Committee on Pub-
lic Buildings and Grounds have pioneered
along this line with considerable success.
John B. Blandford, Jr., administrator of
the National Housing Agency, told how
his agency had sought to overcome "the
infrequency and the formality of our con-
tacts with the legislative and appropriation
committees."
"We meet ordinarily once a month," he
testified, "and the occasion is one of infor-
mality and across-the-table discussion. There
is no attempt to keep a record. On our part
we endea.vor to report on the current hous-
ing scene as it has developed since the pre-
vious meeting, frankly identify problems —
including failures as well as successes — and
seek advice and reactions as to the progress
of the program. Our immediate subject
matter, of course, has been that of the pub-
licly financed portion of the war-housing
program, but it has been presented against
a full background of the total war-sheltei
program and its relationship to war pro-
duction. . . .
"I think it has worked because it has
provided both the committee and the agen-
cy an opportunity for discussion on the
basis of the same set of facts. It has pro
vided an occasion for the speedy resolving
of complaints or misunderstandings and
generally has developed an environment in
which we have found a closer acquaintance-
ship and have built up a foundation of
mutual respect and confidence."
Questions from Congress
Representative Estes Kefauver of Tennes-
see has proposed to break down the walls
of the "air-tight departments" of the Con-
gress and the Executive by establishing a
"report and question period" on Capitol
Hill. The idea is similar to that of the
British House of Commons where cabinet
officials appear to answer the members'
questions. A major committee would invite
the head of a cabinet department or federal
agency to come before the House for an
oral report and to answer questions drafted
by the committee and by individual mem-
bers. These queries would be printed in
the Congressional Record before the session
and, naturally, given to the Executive offi-
cer. The "report and question periods"
would be limited to two hours and would
be held every week or two.
Supporters of this idea believe that it
would keep Congress better informed and
provide a curb on the Executive. Oppo-
nents say that the less formalized monthly
meetings provide more real information and
insist that grafting the parliamentary tech-
nique on the congressional procedure would
serve "only a ceremonial purpose." One
modification urged that each Executive de-
partment and major agency delegate its
own assistant secretary or director, full
time, to legislative contacts. The Depart-
ment of State has such an arrangement.
Dean Acheson, now Under-Secretary, but
then Assistant Secretary assigned to the
Hill, told the joint committee that the
Kefauver proposal would "force the Execu-
tive departments to have a unified policy"
because reports showing dispersive, con-
flicting plans would be discovered and
modified promptly.
A neglected check on the Executive
branch, according to numerous witnesse:
is through the General Accounting Office'
existing investigative powers. Instead
merely auditing and keeping books, th
General Accounting Office could be a
agent of Congress and a useful critic of
Executive expenditures. Comptroller Gen-
eral Warren suggested that "Congress
could better inform itself as to how expen
ditures have been made and as to the sol
spots in the organization or activities
the agencies requesting funds" if the ap-
propriations committees and Congress i
self increased the use of the General A<
counting Office. This information would
include a fidelity audit and report to Con-
gress on the fiscal conditions of all Execu-
tive departments, agencies and corporations.
"Showcase" accounting, whereby it would
be possible in a few minutes to ascertain
the over-all financial goals, expenditures,
and appropriations, has been advocated re-
peatedly before the committee.
A unified legislative program, instead of
the diversified individuality of 531 mem-
bers of Congress, would somewhat counter-
balance the singleness of the Chief Execu-
SURVEY GRAPHIC
tive. A "legislative council" or congres-
sional "cabinet" of the leadership of both
houses, including the major committee
chairmen, could draft such an over-all ap-
proach to pressing contemporary problems.
The "legislative council" idea was first
tried in 1933 in Kansas. Since then, it has
spread to nine other states; two more have
authorized the plan but have not yet put
it in operation. These state councils study
the legislative program so that major prob-
lems for deliberation are identified and ap-
propriate proposals drafted; they coordi-
nate the work between the two houses;
and improved relations between legislature
and governor result from their functioning.
Some advocates would enlarge the con-
gressional "cabinet" to make it a joint
group with Executive representatives. Thus,
if Congress and the White House were
controlled by the same political party, both
branches of the government could consoli-
date their efforts. Certainly such a pro-
cedure would indelibly fix party responsi-
bility for action achieved and reforms re-
jected.
What is the joint committee going to do?
A careful study of the testimony and a
survey of its membership indicates that
high points of its recommendations will
include:
1. Drastic reduction in the number of
standing committees, possibly to thirteen.
These would be parallel for both houses
and would be organized along functional
lines so that overlapping jurisdiction would
be, as far as possible, eliminated.
2. Possibly automatic rotation of commit-
tee chairmen as a means of overcoming the
difficulties with seniority. In its final vote,
the committee may decide to pass over this
ticklish problem.
3. Better staffing of the Congress, the
committees, and the congressmen's offices.
4. A salary raise for congressmen to at
least $15,000 annually and provision for a
$7,500 administrative assistant for each.
5. Pruning the time-consuming job of
serving as municipal council for the Dis-
trict of Columbia and as a court of minor
claims against the government.
6. Possibly some sort of radio broadcast-
ing of congressional sessions as a public in-
formation measure.
7. Retirement pensions along the same
lines as other government employes.
8. Much wider use of the General Ac-
counting Office to insure regular, non-
partisan checks on Executive expenditures.
9. Support for informal liaison between
congressional groups and the Executive de-
partments and agencies. The Kefauver pro-
posal, which will receive some favorable
comment, probably will be dismissed as too
much of an innovation.
10. Some modification of the "legisla-
tive council" idea.
What will Congress do?
Unless Congress realizes the public really
means business, it may pick and choose
from the recommendations with patronage-
hungry eyes. As Mr. Heller warned, only
an integrated reorganization, not a piece-
meal attack, will modernize our national
legislature and free it for its tremendous
tasks.
(In answering
OCTOBER 1945
"You Must Have Spent Years on Shorthand"
NO: I Learned in 6 WEEKS!
You, too, can master SPEEDWRITING, the modem shorthand, in one-quarter
the time required by symbol systems. It is far easier and more accurate to write
and transcribe. Tens of thousands of shorthand writers have been freed from the
drudgery of old-fashioned methods of learning and writing shorthand through the
marvelous SPEEDWRITING system. It has no signs or symbols but uses the
familiar letters of the alphabet. It eliminates the strain of taking dictation and is
easy to read back.
SPEEDWRITERS are employed in the better jobs all over the country. Prepare
for one of these jobs — and for the post-war opportunities that await you
now
just ahead!
YOU CAN QUALIFY AS
IN
A FAST, ACCURATE SHORTHAND WRITER
THIS FAMOUS METHOD
With no interference with your present work, with no sacrifice of your hours of
recreation, you can master this easy, natural modern shorthand in six weeks of
home study. You can take longer if you wish; many have learned Speedwriting in
less time. Over 100,000 have studied Speedwriting at home in their spare hours.
The cost is only a small fraction of what you would expect to pay. Speedwriting is
nationally recognized and highly endorsed by educators and
business leaders. It has been used for over twenty years in
leading corporations and Civil Service. Mail coupon below for
illustrated booklet. No cost, no obligation ; no salesman will rail.
SCHOOL OF SPEEDWRITING,
Dept. 3510-5, 55 West 42 Street, New York 18, N. Y.
FREE!
FASCINATING NEW
ILLUSTRATED BOOKLET
Gives you full informa-
tion about Speedwriting,
and includes easy lesson
that will have you writ-
ing typical business sen-
tences in shorthand in a
few minutes!
School of Speedwriting
55 West 42 Street
N. Y. 18
MAIL THIS COUPON TODAY
School of Speedwrfting, Dept. 3510-5
55 West 42 Street, New York 18, N. Y.
Please send me without obligation or expense your new
Illustrated booklet containing full information on Speed-
writing — The Modern Shorthand; also your way, inter-
sting demonstration lesson.
Name
<'ity
and State
(Include P.O. Zone No., if any)
advertisements please mention Si RVKY GRAPHIC J
423
THE BOOKSHELF
DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION
by Ordway Tead
This book presents a rationale for sensible, democratic
action Jn day-to-day experiences, stated in Reneralized
terms and applicable to many different types of or-
ganized effort. The discerning reader can adapt points
of riew and methods to his own situation. Board. 51.25
ASSOCIATION PRESS
347 Madison ATP. New York 17
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
Official Journal of the American Sociological Sorit-tv.
In addition to papers and proceedings of tin- so-
ciety, It contains articles on sociological research,
news notes, book reviews, and foreign correspondence.
Subscription $4.00 a year - Special library rate $3.00
Address: Managing Editor
A merican Sociological Review
U. S. Department of Agriculture, Washington, D. C.
NEW VIEWS IN EVENTS AND BOOKS
Monthly letter of independent opinion.
World Affairs. Labor. Economics. Edited
by H. Integer. Introductory offer $1.00
ten issues.
NEW VIEWS, 505 Fifth Ave., N. Y. C. 17
WHAT BOOKS 00 YOU WANT?
We quote lowest market prices. No charge t«i
locating Hard-to-Find and Out-oi-l'rmt Ituuks.
All books, OM) or NEW. mailed POST- PURE.
SEARCHLIGHT BOOK COLLECTIONS
22 East 17th St.. New York City
Your favorite review discusses legislation
for human welfare. LEGISLATIVE SERV-
ICE will keep you up to date on what to do
to get it passed, how to fight noisome meas-
ures. Published monthly by International
Labor Defense, 112 East 19th Street, New
York 3, N. Y. Subscription $1. for 12 issues.
Sample copy sent on request.
CAN BE SAVED
™ — tt-
tijic Ame.r
D
ffm "GIVE YOUR HAIR A CHANCE"
is the amazing book by J. W. KING,
Sc.fi. on dandruff, baldness, thinning
d itrayintr Imir. Much usable in formation .
iO.S7iif*' M,'tti,;il,lwrnal. Be.st im ft- truant -
ictu-* Rduration. Debunks hair f:.,l, , N, i, „-
. Sdentiek- fact. - Sunsrt ,\t'i<}ti;.nf \\iti,-
.. . -
mercial biaa. Teaching
Kiotoffitt. Book of « scientist.- Homr A ,-rrx.
KnorniutiH assistance.- Pictorial tteview Prac-
tical. — Science Nrwa Ltttvr. Send only $2
today for postpaid copy of this authentic
Instruction, on how to save your hair. 6th
printing. Prompt refund If not helprri.
BRADMtR PUBLISHING CO. (Est. 1933) Dept. S3, Cambridge 42. Mass.
Now available for civilian education
ARMY TALK. Orientation Fact Sheet Number 70:
PREJUDICE! ROADBLOCK TO PROGRESS
Facsimile reproduction of this important Army immph-
let, the answer to Bilbo and Rankin, reprinted by
permission of the War Department by
INTERNATIONAL LABOR DEFENSE
112 East 19th Street. New York 3. N. Y.
100 for $4.; 600 for $16.; 1.000 for $30.
Sample sent free on written request.
ANSWERS to
DIVORCE, SEPARATION &
ANNULMENT
Legal Questions
(Written by a Lawyer and Indexed for
each reference I
Poitpaid Sl.OO
SAUL STEINtAUF, S6S Fifth Av«., New York 17
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF NURSING
shows the part which professional nurses take in
the betterment of the world. Put it in your
library. $3.00 a year. 1790 Broadwav at 58 St.,
New York 19. N. Y. ; [
BOOKPLATES
FREE CATALOG, showing several hundred beau-
tiful designs.
ANT10CH BOOKPLATES, Box 218. Yellow Springs, Ohio
PROFESSIONAL SERVICES
SPECIAL ARTICLES, THESES, SPEECHES,
PAPERS. Research, revision, bibliographies, etc.
Over twenty years' experience serving busy pro-
fessional persons. Prompt service extended.
AUTHORS RESEARCH BUREAU, 516 Fifth
Avenue, New York, N. Y.
ORIGINAL SERMONS, SPEECHES, LEC-
TURES, Club Papers, professionally prepared.
Criticism, rewriting, plotting, ghostwriting of
book-length manuscripts, short-stories, feature
articles. Testimonials galore. Printed Lectures,
Sermons and Outlines also furnished. FREE
Circular. Dept. "S," Continental Writers' &
Speakers' Bureau, 210 Fifth Ave,, New York,
N. Y.
RESEARCH: Congressional Library, Government
Bureaus, etc. Questions, literary or scientific in-
vestigations, genealogy, business errands, attended
by experts. Circular free. CREHORE, Box
2329-G, Washington 13, D. C.
BOOK REVIEW drudgery done for you by experi-
enced lecturer, newspaper and SRL reviewer.
Henrietta Hardtnan, Central Village, Connecticut.
MAGAZINE SUBSCRIPTIONS
UNLOAD YOUR SUBSCRIPTION CHORES!
Send me your want-list of magazines and news-
papers, new and renewal : I get all available, bill
you afterwards. Institutional accounts expedited.
Catalog, circular free. JOHN CREHORE, Post-
. .box 2329-G, Washington 13, D. C.
LANGUAGES
29 LANGUAGES BY LINGUAPHONE. Russian.
Spanish, Portuguese — Direct conversational method
for mastering any language auickly, easily, cor-
rectly at home. Send for FREE book. LINGUA-
PHONE INSTITUTE, 50 RCA Bldg., New
York 20. CI 7-0830.
FOREIGN BOOKS
SCHOENHOF'S FOREIGN BOOKS, INC.
1280 Massachusetts Avenue. Dept. SV
Cambridge 38, Mass.
; I PRINTING
PERSONA"L~NAME STICKERS primed with
your name and address. 500 for $1. Box 24, Rich-
mond Hill, N. Y.
"POWHATAN" INDIAN* PIPE
SEND a dollar bill for genuine "Powhatan" hand-
made Indian clay smoking pipe, replica famous
original Virginia antique, two long stems, his-
toric booklet, directions, enjoyment, and care.
Rustic container, postage prepaid. PAMPLTN
PIPE CO., Richmond, Virginia.
VOCATIONAL GUIDANCE
HUNTING A NEW JOB? Find the employment
you're best fitted for — administration, personnel,
teaching, sales, engineering? Guidance helps make
promotion faster, success easier, happiness greater.
Free information. Refund if dissatisfied. Voca-
tional Guidance Clinic. Highland Park 10, N. J.
SITUATIONS WANTED
PUBLIC RELATIONS EXPERT— 6 years' experi-
ence major public relations work prior to entry
into the Air Force. 3 vears Air Forces public
relations as training chief with 17 commendations
for excitably new ideas created in action releases.
Just separated from the Service. Food and cos-
metic statements, aviation and political advisory
activities on promotional work. Founder Press
Publicists: creator idea of applying art to. com-
merce. 12> years newspaper, magazine and motion
picture editorial work. Specialized in Pan-Ameri-
can affairs, Russian. Polish liaison 'public relations.
3 years radio writing, directing and riroducing.
Research nprl hotise organ expert. Commercial
and personality publicity. Northwestern Univer-
-itv. \Vot-M_ traveled. Married, n-e 4" Seeks
Public Relations post with olentv of challenge in
Southern California area or best offer. Member 5
National Public "Relations organizations. Listed
Public Relations Directory. S227 Survey.
SOCIAL WORKER, in administrative supervisory
position, desires to affiliate with organization in
K.I-'. -in or Southeastern States where ability to
understand and handle problems of ex-servicemen
and families is needed. Valuable psychiatric ex-
perience. S222 Survey.
EXECUTIVE, broad exoerience in mental hygiene,
family and child giiidance. industry, labor and
community organization. Available on short no-
tice. 822fi Survey.
EXECUTIVE with wide experience in the Rer
relational and Institutional field, desires connection
with a children's organization. Can only consider
work in New York City or within commuting
distance. Am also experienced in fund-raising.
8203 Survey.
EXECUTIVE POSITION by woman groupworkcr
with fourteen years' experience as Department
head and Director Adult Education. Training,
supervising volunteers. Camp Director, Community
organization, also experienced legal secretary.
$3600. 8224 Survey.
WORKERS WANTED
WANTED: SUPERINTENDENT to take full
charge of Jewish Children's Home in Minneapolis,
Minnesota, 27-bed capacity, ages 3 to 13 years,
tnve full details of experience and qualifications.
Salary open. M. Lorberbaum, 1134 Upton Ave-
nue, North, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
CASEWORKER, professional school graduate,
wanted by newly organized Family Service Agency
in progressive. Michigan city near Detroit. Worker
with some experience preferred, but recent gradu-
ate acceptable. Agency has professionally qualified
supervisory personnel. Affiliation with profes-
sional school in process of being developed. Salary
standards good. 8225 Survey.
INSTITUTIONAL MANAGER, to direct a cot-
tage plan institution for 175 Protestant white chil
dren, age 6 to 18. Institution is part of a child
placing agency with a large boarding home pro-
gram. Complete case work service is offered to
all children. Agency is over eighty years old
but has a modern, progressive program. Location
is in a large midwestern city. Institution is lo-
cated about eight miles from the center of the
city. Applicant should state training, experience
and give full qualifications. 8223 Survey.
W A NTED : Person to develop a program for aged
people living in rooming house district. Salary
and advancement commensurate with applicant's
experience and proven abilities. 8220 Survey.
WANTED: Activities Director — Man, to live in
residence and to be responsible for the supervision
and group work program In settlement hou^r
Please state experience, references and salary .'\
peeled. 8219 Survey.
:
CASEWORKER— Catholic family or child welfarr
caseworker, salary range $1920 to $2340. Must
have graduate training. 8178 Survey.
SUPERVISOR, professionally trained and experi-
enced, to have charge of a family service depart-
ment in multiple service Jewish case work agency.
Responsibilities include supervision of workers and
students, administration of unit and community
committee work. Salary range $2700 to $3800
8215 Survey.
SOCIAL WORKER, Starr Commonwealth for Boys.
Albion, Michigan. Duties: general case work-
services for adolescent !K>.VS, also administrative
work. Good salary and maintenance, excellent
working conditions. State age, education, experi-
ence. Write Floyd Starr.
NATIONAL JEWISH WOMEN'S ORGANIZA-
TION with educational and service program has
opening for professional staff member with com-
munity organization background to service local
groups throughout the country. Some travelling
involved. 8221 Survey.
CASE WORKERS. Two. professionally qualified.
by Jewish Family and Children's Agency offering
good supervision and special interest assignments.
Classifications Case Worker I and Case Worker
n provide excellent salary range. 8210 Survey.
BOYS' WORKER for new settlement house in mid-
dle west. Good salary and opportunity for ad-
vancement. 8205 Survey.
YOUNG SOCIAL WORKER, trained, interested
in executive work in middle western family and
children's agency. Good pay and interesting job.
8206 Survey.
WANTED — Assistant Executive Secretary, Council
of Social Agencies, Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada.
Apply stating age, social work training and ex-
perience.
HEAD CASEWORK SUPERVISOR, man or
woman, professionally trained and experienced for
ageticy working with the armed forces, ex-service-
men, and their dependents. Community served
has population of 185,000. Salary commensurate
with qualifications. Give full details. Applv Home
Service, Springfield Chapter, American Red Cross.
31 Elm Street, Springfield, Mass.
OCCUPATIONAL THERAPIST wanted for sana-
torium, $2000 plus complete maintenance. Un-
usual opportunity. Write Deborah, Box 98,
Browns Mills, X. T.
EMPLOYMENT AGENCY
GERTRUDE R. STEIN, INC.
AGENCY, 64 West 48th Street, New
York. Wise. 7-4961. A professional
bureau specializing in fund-raising, group
work, institutional, casework and med-
ical social work positions.
SITUATIONS WANTED
SOCIAL WORKER — Male, age 38 — considering
change— M.S.S.W. from recognized school of social
work — member of A.A.S.W. Ten years' experi-
ence in public and private agencies. Last five
years in Children's agencies. Some supervisory
experience. Interested in agency in Eastern part
of country offering opportunity for community
organization. 8228 Survey.
424
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC^
SURVEY GRAPHIC
When Christmas
comes give your
thinking friends
SURVEY
GRAPHIC
SIMMONS COLLEGE
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK
Professional Education Leading to the degree of M.S.
Medical Social Work
Psychiatric Social Work
Community Work
Family and Child Welfare
Public Assistance
Social Research
Catalog will be sent on request.
18 Somerset Street Beacon Hill, Boston
THE NEW YORK SCHOOL
OF SOCIAL WORK
Columbia University
The curriculum of the New York School of Social
Work consists of a combination of courses, research,
and field work in both private and tax-supported social
agencies. The normal program of study covers six
quarters or eighteen months and leads to the Master
of Science degree.
•
A sequence of courses selected from the regular cur-
riculum is given in the late afternoon and evening for
practicing social workers.
Winter Quarter 1946 —
Final application date —
Spring Quarter —
Final application date —
Summer Quarter —
Final application date —
January 3 -March 23
October 22, 1943
March 26-June 13
January 14
June 18- August 30
April 8
Catalogues will be mailed on request
122 East 22nd Street
New York 10, N. Y.
<
Thirteen million Americans, discharged from the
armed forces, will wear this emblem.
They have served our country with honor and
so helped protect the things you love . . . your
home, your family, your freedom.
Welcome them to civilian life.
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.
Publishers of
Survey Midmonthly & Survey Graphic
THE BUSINESS SIDE OF THE WORLD'S OLDEST BUSINESS
A. F. Niemoeller's survey of the organization, management, and earnings of prostitution
from antiquity to the present.
This 15,000-word book (5}4x8^ inches in size, printed in readable type) considers pros-
titution as a mercantile enterprise, the establishments in which the negotiations take
place, their systems of doing business, types of workers, and the remunerations accruing
to the workers. This is an original piece of research unlike anything available in print
today.
Mr. Niemoeller makes it apparent that prostitution is as much a business as any other
commercial endeavor, and as justly so. You will enjoy this examination of the structure,
operation, and rewards of this greatest and oldest of human enterprises.
This book not only surveys the subject with historical accuracy and presents a valuable
array of data, but approaches this fascinatingly human theme with humor, wit and charm.
This book represents literary artistry and scientific scholarship at their best. Our author
amuses as he informs. Get ready for a safe and sane good time.
Copies of THE BUSINESS SIDE OF THE WORLD'S OLDEST BUSINESS are
available at 2Sc each, prepaid. Send orders to: E. HALDEMAN-JULIUS, Box 1829,
GIRARD, KANSAS.
BIG opportunities and jobs
waiting for those who speak
Spanish. Millions of dollars be-
ing invested in Mexico, Central
and South America. Enjoy
more ^— earn more. Increase
social, business, travel and
reading pleasures. CORTINA
Method famous for over 6O
years, teaches you to speak like
a native. Learn quickly, easily
at home "by listening" to Cor-
tinaphone records. Thousands have, why not you?
No risk under our Five-Day Approval offer.
FRENCH, GERMAN, ITALIAN also taught by this
amazing method. Send for Free Book, "The Cor-
tina Short-Cut" — state language interested in.
CORTINA ACADEMY— Established in 1882
P^pt. 391O, 1O3 Went lOlh St., New York 18, N. Y.
NEW HARPER BOOKS
for Survey Readers
AMERICAN
LABOR UNIONS
What They Are and How They Work
By Florence Peterson '
Director, Industrial Relations Division, Bureau of Labor
Statistics, U. S. Department of Labor
Here for the first time in some years is an informing
and objective introduction to what A. F. of L., C.I.O.
and many other initials and references mean in terms
of human activities, interests and aspirations. It fills a
long-felt need for a popular but comprehensive state-
ment of how labor organizations operate in this country.
"... A veritable mine of information and a most useful
source of reference" — New York Herald Tribune.
S3. 00
PRIVATE
MONOPOLY
The Enemy at Home
By David Lasser
How monopoly at home and abroad presents a tremen-
dous challenge to all lovers of democracy is the theme
of this provocative book. "Lasser has done a remarkable
job in surveying the operations of monopolies and their
known and potential harmful effects . . . the coverage
of the subject is excellent and was made possible only
by careful and extensive research." — CLINTON S.
GOLDEN, Vice-Chairman, War Manpower Commission.
$3.00
HUMAN
LEADERSHIP
IN INDUSTRY
The Challenge of Tomorrow
By Sam A. Lewisohn
President, Miami Copper Company
A challenge, a warning and a guide to executive leaders
to assume the full responsibility which is theirs for im-
proved human relations in industry. "Mr. Lewisohn has
written with great clarity and characteristic simplicity
about matters that are of enormous importance to Amer-
ican management and labor ... it is as smooth and
interesting reading as a best seller."- — ALVIN E. DODD,
American Management Association. $2.00
DEMOCRACY
against
UNEMPLOYMENT
An Analysis of the Major Problem
of Post- War Planning
By William H. Stead
Full employment of our peacetime manpower is America's
zoal. How may this be done? What are the obstacles?
This penetrating and constructive analysis of the entire
problem will be indispensable to every agency and in-
dividual directly concerned. The author's own proposals,
written out of long, first-hand experience in federal labor
and employment services, will undoubtedly form the core
of whatever program is adopted. $3.00
FOR US
THE LIVING
An Approach To Civic Education
By John J. Mahoney
Professor of Education, Boston University; Director,
Harvard-Boston University Extension Courses for Teachers
Making better citizens through education for democratic
responsibility is the significant problem with which this
book deals so freshly. It gives definite answers to teachers
and school officers, both elementary and secondary schools,
who are committed to education for democracy but are in
the dark as to what to teach, how to teach and how to
conduct a public school that focuses on education for
more all-around citizenship. "Invaluable as a guide for
teachers and for use of classes of prospective teachers . . .
it is certain to arrest the attention of citizens who are
interested in the betterment of citizenship through im-
proved educational processes." — PAYSON SMITH, Uni-
versity of Maine. $3.00
IIIIIHIIIHHDIIHIIIIBIIIIIBIlllllllllHlllIIIIIlllBlBIIIIIH
(Coming In November)
At all bookstores or from
HARPER & BROTHERS, 49 East 33rd St., New York 16, N. Y.
NOVEMBER IQ45
SURVEV
GRfl
3O CENTS fl COPY
1C
Amphibious Medicine-Commander Endre K. Brunner, MC, USNR
[Endless Frontiers-James T. Shotwell • Germany Today-Paul Hagen
ook Section: Morality in the Modern Way-Harry Hansen and others
So you'll
be safer
Radar will make travel
safer. General Electric
scientists are working
along these lines. Among many
other G-E developments are bet-
ter street lighting, which reduced
night traffic accidents in one city
93 per cent in ten months... a
tiny gage which prevents acci-
dents to workers around cranes
— a new hay-drying system that
helps prevent farm fires caused
by storing wet hay.
Working on developments such
as these, G-E engineers and re-
search scientists are helping to
make life safer for you. General
Electric Co., Schenectady, N. Y.
Radar prevents collision. This actual photograph taken on the bridge
of the "American Mariner," U S. Maritime Service Training Ship,
shows General Electric's new peacetime radar Electronic Navigator
helping plot a safe course. The officer is looking at the G-E Navi-
gator's radar screen, which shows him the position of the ship and the
objects around it. On ships or planes, in fog or darkness, radar will
warn pilots of unseen hazards.
2-Inch doll saves lives. Central character of an
ingenious apparatus to test street lighting is a
tiny doll that represents the average pedestrian
as seen at a distance. The complicated device
measures visibility and glare. It was devised by
General Electric engineers to help make streets
and highways safer for night driving.
Bug-eyed auto was the car used in development of G-E Sealed Beam
headlights adopted by the automobile industry. The Sealed Beam head-
lamps give more and safer light. Tests show that the average G-E Sealed
Beam lamp gives 99 per cent as much light near the end of its life
as it did when brand new. About 45 lamps of Sealed Beam type have
been developed by General Electric for the Army and Navy.
The best investment in the world is in your country's future.
KEEP ALL BONDS YOU BUY
GENERAL m ELECTRIC
B52 63B 211
Nationalism
and After
By
Edward Hallett Garr
International organization, says
Professor Carr, must have "a
higher ideal than orderly stagna-
tion." In this timely and stimulat-
ing book he analyzes the develop-
ment of nationalism in the past, de-
scribes its crisis at present, and dis-
cusses the possibility of a workable
internationalism for the future,
based not on the security of nations
but on the welfare of individuals.
Professor Carr is the author of the
widely discussed Conditions of
Peace. $1.25
Science
and the
Planned State
By
John R. Baker
Believing that central planning
would gravely damage science, Dr.
Baker has written a readable and
outspoken book on the rights and
duties of scientists and their need
for freedom in the modern state. It
will stir up controversy among peo-
ple concerned with the effect of
planning in any field of human ac-
tivity; for persons interested in
science it is imperative reading.
$1.75
•
At all booksellers
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
ATOMIC ENERGY
in WAR
and PEACE
By GESSNER G. HAWLEY,
Chief Technical Editor, Reinhold Publishing Corp.
and SIGMUND W. LEIFSON,
Professor of Physics, University of Nevada
Here is the step-by-step story of the discovery and
understanding of atomic energy, the conditions of its
release, and its harnessing in war and peace.
Mr. Hawley informs and teaches, but does it in so
interesting and amiable a manner that the intelligent
reader is enlightened and inspired. Professor Leifson
is an authority on (h^ structure of matter, and studied
for his doctorate under the brilliant group of atomic
pioneers at the University of California.
Mr. Hawley's recent book, "Seeing the Invisible"
(Knopf), about the electron microscope, established
him as an author who can accurately interpret scien-
tific developments entertainingly, yet with that rare
non-bo, ing precision so greatly to be desired.
Profusely Illustrated (Ready November)
$2.50
THE ART OF BUILDING
CITIES
By CAMILLO SITTE; translated from the German
by Lt. Charles T. Stewart, USNR, former director,
The Urban Land Institute
A classic in its field, thoroughly modern in its ap-
proach to the problem of urban planning. Its first
appearance in English will be welcomed by architects
and city designers. In addition to the original text, it
features a foreword by the noted architect, Eliel
Saarinen, and a supplementary chapter by Arthur C.
Holden, illustrating applications of Sitte's theories in
New York and Washington. Sympathetic in treat-
ment, architecturally sound — above all, practical and
constructively modern in its outlook.
Profusely Illustrated $5.50
NEW CITY PATTERNS
By S. E. SANDERS, Director, City Planning Re-
search, FWA, PBA, Washington, D. C.
and A. J. RABUCK, City Planning Research, PBA,
Washington, D. C.
One of the most fascinating and truly enjoyable dis-
cussions on city planning, this book is thoroughly
practical and realistic. The text is devoted to able
discussions of the organization of metropolitan plan-
ning commissions and the exact methods to be fol-
lowed to insure that each new improvement or change
shall coincide with a carefully predetermined plan.
The authors devote much attention to parks, green-
belts, wedges, playgrounds, community shopping and
parking areas ; non-stop highways diverting heavy
traffic from residential streets.
Profusely Illustrated (Ready November)
$7.50
REINHOLD
BOOKS
of current interest
THE ELECTRON
MICROSCOPE
By E. F. Burton
and W. H. Kohl
SEEING THE
INVISIBLE!
Tells all about this phe-
nomenal new tool of sci-
ence that reveals a sub-
microscopic world never
before seen by man! 100
times as powerful as the
best optical microscope.
233 Pages. Profusely il-
lustrated. $3.85
THE WAR
ON CANCER
By Dr. Edward
Podolsky
Written in simple, non-
medical terms that give
you the most recent find-
ings on Cancer. Under-
stand the nature of Can-
cer and how it affects
you. ISO Pages. Illus-
trated. $1.75
THE TECHNIQUE
OF THE TERRAIN
Maps and Their Use in the
Field in Peace and War
By H. A. Musham
For a "map-conscious"
world. Sportsmen, hikers,
country^ dwellers in gen-
eral will find this a fas-
cinating book, opening up
new understanding of the
countryside. 228 Pages.
Illustrated. $3.85
THE PHYSICS
OF FLIGHT
By Alfred Lande
Here, in condensed and
concise form, are all of
the essential principles in-
volved in the flight of
heavier-than-air machines.
The text is illustrated
with sketches, diagrams,
and half-tones, and is
supplemented with prob-
lems. 125 Pages. Ill
trated.
us-
$2.50
p
h
CITIES OF
LATIN AMERICA
By Francis Violich
An exceptionally discern-
ing discussion of the cul-
tural heritage of the col-
orful cities studied, their
lanning problems, their
opes for future better-
ment. 241 Pages. Illus-
trated. $3.50
THE AMAZING
PETROLEUM
INDUSTRY
By V. A. Kalichevsky
An interesting picture of
the world's most impor-
tant raw material — petro-
leum. In non-technical
language, it tells simply
what petroleum is, how
it is obtained, what it
does. 234 Pages. Illus-
trated. ' $2.25
At Your Bookstore or Direct
REINHOLD PUBLISHING CORP.
330 West 42nd Street New York 18, N. Y.
Also publishers of Chemical Engineering Catalog, Metal Industries Catalog, Materials
& Methods, formerly Metals and Alloys, and Progressive Architecture — Pencil Points.
SURVEY GRAPHIC for November. 1945. Vol. XXXTV. No. 11. Published monthly and copyright 1945 by SURVEY ASSOCIATES. INC. Composed and printed
by union labor at the Hughes Printing Company, East Stroudsburg. Pa.. U. S. A. Publication Office. 34 No. Crystal Street, East Stroudsburg, Pa. Editorial
and business office, 112 East ID Street. New York 3. N. Y. Price this issue 30 cents; $3 a year; Foreign postage 50 cents extra. Canadian 75 cents.
Entered as second class matter on June 22. 1940 at the post office at East Stroudsburg Pa., under the Act of March 3, 1S79. Acceptance for mailing at a
Statue by Max Kalish
VANNEVAR BUSH
Director of the Office of Scientific Research and Development
"The frontier of science remains."
S U RVEV
PHIC
Our "Endless Frontier"
First came the scientific path-breakers in the era of atomic energy. Now come the
settlers to work out civilian law and order in the "control of its controllers."
ABOUT A MONTH BEFORE THE ATOMIC BOMB
broke into the routine of the centuries, a
great state paper dealing with the place of
science in our national life was presented
to the President by Dr. Vannevar Bush, di-
rector of the Office of Scientific Research
and Development. It bore the arresting title,
"Science, The Endless Frontier"; and its
challenge was stated in terms of American
history as well as of the outlook on the
future:
"It has been basic U. S. policy that gov-
ernment should foster the opening of new
frontiers. It opened the seas to clipper ships
and furnished land for pioneers. Although
these frontiers have more or less dis-
appeared, the frontier of science remains.
It is in keeping with the American tradition
— one which has made the U. S. great —
that new frontiers shall be made accessible
for development by all American citizens."
The report then went on to describe the
forward movement of science, beginning
with the fi^d of public health. It pointed
to the lessening of the rate of mortality in
peace as well as in war by the series of
great discoveries in the treatment of disease.
This short but startling outline culminated
in a list of recent achievements with a final
remark of great significance: "It is fair to
say that without the Office of Scientific Re-
search and Development or its equivalent,
few or none of the investigations listed
above could have been carried out with the
same speed and thoroughness."
The conclusion was that in the field of
science there is need of both national finan-
cial support and of a research board estab-
lished not for war emergency but for public
welfare as well as for national defense.
In making this proposal for national gov-
ernmental support for scientific research,
the report warned against any plan which
would result in a loss or lessening of private
initiative and freedom of thought. No bu-
reaucratic control, however efficient, can
produce an Einstein, but properly organized
government support may make the career
of future Einsteins possible.
At the time of its publication this report
JAMES T. SHOTWELL
BRIDGES TO THE FUTURE
— Eighth in Professor Shotwell's notable
series of articles for Survey Graphic,
When the first of these appeared in the
February issue, we invited readers to
follow, through the eyes of the chairman
of the Commission to Study the Organi-
zation of Peace, the "developments in
the tough process of fabricating a new
world." Since then that new world has
become a new era.
Last month Professor Shotwell dis-
cussed the United Nations Charter — and
control of atomic energy. In this thought-
ful and challenging article he brings his
point of view as a historian to bear upon
the greatest problem of today: What
can thinking people do to harness this
mighty new power for the good, instead
of the destruction, of mankind?
did not attract anything like the attention
which it deserved. Although there was a
certain amount of discussion in papers like
The New Yor^ Times and some weeklies,
it was soon submerged in the great news of
the atomic bomb which, as everyone now
knows, had been prepared under the di-
rection of this Office of Scientific Research
and Development that reported to the na-
tion, not on its secret activities, but on the
need for future national policies in the fur-
therance of scientific research.
Recently hearings on this subject before
subcommittees of the Senate have been
widely commented upon and there has
been universal backing of the idea of na-
tional support for scientific research. The
relation of the government to the research
itself has brought a certain amount of dis-
agreement. The only serious question is
how to ensure the fullest amount of free-
dom.
Although the more immediate problem
of the control of atomic energy still must
remain in the foreground, it would be a
sad commentary upon our national intelli-
gence if we should fail to act upon the
recommendation of this most highly com-
petent group of scientists to create the
necessary agency for extending the frontiers
of our knowledge and with it our control
over the conditions of life here and every-
where.
The greatest of all democracies is that of
free intelligence. In this hour scientific men
are themselves ready to assume the leader-
ship. The program now seems like a dar-
ing one, but before long it will be a com-
monplace in every civilized community.
Only Half a Program
The proposals in Dr. Bush's report covet
a vast field, nothing less than the whole
range of the physical sciences. But as the
frontiersmen move forward in the conquest
of the material world, they create wholly
new problems for the people who have to
adjust themselves to an ever-increasing ratio
of discovery. The old routine breaks down
when the forces with which it deals are
the discoveries of only yesterday.
Therefore, behind these frontiersmen
come the settlers who have to work out law
and order under conditions which are not
only new but forever changing. Unless they
succeed in this difficult task of establishing
peace and justice in a dynamic world, the
discoveries of science will merely put more
powerful weapons in the hands of anarchs
and oppressors. The whole enterprise of
human intelligence would then break
down. The conclusion is that science can-
not be left to itself but must be harnessed
by intelligence for the welfare of society.
This is the other half of the program
made necessary by the success of the scien-
tific revolution already in mid-career. The
political and social sciences cannot be left
out of the reckoning. The physical scientists
themselves have suddenly awakened to the
fact that unless mankind can be made more
civilized, the advancement of knowledge
will be an advancement towards destruc-
tion. Here is a relatively new concern of
the physical scientists for, apart from their
great leaders, they have upon the whole re-
429
mained indifferent to the political sciences,
tending to look down upon them as not
capable of working out "laws of nature"
by mathematical processes. Now this is
changed and the atomic bomb will make it
forever impossible to go back to the former
attitude toward economists, historians, and
the like.
But the political and social sciences, too,
must change their method and outlook.
Theirs is the other half of the problem of
adaptation to the world of tomorrow. The
social sciences must be transformed from
repositories of ancient prejudice and careless
methods of thinking into a cooperative en-
terprise aware of the need of adjusting so-
ciety to a never-changing world.
This does not mean that the political and
social sciences can ever take on the methods
of the physical sciences. The forces that
release human energy, unlike those which
unlock the atom, cannot be isolated by any
scientific device, but the conditions under
which that energy works can be studied
and known.
Facts of Life and History
Just as the control of the atom began
with the exploration of it, the rational con-
trol of human affairs begins with the analy-
sis and understanding of the oldest and
strongest elements in man. The nuclei of
human society also have their atomic forces,
repelling attack by cohesive energy. This
is not a mere figure of speech; it is a trans-
lation into the language of science of the
oldest facts of history and, indeed, of life
itself.
As life is psychic, it reacts to possible at-
tacks upon it by the apprehension of dan-
ger. We see this in the fundamental re-
action of the nervous system, beginning
even before thought itself — for the tingle of
the nerves is what links the squirm of
sensitized protoplasm with the final de-
velopment of intelligence.
In the course of evolution, the sense of
danger grew with the development of the
nervous system, culminating in conscious-
ness; and therefore defense against danger
developed at equal pace. One had to know
what to do when it threatened, and that
meant falling back upon those who were
especially skilled in meeting both the dan-
gers of the unknown and those of the
known world. Here, in a nutshell, we have
the explanation for the way in which early
society was dominated by priests and sol-
diers. But the superstition and militarism
that resulted were both embodiments, in
other forms, of the very dangers against
which men sought protection.
If this were a correct summing up of the
processes of history, there would be little
hope that anything could be done about it.
However, if we look at superstition and
militarism, one at a time, the situation is
by no means so discouraging.
We have found the way to enlarge the
sphere of secular life without denying the
validity of religion, but leaving it as an
affair of the individual. Priestly control over
the structure of society has been lessened or
eliminated with the growth of civilization,
a word which in itself bears witness to the
triumph of intelligence by the homely
process of taking over the affairs of daily
life from the realm of the taboo to that of
commonplace dealings, man to man.
It is true, of course, that those social
forces which originated in the taboo retain
a continuing influence, lasting on, even out-
side of religion, in a reservoir of prejudices
which most people do not even want to
overcome. Whatever claims these may have
upon us, however, they are not the reaction
to reasoned thought, but the impulsive — or
shall we say instinctive — reactions which
are inherited from an immemorial past.
In other words, the stuff of which man-
kind is made is far more difficult to crack
than uranium or any other element of the
physical world. Most of life is governed by
habit, and habit is mostly unrational, being
"Well—?"
Fitzpatrick in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch
subconscious. Nevertheless, we have estab-
lished social control in the field of religion
by putting it on a personal basis.
When we turn, however, from this brief
survey of man's relations with the super-
natural to the other major danger in primi-
tive society, war, we find the history of
militarism almost the exact opposite of that
which we have been tracing. Although mili-
tary affairs do not now dominate as largely
as in primitive life, the state no longer
leaves them in private hands, as was the
case in feudalism, but takes full control as
a necessary part of politics.
For a while, especially in the nineteenth
century, it seemed as though this control
of the state was working toward a localiza-
tion of war within the soldier class, and
that thus war itself might be narrowed
down to a vanishing point. But, with
science bringing total war, and especially
with the advent of atomic power, war and
its technicians have undone the processes of
the slow pacification of the state, and we
are face to face with greater danger than
ever confronted any savage tribe. While
superstition gives way to the recognition of
beneficent spiritual forces, militarism has
become the one greatest enemy of mankind.
Turning now to this central problem of
the control ot militarism, we can see that a
revolutionary change is called for. Nothing
short of a clitriactic close to its climactic
triumph will do. For it is no longer pos-
sible for the military class to provide se-
curity for any nation in the age of atomic
energy. The full significance of this simple
fact does not seem to have been tully
grasped. Let me put it simply:
The General Staff is no longer master of
the art and science of warfare. The soldier
must turn to the scientist to ask what he
should do and how.
The scientist, on the other hand, has
paid little attention up to now to the polit-
ical aspects of this problem, and for the
first time in the history of science is calling
upon his colleagues in the social and po-
litical sciences for cooperation and advice.
But neither the physical nor the political
scientist feels capable of dealing with the
practical problems of government that
emerge. These must be solved by experi-
enced statesmen, who know what problems
of administration are involved and the pace
at which reforms can move without result-
ing in confusion.
Mobilization of Intelligence
We must, therefore, have a mobilization
of knowledge, first within each nation, then
through international cooperation, because
the problem cannot be solved by any one
expert or any one country alone. The call is
for something more than technical skill and
experience in politics. The statesmanship
of today cannot do less for the creation of
a world community than did Cleisthenes
and Servius Tullius, those great pioneers in
politics, when they made over Athens and
Rome from primitive tribalism to secular
states.
But after all, although the task before us
is infinitely more difficult than any other in
the history of politics, we have not only
430
SURVEY GRAPHIC
greater experience to go upon, but a greater
urgency for carrying out this major advance
in the relations among nations. Let no one
say that the task lies beyond the wit of
man, for the alternative is, if not the de-
struction of civilization, its complete de-
naturing by the growth of a new and all-
enveloping fear.
The call for mobilization of intelligence
upon this problem came first of all from
those scientists who made the atomic bomb,
a group without parallel in the history of
science — a galaxy of genius concentrating
upon a single great creative act. From first
to last these men have shown a vital inter-
est in the consequences of their mastery of
power and, with it, a growing concern as
to who should control the controllers of
atomic energy. From their point of view,
that is not a secondary matter, but part of
a joint enterprise to which they urge the
cooperation of governments, universities,
and foundations for research, as well as
leaders in the fields of thought and action.
There is hardly a pronouncement from any
authoritative scientific source which does
not emphasize the need of thus extending
the cooperation which conquered the atom
into one for safeguarding the use of it.
Test of Civilization
Nowhere has this felt need been more
clearly expressed than in the concluding
paragraphs of the volume, "Atomic Energy
for Military Purposes," by Professor Henry
D. Smyth of Princeton, which bears the
subtitle, "The Final Report on the Develop-
ment of the Atomic Bomb under the
Auspices of the United States Government,
1940-1945." The passage in question reads
as follows:
"We find ourselves with an e.;piosi\e
which is far from completely perfected. Y-t
the future possibilities of such explosives
are appalling, and their effects on future
wars and international affairs are of funda-
mental importance. Here is a new tool for
mankind, a tool of unimaginable destruc-
tive power. Its development raises many
questions that must be answered in the
near future.
"Because of the restrictions of military
security there has been no chance for the
Congress or the people to debate such ques-
tions. They have been seriously considered
by all concerned and vigorously debated
among the scientists, and the conclusions
reached have been passed along to the high-
est authorities. These questions are not
technical questions; they are political and
social questions, and the answers given to
them may affect all mankind jor genera-
tions." [Italics mine.]
Although, as Dr. Smyth warns, "there is
no immediate prospect of running cars with
nuclear power or lighting houses with
radioactive lamps," there will be more
plentiful supplies of nuclear power within
the next ten years. "The energy released in
uranium fission corresponds to a utilization
of only about one tenth of one percent of
the mass. Should a scheme be devised for
converting energy, even as much as a few
percent of some common material, civiliza-
tion would have the means to commit sui-
cide at will" or to develop "nuclear energy
for power and radioactive by-products for
scientific, medical, and industrial purposes."
Here, in brief, we have the horns of our
problem:
On the one hand, the means to commit
suicide at will.
On the ot,her hand, a long-distant pros-
pect of a society which makes that of today
look antique.
There is no reason to doubt that the
problem can and will be solved, if the pro-
gram of the scientists is carried out and
there is a mobilization of intelligence upon
the problems of peace like that which pro-
duced the atomic bomb for purposes of war.
The fact that Germany was also prepar-
ing to make atomic bombs forced the
"Manhattan Project" to become almost
overnight the greatest national adventure
in our history. Now there is an equal
urgency to deal with this second half of
the enterprise — the control of the control-
lers of energy. Right there is the supreme
test of whether we are civilized or not.
The Government Program
One of the incidental effects of the atomic
bomb was the exhaustion of superlatives in
the description of it. This was true to such
an extent that in the accounts of the best
observers, such as William L. Lawrence,
staff member of The New Yort( Times, one
has almost the impression of a groping for
language in a fourth dimension, the old
habits of thought not being sufficient for so
revolutionary a fact as this conquest of the
basic elements of the 'universe. But in all
the comment elicited by this epochal event,
there is nolhing more thought-compelling
than President Truman's special message to
Congress, on October 3. Take a passage
like this:
"It [this discovery] may some day prove
to be more revolutionary in the develop-
ment of human society than the invention
of the wheel, the use of metals, or the
steam or internal combustion engine.
"Never in history has society been con-
fronted with a power so full of potential
danger and at the same time so full of
promise for the future of man and for the
peace of the world. I think I express the
faith of the American people when I say
that we can use the knowledge we have
won, not for devastation of war, but for the
future welfare of humanity.
"To accomplish that objective we must
proceed along two fronts — the domestic and
the international."
The President then called for the creation
of an "atomic energy commission, with
members appointed by. the President with
the advice and consent of the Senate," to
deal with all questions of domestic jurisdic-
tion. In the international field, where the
responsibility rests with the Executive, the
President will initiate discussions, first with
our associates in this discovery, Great Bri-
tain and Canada, and then with other na-
tions, in an effort to effect agreement on
the conditions under which cooperation
might replace rivalry in the field of atomic-
power. It is indicated, although not ex-
pressly so stated, that these discussions of
the international problem are but prelimi-
nary to action by the United Nations Or-
ganization when that "is functioning and
in a position adequately to deal with it."
Here is a clearcut program of govern-
ment action. Both in domestic and foreign
affairs, atomic energy becomes a national
possession, most jealously guarded and con-
trolled. In domestic affairs, the Interim
Committee of Scientists, which — it may
be surmised — had a hand in the formula-
tion of the program, will presumably give
way to a permanent commission, because
it would hardly be in line with President
Truman's idea of efficient administration
to have two bodies of substantially the
same nature, the one advising Congress
and the other the President. Just what per-
manent advisory body the Executive may
require in dealing with the international
problem is not yet clear.
• Apparently the revolutionary force of
atomic energy is reaching into the very
structure of our constitutional arrange-
ments for getting things done by govern-
ment. Senator Arthur H. Vandenberg was
first to lay his finger upon this point when,
in the beginning of the discussion, he pro-
posed that there be a joint commission
appointed by both houses of Congress to
deal with the atomic energy problem. Sena-
tor Alben W. Barkley, however, at once
pointed out that such an ad hoc committee
could only offer advice and recommenda-
tion, and that concrete proposals for legis-#
huion would have to come through the
regular committees of Congress, none of
which covers the wide scope of legislation
which might be necessary for domestic- con-
trol.
Fortunately, this complication does not
exist in the Executive division of the gov-
ernment because all offices working under
the President are, in the nature of the case,
merely advisory, the ultimate responsibility
resting with the President himself. This,
at least, is the theory of the Constitution,
although sometimes the departmentalizing
of the Executive branch gives a different
impression.
The commission which the President re-
commended that Congress set up is to have
supervision and control of all existing or
future sources of atomic energy and all
plants for its development. It is to con-
duct research "for military, industrial,
scientific or medical purposes," using exist-
ing private and public institutions to the
full. It should pursue a policy of wide-
spread distribution of peacetime products
on equitable terms which will prevent
monopoly. Finally, it should establish
security regulations, with suitable penalties
for their violation.
The Problem Is International
The President's recommendation of a
commission with such wide powers of
supervision and control seems at first sight
to be quite in line with the operation of
the federal government through bodies
like the Interstate Commerce Commission
or the Tariff Commission, while not exact-
ly paralleling the constitution of any previ-
(Continued on page 463)
NOVEMBER 1945
431;
A National Personnel Department
Why is a sound public employment service essential to full employment? How
can we get the kind of service we need? Timely questions posed and answered.
JOHN J. CORSON
CONJURE UP TWO EVENTUALITIES OF THE
next decade. First, a half-million cotton
pickers are forced off southern farms. A
cotton-picker, in every way the equal of
human hands, at last has been produced at
a price within the reach of even the "forty
acre and a mule farmer."
Second, a million oil field and refinery
workers in the Southwest lose their jobs.
The place of the gas engine will have been
taken by atomic energy harnessed to auto-
mobiles, buses, and trucks.
Then consider the debates in Congress
this fall on maintaining full employment.
These debates dwelt on the national job
budget, on public spending, on the nature
of the "right" to a job, and on the preserva-
tion of private enterprise. How are these
considerations related to the pragmatic task
of reemploying displaced cotton pickers and
oil workers?
The Status of the USES
Before answering this question, consider
another apparently unrelated issue — the
future of the U. S. Employment Service.
On September 8, President Truman asked
Congress to continue the employment serv-
ice as a national system operated by the
federal government during the reconver-
sion period. Ultimately, he said, it should
be returned to the states from which it
was "borrowed" at the commencement of
the war, but now it was needed to speed
the human aspects of reconversion.
Shortly thereafter, the President liqui-
dated the War Manpower Commission and
transferred the USES to the Labor Depart-
ment. Hardly had this been done before
the Senate tacked an amendment to pend-
ing legislation ordering the return of the
employment offices to the state govern-
ments. As this is written another amend-
ment has been tacked on a current appro-
priations bill directing the return of the
employment offices to the states within
thirty days.
For many workers the employment office
is a symbol of jobs — or the lack of them.
When the wage earner reads of full em-
ployment he relates the employment office
to the idea that his government will see
that there are jobs for all.
Take Joe Brown's wife. She has seen
Joe stand in line at the employment office
when he was laid off annually as the plant
changed models. Her father spent his last
years on the shelf — because mechanical
equipment had superseded human glass-
blowers. Mamie Brown lived through the
Thirties and saw many business firms close
which employed her neighbors. If the gov-
ernment enacts a bill providing for "full
employment" she assumes that somehow
or other the distressingly long lines at the
— By an authority on employment
problems, former director of the Bureau
of Employment Security, who in the
early days of mobilization for war,
served as head of the U.S. Employment
Service.
Mr. Corson is now director of research
for The Washington Post.
employment offices will soon be forgotten.
Others translate Mrs. Brown's hopes into
the assumption that full employment means
at least that only one of every twenty
workers will be unemployed rather than
as in the past one of every seven or eight.
That is, in the "full employment age" the
total number of unemployed would be kept
down to a maximum of, say, 3,000,000 or
less. And how?
The proposed "Full Employment Act of
1945" simply provides that the President
shall prepare an annual job budget and
shall present this to Congress with a gen-
eral program as to what action is needed
to insure that this budget be balanced.
Meaning that there will be a sufficient num-
ber of jobs to employ the number of work-
ers that are looking for jobs. The bill does
not spell out how to accomplish this end.
It provides a framework — an approach —
with examples of points of attack. And
from the testimony of numerous witnesses
before the Senate committee the program
can be compounded. [See "Reconversion Is
Not Enough," by William Haber, October
Survey Graphic.]
Full Employment Proposals
First, the bill itself prescribes a sufficient
volume of investment and expenditure by
consumers, business and, if need be, gov-
ernment each year to assure a market for
"a full employment volume of production."
Some authorities, notably Beardsley
Ruml, prescribe these additional ingredi-
ents, several of them related to provisions
of the bill itself: Reform in social security
financing; stabilization of the construction
industry through a regular federal policy
in public works and conservation; a revised
federal tax program that will balance the
budget at high employment; a federal lend-
ing program, at home and abroad, har-
monized with federal fiscal policy; main-
tenance of a prosperous agriculture.
Two other ingredients were prescribed
for Britain by that arch planner, Sir Wil-
liam Beveridge: The movement of capital
to where there is labor; and the movement
of labor to where there are plants and jobs.
Certain opponents of the Full Employ-
ment bill have criticized it as simply a
"make work" or "easy money" bill in line
with the Keynes-Hansen school of economic
thinking. To listen to these theorists one
might conclude that it would be possible
to put out the fires of unemployment by
directing a flow of water on the roof of the
national economy in sufficient volume and
long enough for it to seep through the
entire house. But playing water, even a
lot of water, on the roof is not enough.
The bill itself does not rely upon public
spending alone to generate employment.
It suggests national policies affecting wages,
foreign trade, agriculture, taxation, cur-
rency, monopoly and competition, social
security, and the development of natural
resources to encourage business enterprise
on the one hand and consumers' expendi-
tures on the other, and hence, to stimulate
private employment. Public spending is to
be resorted to only after all other steps
have been taken to encourage this.
Organizing the Labor Market
As I see it, if we are to keep the pool of
unemployed at less than 3,000,000 it will
require more than a climate suitable for
private enterprise and the will to spend
public funds. It will require, also, deliber-
ate, planned efforts to develop the economy
of backward areas. Even more, it will
require an aggressive system of employ-
ment offices to bring workers and work
together, with a minimum of time between
jebs. It must become a national "personnel
department," charged with seeing to it that
workers not needed in one plant or region
are employed — for we are to assume suffi-
cient jobs — where they are required.
Clearly private enterprise will and must
be even more dynamic in the "full em-
ployment age" than now. Some firms will
grow and expand; others will wither, de-
cline, or fail. New inventions, new prod-
ucts, will give rise to new plants which
will make older plants obsolescent. Some
businesses will employ many in certain
seasons and few in others. Even towns,
cities and whole regions will decay, while
others flourish. To aid expanding em-
ployers and to man a thriving national
economy, and at the same time to help
the worker who is caught in the "float" of
unemployment arising from these dynamic
developments, such a national "personnel
department" should:
1. Keep continuous files on job oppor-
tunities, and serve as a clearing house on
employment throughout the length and
breadth of the country;
2. Set up machinery insuring each work-
er the offer of any job for which he is
qualified no matter where it is, each em-
ployer the choice of the best qualified
workers throughout the country;
(Continued on page 460)
432
SURVEY GRAPHIC
New Boundaries of Collective Bargaining
How labor unions in wartime invaded domains traditionally looked upon as manage-
ment's own. What light this throws on strikes today, on industrial relations tomorrow.
REPRESENTATIVES OF MANAGEMENT AND OF
labor will meet together in Washington on
November 5 at President Truman's call, to
work out procedures for the orderly han-
dling of industrial relations during recon-
version. Officials o£ many employer organi-
zations are frankly pessimistic as to the
results of such a conference at this time.
Union leaders are not hopeful. Govern-
ment spokesmen express the optimistic be-
lief that this meeting will prove to be as
fruitful as the similar gathering convened
three weeks after Pearl Harbor to set up
new policies and new machinery for the
peaceful resolution of disputes under war-
time conditions.
It goes without saying that the 1945
labor-management conference will meet in
a very different climate from that of Janu-
ary 1942. Four years ago, the conferees
were driven to agreement by war's dreadful
urgency, by black news from all the bat-
tlefronts, and the desperate need for maxi-
mum production of weapons and supplies.
In November 1945, the high emotion of
wartime and victory are already dissipated;
war controls are loosened; the War Labor
Board, transferred to the U. S. Department
of Labor, is winding up its affairs; strikes,
unemployment, conflicts of interest are the
headlined news.
The Climate of the Conference
There are other and less dramatic changes
that will profoundly influence the outcome
of the labor-management conference and
the conduct of industrial relations in the
months ahead. This article will consider
some of the changes in the whole concept
and practice of collective bargaining which
have been brought about by the four war
years.
The commotion surrounding wage stabili-
zation has tended to obscure a very cru-
cial development in collective bargain-
ing: the "speeded up" encroachment of
unionism, under government aegis, into do-
mains customarily regarded as manage-
ment's own. Yet it is this doctrine that
will largely determine the peacetime climate
of collective bargaining. With the war over,
government control over wages almost van-
ishes. The War Labor Board is not to be
stationed on the pay front, during the time
of transition, to prevent too sharp a defla-
tionary movement of wages in peace in the
same way that it prevented their too sharp
inflationary movement in war.
There can be no doubt, of course, that
what the board accomplished in helping to
Material in this article is adapted from a chapter
in "Trends in Collective Bargaining: A Summary of
Recent Experience," being published this month by
«he Twentieth Century Fund, 330 West 42 Street,
New York 18; 272 pp., $2. Herbert Harris and
Samuel T. Williamson each wrote several chapters
for this volume, which also includes the report and
recommendations of the Fund's labor committee.
HERBERT HARRIS
— By a special student of labor prob-
lems, formerly an adviser to the War
Production Board, now economics editor
of The Saturday Review of Literature.
Mr. Harris has written widely on indus-
trial relations. His books include "Amer-
ican Labor" (Yale University Press) and
"Labor's Civil War" (Knopf).
rationalize the American wage structure by
plant, industry, and region will have its
effect on peacetime pay practices, as such.
But even more significant are the methods
and procedures by which this was attained.
It is these means, rather than the end,
which represent a permanent deepening
and broadening of the collective bargaining
function.
New Pay Practices
From the first month that the WLB
undertook to stabilize wages, whether by
correcting maladjustments or inequities or
substandards of living or whatever, it dis-
cerned that the wage pattern in many
plants reflected a haphazard and fortuitous,
rather than a planned and comprehensible,
series of relationships. In the larger com-
panies the WLB frequently found as many
as 600 or 700 wage rates, many of which
covered only a single individual. The un-
derlying reason, of course, is that most of
our wage structures "just growed," like
Topsy. They embody the vestigial remains
of an earlier day's personnel practice.
The rate of pay was based on the market
value as this filtered through the employ-
er's estimate of an applicant's ability. But
with the great growth of industrial estab-
lishments the setting of rates for particular
jobs became capricious, especially when one
man's work was compared with another's.
As the big factory replaced the small shop,
as plants had thousands rather than dozens
on their payrolls, an intermediate group of
foremen and supervisors had a hand in
shaping pay schedules. Often wage differ-
entials were used to ward off unionism.
When rates that seem to have neither
rhyme nor reason exist, the suspicion tends
to flourish that management means to re-
ward for something more than the work
done.
All this fosters resentment among a labor
force. Indeed, in the West Coast Airframe
cases, the WLB pointed out: "In our opin-
ion there is no single factor in the whole
field of labor relations that does more to
break down morale, create individual dis-
satisfaction, encourage absenteeism, increase
labor turnover, and hamper production
than obviously unjust inequalities in the
wage rates paid to different individuals in
the same labor group within the same
plant."
Since such conditions constantly promote
disputes, the WLB was time and again
compelled to remedy "unjust inequalities
in the wage rates," which were on the
whole incorporated in crazy-quilt systems
of job classification. A job classification,
of course, is a category of jobs and positions
similar in nature and content and in the
amount of knowledge, skill, experience, and
responsibility required. Payment for each
classification may be made on a rate basis
under which everyone in this category gets'
the same wage or salary; or payment may
be made on a rate range basis whenever a
job classification contains a number of rates
varying from a minimum of, say, 75 cents
an hour to a maximum of $1 an hour for
the same job.
When it came to stabilizing wages within
a plant, the WLB found that altogether
too many job classifications, notably those
with rate ranges, were an admixture of
the arbitrary and the anarchic. This lack
of logic aroused among the workers feel-
ings of being unfairly treated — feelings in-
tensified by the competitive bidding for
labor among employers, by changes in
process accompanied by changes in rates,
by a general impression on the part of the
individual worker that he wasn't making
out as well as others.
When Labor Helps Fix Wages
Before the war, it had been traditionally
management's prerogative to fix rates and
rate ranges within a job classification. But
under war conditions this practice raised
such havoc with labor morale and produc-
tivity that the WLB decided that if the
workers themselves, through their unions,
could participate in fixing rates and rate
ranges a great deal of management-labor
conflict would be eradicated at the source.
Hence, in more than 300 cases, the board
directed managements and unions to nego-
tiate the elimination of intra-plant inequi-
ties— different rates of pay for jobs entail-
ing the same skill and experience. To gain
this goal, the board ordered what amounted
to a complete reexamination of the content
and character of every job in a company.
More important, the board directed that
this project be jointly undertaken by man-
agement and the union — a minor revolu-
tion in collective bargaining. For to trans-
fer to collective bargaining the very creation
of the wage rate structure, with its critical
influence on costs and profits, was to let
the union invade a province previously pre-
empted by the comptroller, the engineer,
and executive management generally.
Although first imposed as a wartime
measure, the practice of developing with
the union the exact ranking of jobs within
the hierachy of a plant's occupations, of
(Continued on page 458)
NOVEMBER 1945
433
Four Horsemen over Germany
Turned loose by Hitler over Europe, they have ridden herd since they
wheeled back along with his conquerors. An analysis by an anti-Nazi.
PAUL HAGEN
THIS ARTICLE MUST BEGIN WITH A WARNING.
The reader should know that my writing is
not as an eyewitness to what is happening
to a people and a country, but from abroad
— and as a partisan.
Growing up in Austria and living in
Germany after the first World War, I
took part in the pre-Hitler labor movement
and then in the underground resistance to
the Nazis. That work took me in and out
of the Reich in the 1930's, but was cut
short by Allied regulations after the out-
break of World War II. My last chance to
get across the border was seven years back.
Thereafter, in France and England, and
long since in the United States, I have kept
up as close contacts as possible with anti-
Nazi friends in- Germany; interviewing
more fortunate travelers; following the
European press; and making it a practice
to read every available report or shred of
evidence.
As to my partisanship, I would not have
served the resistance movement if I had not
felt that Nazism was the chief enemy —
first of Germans, and then of all mankind.
Convinced of Hitler-Germany's guilt, I
have worked for its defeat. I have shared
the opinion of those who not only see the
Fuehrer's rise to power as an historical ac-
cident but, above all, see it as a product of
the political backwardness of Germany as
compared to the Western nations — and as a
product of her delayed democratization.
I have always held and stated publicly
that all Germans are co-responsible in the
sense that even the most advanced of them
were able to prevent neither Hitlerism nor
the German aggression it brought about.
So I stood — and still stand — for purgings
and reparations. But, also, I believe that
the democratic rights of a defeated nation
are "self-evident" — for the very reason for
which these rights have been denied in
high decisions, namely, as basis of security
for the world after the war.
That is why I have been encouraged by
an about-face on untoward steps in the
early stages of the Occupation; why I have
been heartened by recent positions taken in
responsible quarters among the Western
powers, tending to confirm what some of
us cried in the wilderness. But that is why
I have not only been torn by stark excesses
and policies that still persist, but am more
than skeptical for the long run about the
overall treatment being meted out to Ger-
many and Austria and their people. I can
only ask readers to have patience to scan
my analysis before they condemn my stand.
After Six Months
A corps of American correspondents and
broadcasters on the ground have inter-
preted the course of events in Occupied
Germany. In the change-over from coverage
434
— By the Austrian-born author of three
articles in Survey Graphic — the insight
and integrity of which more than war-
rant hearing for his fresh appraisal of
developments at this crucial stage in the
troubled fortunes of the German people.
These articles were:
"Underground Germany" — 1939
"Between Hope and Despair" — 1940
"The Nazis Last Front" — 1944
The first two were written as he was
carrying out, dangerously, liaison be-
tween anti-Nazi groups, inside and out
the Reich. They were signed "Y" to
protect his kin, vulnerable to reprisals.
His occupation has proved otherwise
hazardous. The Chicago Tribune de-
nounced him — as representative of the
cartels; Lord Vansittart tagged him — as
a Pan-German. Old-line German Social-
ists washed their hands of him — as a
communist; communists did likewise —
but as a Social Democrat.
Meanwhile (1941-42) he was research
director, American Friends of German
Freedom, precursor of the American As-
sociation for a Democratic Germany.
of the war, some have stuck to preconcep-
tions; but more — when their accounts are
compared with continental sources — have
struck out to see and hear for themselves
after the American habit of straight report-
ing.
Their revelation of the full measure of
horrors, as the Nazi concentration camps
fell into the hands of the advancing armies,
shocked the Western world. Now the trials
of war criminals will hold the spotlight.
Meanwhile, the close of the first half-year
of Occupation afforded opportunity for
American observers to take stock of de-
velopments affecting civilians. For not only
had military disarmament of the Reich been
completed since V-E Day but there were
impressive gains in denazification by fall.
In the East, isolated by what Churchill
called an "iron wall," there had been little
doubt that Russians were radically purging
the Nazis. Less convincing was their or-
ganization of a "democratic front" made up
(on Marshal Zhukov's insistence) of four
parties — Communists, Social Democrats,
Christian-Democratic Union and, for full
measure, so-called "liberal democrats"
whose following had dissipated long before
Hitler in the days of the Weimar Republic.
The program began by a shift to Berlin
from Moscow of the Central Committee of
the German Communist Party. General
Dwight D. Eisenhower, in October, ex-
pressed belief that communist domination
of the city administration might prove
much weaker if a fair election were held.
In the West, the military government had
ousted over sixty thousand Nazis in posi-
tions of civil and industrial importance.
Since the Patton incident in September, ex-
pediency or leniency toward them has been
outlawed in the American zone. Even more
significant, the earlier hesitance to collabor-
ate with ««//-Nazis has given way to en-
couragement both of trade unions and
democratic political groups. Early local elec-
tions are considered. There is some genuine
reawakening of cultural life — schools, uni-
versities, even theaters have been reopened
in the devastated cities. Recently a speaker
for the American Military Government
warned the Germans not to mistake such
liberties as the establishment of "rights."
While the punitive character of the occupa-
tion is thus stressed, the simultaneous drop-
ping of the anti-fraternization policy cannot
but lead to a status with more freedom.
The Economic Picture
Less cheerful are reports in the American
press about economic reconstruction. It has
been assumed that Soviet Russia set going
an effective economic disarmament — with
Marshal Zhukov's order to all industries to
take up production immediately, with wage
earners in his zone responding by a kind of
German Stakhanovism (promising longer
work hours for repair), and with peasants
hailing a break-up of Junker land holdings.
But, "lax execution" of the economic de-
militarization agreement of the Big Three
has been ascribed by certain commentators
to the American Military Government.
The economic control and industrial pro-
duction sections of the AMG have been
under fire in "liberal" journals on the
ground that key posts have been held by
American bankers, auto-makers, steel-mak-
ers, copper and oil executives, who had rep-
resented American interests in Germany.
The Patton incident closed, there is another
fear — that expediency will revive the Ger-
man cartel system.
On the other hand, some of the most
drastic measures taken in the Western zone
are hardly known in this country. Such are
the arrest of the entire coal syndicate (mine
owners in the Ruhr) by the British author-
ities; and that of hundreds of German
businessmen, big and small, in the Ameri-
can zone. These moves have been widely
publicized in Germany, if not here. So has
Law No. 8 of the AMG which, if strictly
applied, will entirely wipe out Nazis (and
former Nazi helpers) as entrepreneurs, pro-
duction managers or engineers. This for-
bids German companies from employing
any Nazi as head or on the staff; interdicts
his holding or acquiring industrial prop-
erty.
British criticism has been at once more
outspoken and different in emphasis. Nor-
man Clark, Berlin correspondent of the
SURVEY GRAPHIC
German families who fled from bombing are now trekking back to a devastated and truncated homeland
Press Association
London Neu'S Chronicle, wrote in Septem-
ber: "Faced with the prospect of a disaster
overwhelming a whole nation, the Allied
public health authorities are ordering
burgomasters to take measures ensuring the
easy burial of the dead in the winter.
Graves are to be dug now which men, de-
bilitated by weeks of undernourishment,
will not have the strength to dig in a few
months time. " The New Statesman and
Nation called the mood of the occupation
authorities one of "indifferent fatalism
reminiscent of Bengal," as they "await the
winter famine."
Newspapers like the Manchester Guard-
ian, even the London Times, challenged
that wholesale explusion of Germans from
the Polish-occupied area was continuing in
spite of the Big Three decision at Potsdam
to halt evacuation for the time being. Re-
vising his own earlier stand, Mr. Churchill
expressed a belief common in England
when he referred to "tragedy on a pro-
digious scale behind the iron curtain in
Central Europe." Robert Boothby, a con-
servative member of Parliament, used
stronger words against "a conspiracy of
silence upon this matter on both sides the
Atlantic."
Since much British criticism has been di-
rected against Russian methods, there have
been sharp retorts on the Moscow radio
and in the Russian-controlled German
press. Nor has the U. S. A. escaped. In
criticizing the Patton incident, the Russian
radio pilloried "atom democracy," charging
that the United States is encouraging in-
dustries and organizations that formed "the
foundation of the German war potential."
Small wonder that frictions are reported
in the Berlin Kommandatura (the Four-
Power Allied Council governing Berlin).
In the American sector the "Block War-
den" institution inherited from the Nazi
system, and transformed by the Russian
"front" into a leftish police organ, has been
dissolved by AMG. Protests by the mayor
of Berlin and by the mayor of Zehlendorf
in the American sector were followed by
dismissal of the latter. A trade union com-
mittee encouraged by the Russians to call
together a meeting of "delegates" from all
sectors was rejected after a long debate in
the Kommandatura. Both American and
British representatives balked at such a
move before screening the 2,000 delegates
and their democratic mandates. An applica-
tion for publishing an illustrated paper was
rejected by the American authorities but it
appeared a few days later in the Russian
sector. These incidents are not unimportant.
Even more serious is the basic difference,
disclosed in October, between Russian and
American experts on the future economic
and political treatment of Germany. Of
this more later.
Let me say quite clearly there may be
fools and German nationalists who expect
to gain from fishing in troubled waters.
This may encourage a new Nazi under-
ground, but it spells dread for responsible
democratic leaders as they emerge from
their long night of terror. If the tiger and
the bear fight, the deer get killed, says a
Chinese proverb.
1918 — 1945
Six months after the end of World War
I, Germany, badly hurt but not mortally
wounded, had initiated successful first steps
toward reconstruction. Demobilization and
reconversion of an industry worn out, but
not destroyed, by the war was under way.
There was no loss of essential food-grow-
ing areas. The war had been fought out-
side the homeland. For two months, fol-
lowing free elections, a coalition of liberal
and socialist parties had replaced the Kais-
er's government. Revolutionary movements
had been crushed, and because of that the
blockade was lifted. Meanwhile, beaten re-
actionary forces bided their time to rein-
vigorate militarism and embark on im-
perialism. But that is a different story, to
which the Allied powers now propose to
write finis.
Six months after the surrender of Hitler
Germany, democratic reconstruction starts
on an immeasurably lower level than after
World War I; human, economic and moral
losses have been incomparably higher. The
country is to be occupied for an indefinite
period. It is dismembered in the East. Dis-
memberment of Ruhr and Rhineland in the
West is threatened. In addition to the de-
vastation of about seventy large cities, mas-
sive removals of industry as reparations in
kind have already taken place in the East
and others are beginning in the West.
In spite of the tremendous losses in
military and civilian dead, the truncated
country is overcrowded. About ten million
German evacuees have arrived from their
former settlements in the East and more
are expected. After six months of occupa-
tion and impressive efforts of the military
authorities to repair communications and
start essential production, that of coal is
still down to about 10 percent of the pre-
war level. In spite of decisions on the part
of the Western Allies to provide additional
food supplies, millions of homeless and ex-
hausted people face the worst winter in
German history since the Thirty Years
War. In addition, there is widespread moral
breakdown after twelve years of Nazi rule,
terror and endless bombings; and after a
first real experience with the scorn of
peoples victimized by Hitler Germany.
Some American correspondents have com-
plained that only a few Germans of any
class "are doing anything toward solving
Germany's present problems." True, the
days when only dazed and bombed out
people were wandering aimlessly through
the rubble heaps of their cities and towns,
or digging for bodies in the debris, are
over. But there is still a mass of human
wreckage wandering on the German roads,
homeless and jobless. With the Occupation
Authorities prepared to impose a hard re-
gime in accordance with the Allied condi-
tions, their leaders by now may well be
more concerned with the problem of how
NOVEMBER 1945
435
to keep those not on the war criminal list
going — rather than with how to keep them
down.
In a national catastrophe like the one the
Germans are now experiencing, the com-
mon reaction may be compared to that of
an individual suffering from a traumatic
neurosis. A deep regression sets in; the
patient may temporarily lose his capacity to
push himself out of the lethargy (such as
American correspondents noted this fall),
to regain his ability to work, or to adjust
himself to disagreeable reality. He may lose
what strength he has left. Not all people
in any nation act the same way. Past al-
legiances are of prime importance to a
German now. Was he pro- or anti-Nazi?
An exploited laborer, a coerced soldier- —
or a member of the military or industrial
hierarchy? It makes a difference, also, what
spiritual reserves he possesses of a political
or religious nature. Yet defeat is a big
leveler.
War and Terror
The Apocalyptic Horsemen once rode
herd over Europe as a cavalry of hate under
the banner of Hitler's New Order. Again
they represented War, Famine, Pestilence,
Death. And now with Nazism crushed,
they are over Germany. They came back as
shock troops striking without discrimina-
tion at Hitler's tools and Hitler's opponents
alike.
To understand the series of shocks ex-
perienced by German survivors of the Hit-
ler war, place yourself in the position of
average Germans who in some respect may
have been less infected by Nazism than
others. It is workers and farmers who are
out of jobs today because of enforced re-
prisals and removals; it is their families
who tread the bitter road of expiation.
Whether as soldiers in the Russian win-
ters or in the fierce campaigns for conquest
or defense in the West, or as townsfolk on
the bombed home front, their kind suffered
vastly greater losses than in World War I.
Documents have been found giving Ger-
man Army statistics of 1,900,000 soldiers
killed up to November 1944. That was be-
fore the bloodiest battles began. A million
and a half were missing. No figures are
available as to civilian deaths. It has been
estimated, however, that five million tons
of explosives were dropped in Allied bomb-
ing and that, on the average, one ton killed
at least one civilian. A Berlin statement
refers to six million cripples throughout the
country. There is hardly a German family
without one or more members killed, in-
jured or missing.
There can be no possible extenuation of
the sadistic extermination of Jews by the
Nazi regime. The first victims of the con-
centration camps were anti-Nazis of all
races and creeds. Certainly several millions
have gone through the camps, and Gestapo
files have now been found registering more
than 310,000 arrests in the Greater Reich
in 1944 alone, 250,000 of them mostly Ger-
mans in Germany proper. That amounts
to about 2,000 arrests daily; and from all
parts of Germany today come stories of
how the victims were rounded up. Ex-
inmates of concentration camps have form-
ed societies in some places. They often
wear badges and get special care. How
many were executed nobody knows.
Eyewitness accounts of Berlin, before it
fell, describe the last-ditch weeks of the
Nazis as "grauenhaft" — as inexplicable hor-
ror. "There were buildings in which they
slaughtered everybody without exception.
They swung the bodies of simple people,
whose offense was that they wanted peace,
from the balconies. Let us bear in mind
what other observers say, but what Max
Lerner formulated best in PM: "There can
be no question that the thought of such
naked terror has never been known in
world history before; the Germans were
not equipped to meet it. The terror of the
Gestapo would have been hard for any
people to confront; it was especially hard
for the Germans."
Meanwhile, battle raged around and
above them. People were shelled in their
breadlines; bombed out in their shelters.
As S. S. troops fought on, many civilian
survivors looked forward to the Allies as
liberators, but they were not to be treated
as liberated.
Rape and Reprisals
Earlier, Germany's neighbors had suf-
fered all manner of outrages when the
Nazis invaded their countries. So personal
accounts were settled as their armies in
turn reached German soil, and more after
the Nazi power had been broken. This
started with indiscriminate mass looting of
stores and homes, and led on to the strip-
ping of factories — as reparations in kind
on the spot. These things are linked in the
minds of simple people with their expulsion
from the farms and work places of their
ancestors, and with the official removal,
later, of equipment from industrial plants.
Both the early and the later period of
reprisals seriously damaged German pro-
ductive power, paralyzing the hope and
will power of many who had looked for-
ward to freedom from Nazi gangsterism.
American, British, and European neutral
correspondents have reported this. One
New Yor^ Times correspondent, John
MacCormac, wrote a series of articles about
similar happenings in the Tyrol, Vienna,
Budapest.
The deepest humiliation of a people are
the excesses against their undefended wom-
en and girls. When the Nazis first behaved
like tribesmen of the Stone Age, killing
people and taking the women in the coun-
tries they overran, they turned the indigna-
tion of the whole world against themselves.
Less well known is how the bill was paid
back — by parts of the Russian armies in
Berlin, for example. The neutral Swiss St.
Galen Tagblatt (June 13) reported "dis-
gusting scenes of raping everywhere, in
apartments, corridors, cellars, on the street
corners, in the rubble heaps, among the
debris," .and singled out great numbers of
teen-age girls among the victims. Viennese
women risked the same sort of duress for
a week, nor did those in other parts of
Russian occupied territory escape.
Most reporters who dealt with these ex-
cesses at all, pointed out in fairness that
the Russian High Command intervened
and got the troops in hand. Yet as late as
October come reports of a "lot of raping
still going on in the outlying districts of
Berlin."
In defense of the Russians, some cor-
respondents have said that in the West,
also, there was "considerable raping and
looting during the days of Allied advance
in the Reich." True; but this defense limps.
When French Senegalese were accused of
outrages in Stuttgart, correspondents de-
fended Negroes in American and French
armies convincingly. Victor Bernstein, PM
correspondent, drew a distinction as to the
behavior of troops in the French occupied
zone. There were no mass rapings, he
wrote, but probably a couple of thousand
cases, "one by one, or two by two, which is
in strict accordance with the white man's
tradition." As late as mid-September, how-
ever, the Swiss border press charged the
French occupation forces with a continuing
"orgy" of marauding and violation. "Ger-
mans in this region are never sure what
the night will bring, and if nothing hap-
pens to one family, it is disquieting to hear
the next morning what happened in the
neighborhood." (Arbeiterzeitung, Basel.)
The intention of such reprisals in the
first weeks has been construed as just pun-
ishment for Nazi gangsters and the crimes
they had committed. Yet in Berlin the S. S.
troops, having terrorized the population up
to the last minute, got rid of their black
uniforms and disappeared. Meanwhile, with
the entrance of the Russians, civilians in
the surviving suburbs had hoisted the Sov-
iet flag and put on red armbands. They
intended to round up the Nazis as had
been done in many other German cities
in the West. But this intention died down
in Berlin. Flags and armbands disappeared.
Soviet prestige suffered even among ardent
German communists after what members
of their own families experienced. A wave
of suicides among women and girls fol-
lowed; others were hospitalized; and some
of those abducted have never returned.
"Against it all," writes an American ob-
server, "the thousands of posters proclaim-
ing Stalin's conviction that 'Hitlers come
and go but Germany remains,' will amount
to little."
Mass Expulsions
The American public has been more
aware of the enforced evacuation of Ger-
mans from the East which had its proto-
type in the enforced labor requisitioned by
Nazis in their conquests. Potentially, ten
million people are involved on the other
side of the Oder-Neisse line, to which two
and a half million Sudeten Germans will
be added. With few exceptions, American
correspondents have stuck to reporting sta-
tistics of the movement.
It was visualized for Americans when
Life magazine, in its October 15th issue,
published nine pages of eyewitness photo-
graphs of "Displaced Germans," comment-
ing drily that "millions of them can seri-
ously consider the prospect of dying this
winter."
436
SURVEY GRAPHIC
British newspapers have portrayed the ex-
cruciating trek. Thus, after a visit to the
Robert Koch Hospital in Berlin, a London
Times correspondent wired on September
10: "There are more than sixty German
women and children, many of whom were
evicted from a hospital and an orphanage
in Danzig last month. Without food and
water, or even straw to lie on, they were
dispatched in cattle trucks to Germany.
When the train arrived, they said that of
83 persons crammed into two of the trucks,
20 were dead."
R. H. Grossman, in The New Statesman
and Nation, in September gave a broader
picture: "Berlin is officially a forbidden
city to the refugees. . . . After 24 hours
pause, they are forcibly moved on to re-
ception areas in Mecklenburg and Brand-
enburg; already filled to overflowing. What
happens there, or in Saxony, where the
population has already been doubled on
the arrival of four million homeless Ger-
mans, remains invisible to Western eyes.
It is only because the seat of the inter-
Allied control happens to be a city inside
the Russian zone that we have an inkling
of this appalling human tragedy."
At the Potsdam meeting of the Big
Three in July, it was decided to stop the
evacuation until military commanders in
Germany were able to make preparation
for an "equitable distribution" and "orderly
and humane treatment" of the people
forced to leave. Lieutenant General Lucius
D. Clay "suggested at a recent meeting of
the coordinating committee of the Allied
Control Authority that the move should
be postponed until spring, but his proposal
was turned down." (Russell Hill, in the
New Yor{ Herald Tribune October 16.)
It is known that many refugees have been
given scarcely 20 minutes time to start
and to take some 40 pounds of food and
personal belongings on the road. Nobody
knows how many people have been dis-
lodged. Between July 1 and August 15
around 900,000 had reached Berlin alone.
In the first days of September the rate had
mounted to 26,500 per day, according to
the Russian-controlled Berlin radio. That
is more than the fifty-six Berlin camps
could accommodate overnight. They get
some bread and soup before they are pushed
out again.
The Berlin radio attributes the acute
food shortage in the Russian zone to these
fugitives. The Berlin Magistral reports
that in the province of Brandenburg alone
1,500,000 have arrived; in Saxony 5,500,-
000, twice the population; 500,000 in Thur-
ingia. The "iron curtain" has not yet been .
raised on the full tragedy. "Effective Octo-
ber 15 ... the human flood is being loosed
again," ran a warning from Russell Hill
to the New Yorl( Herald Tribune from
Berlin on October 16.
The New Yorl^ Times points out that,
in the past, national borders were drawn
around ethnographic groups. Now we
move whole nations away from their an-
cient settlements and push them behind
artificial borders. On a small scale, this
method started with the removal of Greeks
from Asia Minor after World War I. Lord
Robert Cecil, chief supervisor of this re-
settlement under control of the League of
Nations, called it barbaric.
Hitler came and with him, enforced mi-
gration took on new dimensions. But even
Hitler has never pushed around so many
millions as are now wandering over
Europe's roads. To quote Mr. Grossman
again: "As long as Russian policy seemed to
be limited to the large scale removal of war
booty, the British people accepted it as a
rough justice. . . . But to strip a country
bare, to lop off its richest food producing
and industrial areas, and then ... to flood
it with millions of homeless refugees shortly
before the coming winter — by no stretch
of language can we call this rough justice
any longer, or pretend that it is in ac-
cordance with the Potsdam agreement."
The outcry was taken up by the entire
British press. By wireless to The New Yort{
Times (October 27), Herbert L. Matthews
told of an "extraordinary swing of opinion"
in Parliament. With Sir Arthur Salter lead-
ing off, Ernest Bevin, Foreign Minister, de-
clared that the "blackout over Europe" was
creating both spiritual and physical hunger.
Removals: Tools and Jobs
"Removals" is the term applied to dis-
mantling and shipping machines and tools
to Russian destinations in reparation for
the vast destruction wrought by Hitler's
invasion of the Soviet Union. Even so, the
definition falls short of the economic wound
to postwar Germany. It takes no account
of the loss of an entire region including
Upper Silesia, Germany's second Ruhr, nor
of whole industries taken over in areas west
of the Oder and Neisse. It does not reckon
with lost means of livelihood for a vast
labor population, nor with the retention by
Russia of large numbers of war prisoners
and labor groups.
To say this, is not to blur the fact that
Nazi invaders destroyed plants and raided
vast machineries in Poland, France, the
Lowlands, and elsewhere.
But to say, contrariwise, that 75 per-
cent of German industries have survived
the war, or can be repaired, is misleading.
The Russian-occupied zone and the dis-
membered areas, taken together, repre-
sented 45 percent of the manufacturing
capacity of pre-Hitler Germany.
There have been no over-all reports
about Saxony with cities like Dresden,
Leipzig, and Chemnitz; about Thuringia
or the central region of Germany; or about
what remains of the former provinces of
Pomerania and Brandenburg. There are
only clues, such as this one as to the Opel
plant in Brandenburg, in a London report
to The New Yorf^ Times of October 10:
"Being in the Russian zone everything re-
movable in it, including lavatories, was
taken to Russia."
In Berlin and Vienna, the two capital
cities in the Russian-occupied zone whert
the Allies have observation points, we have
a measure of what has been exacted:
"Reparations in kind are already being
carried out on a large scale. In districts
now being taken over by American and
British troops, factories were stripped of
heavy machinery four to eight weeks ago.
. . . The Russian dismemberment is not
confined to armament works. . . ." — As-
sociated Press, July 4.
"The question of industry is solved here
in Berlin — there is none left." — AP dis-
patch, July 19.
"Between the fall of Berlin and the entry
of troops from the West, the whole eco-
nomic aspect of the city as one of the great
industrial centers of Germany was radically
changed' by the wholesale removal of ma-
chinery— and sometimes complete factories.
. . . Industrial surveys of the British and
American sectors show that it will be easier
to restore 50 percent of prewar production to
the Ruhr than 5 percent to Berlin, for the
simple reason that . . . factories have had
90 percent of their machinery and raw ma-
terials removed. . . ." — The London Times,
August 9.
"The Russians stripped virtually every
large American-owned factory still stand-
ing in the U. S. occupational sector in
Berlin!"— AP, August 20.
"Out of 50 thousand persons employed
by the two great Siemen's concerns in the
British sector, which used to supply 80
percent of Germany's electrical equipment,
only 250 are now working. ... In Spandau
. . . where 122,000 people were working at
the end of the war, only 5,000 are now
employed and three quarters of them are
clearing rubble." — The London Times.
The same sort of grim tidings issued
from Vienna no less than Berlin. Thus:
"Ten large plants have already lost all
their machinery, 11 have lost nearly all,
besides ... a host of smaller firms that
have been stripped" — John MacCormac by
radio from Vienna to The New Yor\
Times on August 2.
In both cities reporters say important
machinery was removed by experts, but in
other cases German workers complained
"less that the soldiers looted" than "that
they wasted and destroyed. . . . Machines
were ripped from their bearings and
smashed with sledge hammers or thrown
out the windows." Factories originally over-
looked were raided overnight and workers
turning up in the morning found only the
empty halls. Lorries and trucks which were
taking part in the process of cleaning up
wreckage simply disappeared. A telegram
to the London Times on September 11,
reported that food and coal transportation
to Berlin had met great difficulties because
long stretches of track had been ripped up
and sent to Russia, thus reducing much
railway movement to single line operations.
To complete the picture, removals have
gone on not only in the cities but also in
the country. Thus: "Manpower and live-
stock have been taken away from the area
west of Berlin." — Drew Middleton to The
New Yorf( Times, July 23. Permanent
requisitions prompted peasants in the low-
er Austrian granary to refuse "to thresh
their grain . . . but the Russian soldiers
countered this by threshing it themselves
(Continued on page 456)
NOVEMBER 1945
437
Babies on the Doorstep
A GOOD OLD FRIEND OF MINE, SEVERAL TIMES
a grandfather, was shocked when I told
him that ten senators, headed by Senator
Claude A. Pepper of Florida, had intro-
duced a bill whereby — through federal aid
to the states — services and facilities for the
care of mothers through pregnancy and de-
livery, and of their children, shall be avail-
able to all mothers and children who want
them, with "no discrimination because of
race, creed, color or national origin and no
residence requirements."
"All women?" he cried. "Not just the
poor? That's socialism. Why should our
taxes be spent for people who can — and
should — pay for themselves? My children
have been brought up to depend on them-
selves."
"Are state roads and public schools social-
ism?" I ventured.
"Those New Dealers," he swept on,
"would spend everything for anything for
everybody."
"Two of the senators are Republicans," I
told him, "and several are Democrats not
labeled as New Dealers." In gloomy tones
he spoke: "The poison spreads."
A trickle of national help to the states
began in 1935 under Tide V of the Social
Security Act. Charts show how the ma-
ternity deathrate has dropped since then.
The chart lines are life-lines. They mean
lives saved.
Thus the method of doing the job has
been mapped. Now the bill (S. 1318) put
forth last July by Senator Pepper and his
colleagues proposes to do the job. Instead
of $5,800,000 for maternal and child health
(now administered by the U. S. Children's
Bureau), the bill would authorize an addi-
tional $50,000,000 for the first year; instead
of $5,800,000 for naternal and child health
000,000 more; instead of $1,500,000 for
child welfare— $20,000,000. After the first
year the authorization is for whatever
amounts Congress deems necessary to ex-
pand services year by year during the next
ten years until every mother and child who
want service will have it.
Equalizing Life Opportunities
That means more lives saved in the
poorer states, the places that need help
most. North Dakota, West Virginia, New
Mexico, and ten southern states now have
maternal deathrates over twice as high as
Minnesota's. Tree thousand mothers' lives
would be saved every year if all states
brought their rates down to Minnesota's.
Divergences are great also within the
states, between cities and countryside. In
rural areas, generally only half the births
are in hospitals, whereas in large cities the
ratio is over 90 percent. In 1943, 160,000
rural mothers had babies without a doctor
in attendance. Only a quarter of our rural
counties have any prenatal clinics.
Babies born in Connecticut or Oregon
show a deathrate of only thirty per thou-
MICHAEL M. DAVIS
HEALTH— TODAY 8C TOMORROW
— A series by the chairman, Committee
on Research in Medical Economics; asso-
ciate editor, Survey Graphic.
sand in their first year, but there are nine
states — Maine, Texas, Arizona, for example
— where the figure is fifty or more. The
nation would save 30,000 baby deaths a year
if all states had the thirty-per-thousand rate.
So much for the aims of this bill. What of
the methods of administration it proposes?
As in Title V of the Social Security Act,
and as in the amended form of that Title
which appears as Section 5 of the Wagner-
Murray-Dingell bill (S. 1050), the Child-
dren's Bureau is the responsible federal
agency. The actual services are carried on
by the states and localities — usually through
the state health department. Under S. 1318,
the first five million dollars allocated to the
states for maternal and child health must
be matched by the states, dollar for dollar.
The remaining allocations — that is, most of
the money — need not be matched, but
would be granted under a formula through
which the poorer states would get larger
ratios of aid. Section 5 of the Wagner-
Murray-Dingell bill incorporates the same
principle, although with a different formula
which some may not like as much as the
method proposed in S. 1318.
Public Hearings
S. 1318 comes up for hearings this fall
before the Senate Coi imittee on Education
and Labor. If you were to appear before
the committee, what would you say about
it? My white-haired Foxy Grandpa will be
against it. So will the American Medical
Association. An editorial in its Journal
(August 11, 1945, page 1101) sees in the
bill "perhaps the official opening of a cam-
paign to make permanent some of the activ-
ities that prevail under the so-called EMIC
program."
"EMIC" is the Emergency Maternity and
Infant Care Program, established by Con-
gress in 1943 for servicemen's wives and
babies. Some state medical societies tried
to get in its way, but the program will
have taken care of over a million mothers
and babies before the war's crop is over.
The National Commission on Children in
Wartime is more responsible for Senator
Pepper's bill than is EMIC.
The American Medical Association does
not like "control in the Children's Bureau."
"The chief of the Children's Bureau,"' an
editorial in its Journal recites, "is to formu-
late the policies after consultation with the
state health officers and an advisory com-
mittee. Nothing in the act says that the
advisory committee is to have any authority
or that its advice need necessarily be fol-
lowed."
Is the alternative to give the committee
mandatory power: Experience shows that
such a diffusion of executive responsibility
blurs that of the full time administrator and
invites logrolling, especially when the com-
mittee members serve as volunteers, repre-
senting varied interests.
The deeper question is one of policy:
How far should Uncle Sam's fingers reach?
Will local responsibility and individual
self-reliance be weakened among the people
of North Dakota and South Carolina if,
through more federal funds, they are en-
abled to do what the people of Minnesota
with their present federal help are already
doing? Is it fair to require the people of
New York and Illinois to pay doctors and
hospitals to care for mothers and babies of
sharecroppers in Alabama or dry-farmers in
Western Kansas?
New York and other well-to-do industrial
states gain part of their profits not only
from capital investments in the poorer
states but from selling their manufactured
goods there. In the future, as in wartime,
industrial centers the country over will
draw vast numbers of workers from rural
sections, particularly the poorer sections,
where the population growth is largest.
These facts supply sound business reasons
why it is fair to spend general national
revenues in ways which will equalize health
opportunities for mothers and children
everywhere.
But "How far shall we go?" ask other
people — including many who don't think
Uncle Sam's fingers are claws.
As proposed under S. 1318, care would
be available without any income limit or
means test, but for tax-s.upported services to
so large a part of the population it is not
unlikely that Congress or the states would
wish to impose a means test — a demand
that would not arise if the services were
supported by contributory insurance.
There is full provision in S. 1318 for
state administration, but with most of the
money coming from federal sources. Foxy
Grandpa and others will ask: Would not
authoritative administration come from
Washington?
In its child welfare section, S. 1318 would
broaden greatly the scope of services avail-
able. It would however permit federal
payments only to public welfare agencies —
a restriction that may rouse opposition from
some private ones.
Is National Health Insurance Hit?
"To be most effective," declared the Na-
tional Commission on Children in War-
time, "the maternal and child health and
crippled children's programs must ulti-
mately fit into a total medical care plan . . .
for all the people."
That's right. I should change only one
word in that statement. I would take out
"ultimately." I am bothered about the risk
of mix-up between the medical care that
could be furnished under this bill to all
438
SURVEY GRAPHIC
mothers and children — potentially perhaps
forty million people — and general, medical
care through health insurance, such as is
contemplated for all the people under the
Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill.
The general medical program would be
financed through contributory insurance,
the maternity and child care from general
public revenues, but this mere difference
in source of funds does not seem to me the
major point of difficulty.
The risk lies in divided administration.
We don't want a situation under which
the medical care of a family would be
split into two segments, one system for the
children and for the mothers during preg-
nancy and childbirth, the other system for
the rest of the family and for the mothers
at all times except during their periods of
maternity. Suppose doctors, hospitals, and
other local bodies had to deal with two
different state agencies to effectuate medical
care within the same family at the same
time — and then with two different national
agencies in separate federal departments.
The result would be confusing, costly, and
deteriorative to the medical service. Would
S. 1318 invite such a result?
As to the states: Under S. 1318, respon-
sibility for maternal and child health is
placed upon the state health agencies. If
these agencies are also administering any
"general health and medical care pro-
grams," the bill requires them to coordin-
ate the two. If, however, a general medical
tare program were set up by a state under
another agency — a health insurance com-
mission, for instance, as in the 1945 Cali-
fornia bills — coordination would be only
permissive, not mandatory.
As to the federal government: The
Children's Bureau is the administrative
agent under S. 1318. This Bureau is in
the Labor Department. The Public Health
Service is the administrative agent for
health insurance as designated in S. 1050
(the Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill). This
service is in the Federal Security Agency.
There is the possibility that these two
agencies might work out full coordination
of their policies, procedures, and staffs, but
there is likelihood that the coordination
would be far from complete.
Under Section 5 of the Wagner-Murray-
Dingell bill, administration of federal
grants for maternal and child health would
be under the Children's Bureau as now,
and through the state health agencies, but
the grants would then be supplements to
provide (1) preventive services for all
mothers and children; (2) full care for the
relatively small number of mothers and
children who for one reason or another
were not covered by health insurance. The
health insurance funds would provide full
medical care, including maternity care, for
the vast majority.
The program of preventive and curative
services should be the same for all, regard-
less of the source of funds. It is essential
to have methods of administration that
will ensure unity and continuity in these
services. And as one who wants to see a
maternal-child-health-and-welfare program
extended promptly, I believe the friends of
this cause would do much to ensure the
NOVEMBER 1945
passage of some desirable legislation if they
would —
(1) Reconsider the provisions of S. 1318
before the public hearings take place.
(2) Consider whether the pattern of Sec-
tion 5 of S. 1050 (the Wagner-Murray-
Dingell bill) would be a better model for
an enlarged program than S. 1318, even I]
Congress enacted the legislation in advance
of the general health insurance program.
(3) Remember that the Foxy Grandpas
and others who will oppose S. 1318 on
general grounds will make the most of the
risk of administrative duplication.
(4) Be prepared to endorse publicly the
transfer of the Children's Bureau to the
proposed new Federal Department of
Health and Welfare, if and when created.
The integrity of the Children's Bureau, in
its service to mothers and children of
America, socially, economically, medically,
should not be impaired. If both the Chil-
dren's Bureau and the Public Health Serv-
ice were responsible to a single cabinet
officer, it would be practicable to bring
about administrative unification of all the
federal medical programs for the general
population, whether maintained by taxation
or by insurance.
NEW YORK'S DOORSTEP
"WATCH CALIFORNIA. WATCH NEW YORK,"
I wrote in this column some months ago.
For California, see page 440. For New
York, Governor Dewey's State Commission
on Medical Care is due to set an offspring
on the legislature's doorstep next February.
The commission includes four members of
the legislature, a businessman, a social
worker, five physicians, three nurses, and
three heads of state departments ex-officio.
The physicians do not represent the State
Medical Society as such, and several of
the physicians, including the chairman, are
much too progressive for the society's taste.
Like a Victorian mother, the commission
has given no publicity to its processes of
gestation. It has conducted studies and held
informal conferences with representatives of
state agencies of medicine, hospitals, in-
surance plans, business and labor. The
governor gave definite instructions that the
commission should be concerned with the
medical care of all the people, not merely
"the poor." The commission must make a
major decision: Shall it recommend some
kind of statewide obligatory insurance
plan, more or less comprehensive as to
people covered and services offered? Or
shall it propose only some extension of
welfare services, such as the State Medical
Society would like, or some public encour-
agement of voluntary insurance plans, such
as their administrators would accept?
Up to date the Blue Cross and other
voluntary hospital insurance plans cover
about 20 percent of the fourteen million
people in New York State. The Medical
Society-sponsored plans serve less than 2
percent. The decision of the commission
will, however, turn less on statistics than
on its prevision of the political time of day.
How will the commission answer that
$64 question? It must take into account
the desires and demands of major groups
such as business, agriculture, labor, and the
medical profession. It must also consider
practical questions of cost and adminis-
tration.
The State Medical Society would itself
recommend state-aided diagnostic centers,
extension of public health work and more
publicly-supported medical care for the
needy. The society might be pushed to ac-
cept state-aided health insurance; meaning
by that help to voluntary plans on the
cash indemnity basis, provided the admin-
istration was controlled by the organized
medical profession. There are differences
of opinion on these points among medical
society leaders and there is unity only in
frenetic opposition to compulsory health
insurance.
Governor Dewey is rumored to have said
unofficially last year to a gathering of state
medical leaders, in substance: "The people
of this state want something done about
medical care. You have to offer them some-
thing big enough and soon enough to
arouse popular support. So far, what you
have offered is negative. If you follow that
policy you'll be washed out."
New York Political Bedfellows
If this political analysis is sound, a com-
mission that wants to make more than a
gesture must propose a program having
popular appeal. Maybe the opposition in
the Medical Society can defeat any compul-
sory health insurance bill. The commission
must however consider not only what might
be defeated, but what program could be
passed. Certainly none can be enacted in
New York without the support of labor.
Labor wants compulsory health insurance
but labor alone cannot pass a bill. What
other support then would get behind it?
What allies could the Medical Society rally
on the other side? The answers will de-
pend in great part on the specific provisions
of the bill as to services offered, people
covered, cost, ways of financing, and
method of administration.
Thus we may expect the commission to
recommend compulsory health insurance.
This is a bold step, but how comprehensive
medically, how vote-catching politically,
will the program be? The commission will
give this question a work-out when it holds
public hearings in December.
Nineteen forty-six is an election year in
New York State, when a governor and
many members of the legislature have to be
elected or reelected. Candidates must con-
sider whether they want to make medical
care an issue in the campaign for them-
selves or their party. Party platform-makers
must decide the same question in the spring
of 1946. Both Republicans and Democrats
must bid for the "labor vote." The Demo-
crats and minority parties might try to
force the Republicans' hand by introducing
health insurance bills soon after the first of
January, before the commission reports. But
so far as action on bills during 1946 is con-
cerned, these parties can only propose. The
Republican majority in the legislature will
dispose. And jockeying for advantage in the
1946 state campaign, and in the Presidential
campaign that looms two years beyond, will
be a pervasive element in Republican,
Democratic, and Labor strategy.
439
California's Health Insurance Drama
The recent fight to put legislation on the books of a western commonwealth
may have the stuff of a play, yet valuable lessons can be learned from it.
UNDER THE BENEFICENT SKIES OF THE STATE
where anything can happen, the curtain
has just gone down on a dramatic struggle
for statewide health insurance. California
was the first state in the union to have vol-
untary health insurance.* It is the state
which probably has more voluntary health
insurance than any other. It is also the
state in which demand for compulsory
health insurance has reached a peak. A
Republican governor, the Democratic mi-
nority in the legislature, organized labor,
and other advocates fought for it last
spring, though they were defeated by the
powerful lobby of the organized doctors
and associated business interests. The Cali-
fornia Medical Association worked with
such groups as the notorious Associated
Farmers of La Follette investigation fame
and the anti-union Merchants and Manu-
facturers Association of Los Angeles.
Two straight health insurance bills were
killed in legislative committee. Then a
compulsory hospitalization measure, framed
by the unified forces behind the other bills,
was handled in the same manner. None of
the bills was permitted to come to a vote on
the floor of the legislature.
When Will the Next Act Come?
Health insurance supporters look for-
ward, however, to a different outcome
when the final acts of the play are staged.
Just how soon that will be depends upon
whether organized labor — which spear-
headed the battle for health insurance —
must again fight for its very life, as was
necessary at the last election. Then labor
had to save itself from anti-union Amend-
ment 12, fathered by the same business
and farm groups that massacred health
insurance.
It depends even more upon how shatter-
ing a blow peace will deal to the high-
geared, rapidly mushroomed industrial
economy of the West — upon how many
workers will have their heads lopped off
by gigantic cutbacks as war orders cease,
and upon what provision Congress and/or
the California legislature make for them.
War workers and their families to the
number of 1,800,000 people rushed into
California (more than into any other sec-
tion), swelling the state's population to
9,000,000. In the final analysis, reconver-
sion and jobs will determine whether or-
ganized labor and the liberals of the state
have enough numerical strength and po-
lical power to carry on the struggle for a
statewide system of prepaid medical care.
The health insurance epic of 1945 was
initiated when Republican Governor Earl
• In 18S4, the French and German benevolent
societies started a prepaid health plan through their
San Francisco hospitals, and in 1864 the Southern
1'acific Health Service system was born.
GERALDINE SARTAIN
— By a native of California and a gradu-
ate of its state university, who started
her writing career on the San Francisco
Chronicle. Miss Sartain has published
articles and stories in many magazines.
Recently she has been public informa-
tion consultant for the Committee on
Research in Medical Economics.
A trip to California last summer gave
her opportunity for a firsthand review
of the medical-political events reported
in this article.
Warren and the Congress of Industrial
Organizations each presented a compulsory
health insurance measure to the legisla-
ture, demanding passage. A Governor's bill
is nothing new to California. In 1914, Re-
publican Hiram Johnson's gubernatorial
platform contained a health insurance plank
written by the grand old fighting liberal
editor of the West, Chester Rowell, who
had helped frame a similar plank for Teddy
Roosevelt's platform two years before. In
1939, Democratic Governor Cuthbert Olson
made health insurance the keystone of his
social program, and might have gotten it
through had he not become involved in
personal and political bickerings with his
labor following.
Many state commissions and lay bodies
in California have studied health insurance
during the last quarter century. Some peo-
ple say it has been studied to death. There
was action as well as study, however. Vol-
untary health insurance plans have devel-
oped in great variety under industrial
concerns, hospital bodies, commercial agen-
cies, private medical groups, and lately the
state medical society itself. By 1939, the
California Medical Association and the big
business interests had embraced voluntary
plans as escape from the compulsory type.
The CMA's own plan was the California
Physicians Service. Thus was laid the basis
for the long conflict along these lines.
Governor Warren undoubtedly wanted
California to be the first state to pass a
bona fide health insurance law. He attempt-
ed to win the support of both the Cali-
fornia Medical Association and of the CIO,
but in the end lost both.
The CIO pressed for its own bill, ac-
cording to Paul Pinsky, its state research
director, when the governor made a com-
mitment to the CMA on the principle of
fee-for-service as a method of paying the
doctors and did not provide for citizen-
doctor representation in local areas. The
medical profession has always held out for
the traditional fee-for-service. The CIO be-
lieved with the foremost medical econ-
omists in the country that the capitation
method (by which a doctor is paid so much
per capita for his patients) places emphasis
upon preventive care and that fee-for-ser-
vice invites misuse as well as financial
breakdown of the program, increases the
administrative costs and requires annoying
and complicated regulations.
On the fee-for-service commitment. Pro-
fessor Barbara Nachtrieb Armstrong, one
of the early health insurance experts, com-
ments: "Appeasement was of no more use
with the doctors than it was at Munich.
Even though Governor Warren called in
the doctors and told them to write their
own ticket, it was no go with them."
Minor points of difference were forgotten
between A.B. 800, "the Governor's bill,"
introduced by a San Francisco Republican,
Assemblyman Albert C. Wollenberg, and
A.B. 449, known as the "Thomas bill" or
the CIO bill, sponsored by Assemblyman
Vincent Thomas of San Pedro, when it
became apparent that the two groups would
have to join forces against the strong op-
position to any compulsory health insurance
bill regardless of the method of payment
to doctors.
On the Basis of Need
Either bill would have provided complete
prepaid medical and hospital care for six
million Californians on the basis of need
rather than of ability to pay, to be financed
by a three percent payroll tax, 1.5 percent
to be paid by employers and 1.5 percent
by employes. This parallels the provision
in the Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill, the
national health insurance measure now
pending in Congress. Both excepted farm-
ers, agricultural labor, those engaged in
domestic service, and members of faith-
healing religions. Both guaranteed that pa-
tients would be free to choose their own
doctors and to change them, that doctors
would be free to accept or reject patients,
to enter the system or remain in private
practice.
The CIO feared the organized doctors
might run the governor's plan because it
vested control in an eleven-man board of
lay and professional people with a manager
who could be a doctor. So the CIO bill
set up a State Health Insurance Commis-
sion of seven to be appointed by the gov-
ernor, with two representatives each for
employers, organized labor, and the medi-
cal profession (one to be a practicing
physician and the other a representative of
the teaching and research field) and one
public member as chairman. The executive
director was to be a layman, the medical
director a physician to whom complete
authority was guaranteed in all strictly
medical matters. The state was to be
divided into medical service areas, each
administered by a physician medical di-
rector, aided by an area advisory council
composed like the state commission. The
440
SURVEY GRAPHIC
medical teaching field should be on the
stipulations that a representative of the
council and that a professional advisory
council should be established showed the
CIO's concern with quality of care.
Line-Up of Forces
Both the governor and the CIO launched
their campaigns by hammering home facts
on the serious loss of income and produc-
tion due to illness and the great human
waste caused by preventable disease.
Both emphasized that the vast majority
of Americans cannot afford adequate medi-
cal attention and hospitalization. The gov-
ernor boldly anticipated the contentions of
his opponents.
"I am not for state medicine nor social
ized medicine," he said. "I am for a system
of health insurance that would improve
the general health by providing the people
with prepaid medical service. Thirty-eight
out of every one hundred Californians
called by selective service were rejected be-
cause of physical or mental defects. One
and a half million people are substandard
in this state."
A storm of opposition burst forth. The
legislative hoppers overflowed with health
insurance measures, a familiar opposition
device for confusing the issue. Some of the
thirteen medical care bills were in good
faith, such as the State Farm Bureau's pro-
posals to open county hospitals to paying
patients and to encourage "the practice of
group medicine" through state licensure.
The CM A put in a bill to subsidize volun-
tary health insurance without any addition-
al taxation, by drawing on the large reserve
funds of the state's unemployment insur-
ance. It got nowhere because of reaction
against the proposed "raid" on the reserves.
The line-up of forces was swift. The
state Chamber of Commerce joined with
the Los Angeles Chamber and the Blue
Cross, chiropractors, tax leagues, the
Grange, Farm Bureau Federation, fraternal
societies (with an economic stake in some
already established voluntary plans), vet-
erans groups, and diverse business interests
running the gamut from laundry and
apartment owners' organizations and so-
called "efficiency leagues," to the Associ-
ated Farmers (which put on an expensive
radio campaign).
They did not dare fight health insurance
on its own merits because of strong public
sentiment for it. A CMA poll had revealed,
to the dismay of the doctors, that 50 per-
cent of all Californians favored "govern-
ment medicine," while 34 percent opposed
it and 16 percent hadn't made up their
minds. All sorts of spurious issues were
injected. The doctors leaped on the word
"compulsory," to play upon the fears of
the uninformed, although the payroll tax
was the only "compulsory" feature of the
proposed legislation.
They used all the familiar scare words,
compulsory health insurance becoming "un-
American, socialistic, revolutionary, and
Bolshevistic, and tending to lead to a
breakdown of the free enterprise system for
the doctors." They fell back on the same
arguments used when the issue was a com-
pulsory education system, workmen's com-
pensation, the eight-hour law, the Social
Security Act of 1935.
The business group mobilized against
payments by employers through payroll tax-
ation. They attacked 'he "extension of the
check-off system," bem<_dning the fact that
if anything more were taken from the
worker's pay envelope he would have no
"take home" pay at all. The legislative
auditor predicted that the governor's bill
would produce a state deficit of 1 100 ,000,-
000 a year.
Professor Samuel May, director of the
Bureau of Public Administration, Univer-
sity of California, and an authority on
health insurance, nailed this prediction as
a fantasy. He snowed that the opposition
had incorrectly applied a certain budget as
a basis (the Heller budget) for the deficit
without showing that it included all health
services, such as dentistry and private nurs-
ing which were not covered by either of
the bills before the legislature.
Deficits and Horse Doctors
The legislative auditor was. protected
from any brass-tacks cross examination,
however, and according to the press and
charges made on the floor of the commit-
tee room, Professor May's complete refuta-
tion of the "deficit" went unheeded. Floods
of pamphlets were put out and. radio cam-
paigns carried into thousands of ihomes the
message of the dread "deficit." The "defi-
cit" itself grew under CMA ministrations
from 1100,000,000 annually to an estimated
1280,000,000. Further, the. citizens were
told that California business and industry
would be ruined by the competitive dis-
advantage with other states.
The newspapers largely followed the in-
terests of the advertisers. On the other side
of the ledger, however, the San Francisco
Chronicle, the Sacramento Bee, the San
Francisco News, the Los Angeles News,
and some others, including many small
town papers, tried to show their readers
the real issue — the health care of every
Californian.
The California League of Women Vot-
Chloroformed!
X
'/"i>... „„,.. (\\\
19 REPUBLICAN ANn 10 OEMOCUATIC ASSEMIJUYMEN <
COMPULSORY HEMTH
LEGISLATION
Pratt in the Sacramento Bee
NOVEMBER 1945
Sweigert in the San Francisco Chronicle
441
ers framed a set of principles calling for
compulsory health insurance as did the
Northern California Union Health Com-
mittee, the spearhead group that linked all
proponents together — an able organization
dedicated to work with all labor, health,
and medical bodies. A militant Citizens
Committee representing men and women
prominent in civic and club life joined with
organized labor, with the National Law-
yers Guild, the Physicians Forum, the
Parent-Teachers Congress, some public
housing, church and social welfare groups
to testify for the compulsory principle. The
San Francisco Chamber of Commerce
adopted a resolution favoring the gover-
nor's plan in principle, but declined to
support any specific bill.
The state branch of the American Fed-
eration of Labor, which is much stronger
numerically in California than the CIO,
officially ok'd the Governor's bill. Many
rank and file AFL unions, however, sup-
Krted the Thomas bill, and President Wil-
m Green informed the state officials by
wire that the "fee-for-service method in-
vites abuse and is generally not as desirable
as the capitation method."
The Public Health Committee of the
Assembly, to which the bills were referred,
was accused of treating the bills and wit-
nesses cavalierly. For example, one of the
proponents' main experts, Prof. Nathan
Sinai, Dr. P.H., of the University of Michi-
gan, internationally known as a medical
economist, was Labeled a "horse doctor" be-
cause he once received a veterinarian's de-
gree, and he was submitted to a barrage of
questions about who underwrote his ex-
penses. The committee majority showed no
interest in his factual and analytical evi-
dence.
In the end, the majority report of the
committee postponing action caused tre-
mendous repercussions, because it was is-
sued before the hearings were completed
and at a time when some of the most im-
portant testimony was still to be given. It
repeated all the CMA arguments, in vir-
tually identical language. Assemblyman
Wolieaberg tdd his fellow legislators that
the hearings were "mere window dressing."
When the governor and the CIO tried to
get their bills on the floor for consideration
of the entire assembly, they were snowed
under.
"One Foot In"
A last flurry of drama occurred when
the governor, the CIO, the AFL, the
Physicians Forum, and all the groups com-
mitted to improve public health joined
forces under the leadership of the North-
ern California Union Health Committee in
an eleventh hour effort. They prepared a
hospital insurance bill and Governor War-
ren urged the legislature to approve a
state-administered system of prepaid hos-
pitalization for all workers covered by un-
employment insurance. It was not actually
a compromise, for it contained no medical
provisions and it was thus possible for
health insurance advocates to stand un-
comprisingly for their original principles
on medical care while at the same time
attempting to win some health benefits for
the people in 1945.
But it was too late. The Association of
California Hospitals charged that the hos-
pitals would be "sovietized." Dr. Philip K.
Gilman, president of the CMA, stigma-
tized the hospital bill as a "poorly dis-
guised piece of political trickery, designed
to enable the advocates of state medicine
to get one foot in the door now and an-
other later on." So bitter did the opposing
sides become that when the governor fol-
lowed the state constitution by sending a
message to the legislature urging enact-
ment, Speaker Charles W. Lyon of the
assembly accused him of lobbying.
The governor promptly hurled the
charge back by demanding an investigation
of the lobbying activities in the assembly.
The legislature ignored this demand.
After the bill was duly smothered, in-
terim legislative committees were named
to give weary Californians two more "sur-
veys" on the need for medical care. Little-
is expected from these studies. The Sac-
ramento Bee commented:
"Perpetuating the same callous indiffer-
ence to the public welfare, the same dis-
regard of fair play which characterized
De^r Senator:
Please vote against all Compulsory Health Insur-
ance Bills pending before the Legislature. We have
enough regimentation in this country now. Certainly we
don't .rant to be forced to go to "A State doctor", or to
pay for such a doctor whether we use him or not. That
system was born in Germany— and is part and parcel of
what our boys are fighting overseas. Let's not adopt it
here.
If you want to vote some program which will encour-
age people to enroll in Voluntary Medical and Hospital
plans do so, by all means. But don't give us political
medicine in California. We don't want it.
Sincerely,
Postcard (widely distributed by antt-hpalth insurance forces) mailed to a mem-
ber of the California legislature. Signature blotted out in reproduction
the assembly committee's several actions on
health insurance at the last session, [Speak-
er] Lyon has named a committee which
could write its report right now and save
the taxpayers the expense of junkets
throughout the state to hold meaningless
hearings. Of the seven members, only one
has shown he holds a spark of sympathy
for the principles of a state operated com-
pulsory health insurance system. The in-
terim committee follows the ruthless pat-
tern set up by the assembly public health
committee at the last session in chloroform-
ing all attempts to provide millions ot
Californians with the means of keeping
well and healthy short of bankruptcy."
The CMA in Action
Throughout, the California Medical As-
sociation played the role that it has filled
since the first threat of compulsory health
insurance many years ago. Akhough the
CMA had its own struggles in the national
doctors' organization, the American Medi-
cal Association, and even went so far as
to press at the last AMA convention for
the removal of Dr. Morris Fishbein from
the top secretariat, it followed the AMA
line against the Wagner-Murray-Dingel
bill in its own California battle against
the governor's and labor's measures.
In 1938 the CMA established its own
prepaid voluntary system, the California
Physicians Service, in order to head off a
compulsory system. The doctors were not
really sold on their brain child, however,
and they ran into difficulties ef finance and
of public repute because of overuse of the
comprehensive service they gave at first
and because of doctor sabotage, according
to one of San Francisco's leading physi-
cians. By 1945, the Physicians Service had
only 100,000 members for its partial medi-
cal service out of a population of nine
million, but it is now engaged in a brisk
subscription campaign.
In this latest health insurance tilt, the
CMA engaged a survey firm to test public
opinion. The survey report characterized
the California Physicians Service as "mas-
terful," and chided the CMA for not pro-
moting it effectively. The CMA was further
advised to make the CPS more acceptable
to the physicians "in order to save free
enterprise in medicine."
The CMA also sent Ben H. Read, execu-
tive secretary of its lobbying arm, to Wash-
ington to study attitudes of congressmen.
He recommended the immediate establish-
ment of an "information bureau" in Wash-
ington. Read led the CMA lobby in
Sacramento. According to a United Press
story published in the San Francisco Chron-
icle, the Republican members of the leg-
islature were entertained the night before
the Republican caucus "as the guests of
Ben H. Read, lobbyist for the Public Health
League, political wing of CMA, and Jay
H. Kugler, legislative representative for
the Dairy Institute of California."
Senator John F. Shelley, representative
of the AFL in the California senate, said
publicly, "This session of the legislature
was probably the most stinking in the
(Continued on page 461 )
442
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Amphibious Medicine
Here is the dramatic story of naval medical victories as we invaded enemy
strongholds, whether on the beaches of Europe or the islands of the Pacific.
COMMANDER ENDRE K. BRUNNER, M.C., U.S, R.
Ix WORLD WAR II, SUCCESSIVE INVASIONS OF
enemy strongholds were accomplished by
amphibious operations in which the navy
transported, protected en route, established
and supported on hostile shores, large num-
bers of troops far from their original bases.
These operations involved action on sea,
on land and in the air by the navy and
by the landing force, which at times was
the army or the marine corps, and in most
instances a combination of the two.
In past wars amphibious operations have
been very costly in men and equipment,
with the defenders having a tremendous
advantage over the attackers. A 35 percent
casualty rate for a successful operation was
considered a fair price. During the first
World War the Dardanelles invasion by
the British was abandoned in spite of its
tremendous importance, because of the ex-
cessive loss in human lives.
That and other lessons taught us that
it is not enough to win a war on the battle-
field. It must also be won on the medical
field. Consequently, medical officers are now
included on the staffs which plan the
operations and which are in command at
their execution.
During the last four years of hard fought
war, navy medicine adapted its techniques
to the military problems we confronted.
Looking back now, it is not difficult to
remember the suspense anil dread that
cloaked the months of preparation for in-
vasion. Amphibious operations on a world
scale created a looming question mark.
The answer as it was evolved by navy
medicine — experimental at the start, then
confidently formulated - - might now be
given a name of its own: amphibious
medicine.
The Navy's Wards
How it was worked out, how amphibi-
ous medicine was meshed into the larger
frame of modern warfare, is a story that
at last there is time to tell.
At the start of the war, our armies were
at no place in direct contact with the
enemy, whose defeat depended on our abil-
ity to reach him. It was obvious that we
had to devise means to invade well de-
fended enemy territories and accomplish
this without prohibitive sacrifice of human
life and limb.
All branches of the various services co-
operated and contributed to the perfected
methods which made possible such huge
invasions as that of France, the Philippine
Islands or Okinawa, with minimum fatality
on the assault beaches. Further, excellent
medical care of the wounded and of the
sick resulted in a recovery rate even more
favorable than on stationary fronts with
well established field hospital facilities.
The first principle of a successful in-
vasion is the thorough understanding of
the combined responsibility of the navy
and the landing forces. Each must know
the other's problems and realize that the
failure of one will destroy the possibility
of success for both branches of the service.
Staffs of the navy, and of the army or
marine corps worked out their problems
together and went to the area of operation
on board the same ships.
Vessels were especially equipped or built
as command and communication ships for
this very purpose. The first ship so used
was the "Ancon" of the Panama Railroad
Line (AGC4), which was Vice Admiral
Kirk's flagship at the invasion of Sicily.
The command ship idea was so success-
ful that by the middle of October 1943
three more such ships had been built and
were in commission: the "Blue Ridge"
(AGC1), flagship of Vice Admiral Barbey;
the "Appalachian" (AGC2), flagship of
Rear Admiral Connolly; and the "Rocky
Mount" (AGC3), flagship of Admiral
Turner. More than a dozen such ships
were on the job when victory was won.
The initial phases of amphibious opera-
tions being navy responsibility, over-all
tactical command was exercised by the navy
up to the point when the commander of
the landing forces had gone ashore and
secured enough beachhead to enable him
to take over the command safely.
All other functions of the staff and de-
partments paralleled this division of com-
mand responsibility. It follows that from
the minute the soldier or marine embarked
for an amphibious assault, until the time
when his force was thoroughly established
ashore, he was a navy problem and ward
in all respects, including his medical and
surgical care.
When the G. I. arrived at the embarka-
tion point he was a young man in prime
physical condition, immunized against the
chief communicable diseases. If he was to
go to a malaria infested region, the daily
ingestion of atabrine had prepared him, not
against getting the disease but at least from
becoming incapacitated by it.
— By a commander in the Medical
Corps, USNR, only recently returned to
the United States after what the Bureau
of Medicine and Surgery of the Navy
Department quietly designates as "an
extended tour of duty in the Pacific,
where he was in a position of great re-
sponsibility."
Commander Brunner knows his mate-
rial firsthand, and knows how to write
about it. He now is stationed at the U.S.
Naval Hospital at Parris Island, S. C.
He was well trained, hardened to physi-
cal labor, exercise, and landing in water
up to his middle. His naval experience
ended at that point however. This was
going to be his first sea voyage. He was
crowded — not like his Japanese counter-
part, but crowded — in tiers of bunks, four
or five bunks high, with poor ventilation
when the ships were darkened. The deck
space was crowded too, with trucks, jeeps
and all the mountainous and manifold
equipment of modern battle.
And the Navy's Patients
For security's sake he was embarked
SOP— <imes three to five days before sail-
ing >nd frequently he was first taken on a
rehearsal which the army likes to call a
"dry run." There he went ashore with
his equipment, simulating the actual prob-
lems in every detail. This was in most in-
stances his last physical activity until the
Day, which might be two weeks or more
distant. The lack of exercise or work, the
boredom, the anticipation of action, and the
motion of the ship, combined to create a
problem for troop officers, chaplains, and
doctors.
Although a routine sick call was con-
ducted by the troops' own medical officers,
all patients requiring sick-bay care or sur-
gery were attended by the navy medical
personnel and with navy equipment. This
was because the troops' medical equipment
was stowed for transportation to the
beaches on the Day.
Attacks by enemy planes, a usual fea-
ture of these long distance invasions, fre-
quently taxed the facilities of the sick-bay,
because even without a hit on the ship,
passengers who had no business on the
decks were often hurt by strafing or by
the ship's own anti-aircraft fire.
At the target, naval bombardment and
mine-sweeping, geodetic survey and demo-
lition of under-water and beach obstruc-
tions, were conducted by naval forces be-
fore landing. Explosions and enemy re-
sistance took their casualty toll. Combatant
ships in action, however, are well able to
take care of their own casualties, cruisers
and battleships assisting the smaller units
with traditional medical corps efficiency.
We are here concerned with the new chap-
ters of that story: the practice of medicine
and surgery amid a vast armada of troop-
ships and service ships, advancing to meet
a land-based enemy.
Not only the performers but the plan-
ners or writers of the drama of invasion
are at white heat of excitement at that mo-
ment when the command is given by the
Admiral, O.T.C. (officer in tactical com-
mand)— "Land the landing forces." It was
for this instant they had labored for months,
NOVEMBER 1945
443
Coast guard and navy medical corpsmen giving plasma and other first aid on the beach at Eniwetok, before evacuating casualties
and the time at last had come to prove their
judgment and their preparations.
The medical department had been rep-
resented at the planning table by an officer
on the amphibious staff. It was his duty to
know about the strategical background and
tactical considerations, to prepare a medical
plan for his commander and to oversee the
execution of this plan on the critical day
of action.
When the ships arrived at the invasion
beaches, they took their assigned places in
the transport area and immediately lowered
their landing boats and launched their am-
phibious vehicles. These went to the line
of departure, where they were shepherded by
guide boats into assault waves which landed
when the word was given, with split sec-
ond accuracy.
Their own medical units landed with the
assault troops, carrying light first aid equip-
ment. Casualties occurring at this time re-
ceived self-administered or at best tem-
porary medical help. If a man was hurt in
the boat he remained there and was evacu-
ated to the first ship to which the landing
boat or amphibious craft reported for fur-
ther duty. If the casualty occurred on the
beach, the wounded man was not evacu-
ated until all assault troops had landed and
the tactical situation on the beach per-
mitted or required the evacuation.
Depending upon the number of troops
landing, the number of boats, "ducks," and
"buffaloes" available, the distance of the
line of departure from the beach, and the
tide condition, it took from half an hour to
an hour to land all the assault troops. They
were then rapidly followed by reinforce-
ments of reserve troops, service troops, and
heavy equipment.
Medical Sections of Beach Parties
Within fifteen or twenty minutes after
the landing of the first wave (somewhere
between the third and fifth wave), the navy
sent ashore naval beach parties, one for
every assault battalion of troops. A compo-
nent part of the beach party was the medi-
cal section, which consisted of a medical offi-
cer and eight pharmacist's mates or corps-
men. They were in at least two boats to
avoid the risk of complete destruction by an
unlucky, direct hit. These boats were
marked by small Red Cross flags to indicate
the whereabouts of medical facilities. Thus
they could serve in first aid capacity, even
before they landed.
Medical sections of beach parties carried
a full equipment of first aid appliances, med-
ications, food and drinking water, and
were prepared to remain for days on the
beaches. Their mission was to:
1. Set up as quickly as possible a first
aid and casualty evacuation center.
2. Render first aid to casualties occurring
on the beach or returning to it from ad-
vanced areas.
3. Return casualties still able to fight to
their units.
4. Evacuate patients requiring hospitali-
zation to the casualty-handling ships.
5. Keep accurate records concerning cas-
ualties.
6. Maintain close contact between the
landing force medical establishment, the
forces afloat, and the beach parties to right
and left of them.
To accomplish these missions, the medi-
cal officer, in consultation with the beach
master (a line officer commanding the beach
party) would select the place for his first
aid station, close to the shoreline where the
boats were bringing troops and equipment
and where communication units were being
set up.
This first aid and evacuation center was
as far as possible hidden from enemy snip-
ers and planes. It was clearly marked for
casualties and casualty carriers ashore and
afloat. Foxholes were dug into the sand for
patients, personnel, and. equipment. Blood
plasma was broken out, stretchers and frac-
ture equipment laid on empty boxes to
facilitate quick treatment. Again, every-
thing was divided and grouped in several
shelters, to minimize the effect of bomb hits.
This center was frequently utilized by the
medical units of the landing forces, aug-
menting each other's facilities.
Here a quick screening of the patients
took place. The ones mildly injured, or
suffering with heat exhaustion, extreme fa-
tigue, urinary bleeding from dehydration,
were allowed to rest up until they could be
returned to their units; or, if the depth of
penetration permitted, to a "Casual Camp."
Those requiring hospitalization were treated
until conditions and available transportation
made possible their evacuation to the ships.
The most important treatment rendered
on the beaches was the care of patients in
shock. Practically all war injuries are ac-
companied by surgical shock, manifest or
444
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Operating room on an attack transport (APA), during action off Iwo Jirna. An APA could take care of about 200 casualties
latent. Intravenous fluids like glucose, blood
plasma, and whole blood were given.
For the first time, at Leyte, whole blood
was used in the early assault phase. This
blood was obtained from volunteers among
the crews of the task group under the com-
mand of Rear Admiral Forrest Royal, and
the men of the 96th Infantry Division.
Making their deposits in this life-bloo 1
bank, universal donors (international blood
group O) invested against the unknown
immediate future of their comrades or
themselves. The whole blood was packed in
makeshift portable ice boxes (converted am-
munition boxes), taken to the assault
beaches and made available there within an
hour after landing. Blood being the only
real substitute for major blood loss, it will
save life where plasma and glucose fail.
Later, during that invasion and all others,
whole processed blood in suitable contain-
ers was flown in large quantities from the
U. S. A. to distribution centers such as
Pearl Harbor or Manus. Thence it was
further flown or taken along in the refrig-
erating sections of transports and army reef-
ers, and used for casualties both on board
and ashore.
Evacuation of the Wounded
In the initial stages on "Dog Day," the
casualties came to the navy medical sec-
tions mostly on foot or assisted by a buddy.
These patients, of course, required primary
care. However, with penetration inland the
fighting gradually was removed from the
immediate vicinity of the evacuation cen-
ters; and with the landing of the army or
marine corps service troops, collecting com-
panies with jeeps or standard size am-
U. S. N'avy Photos
Marine receiving oxygen therapy aboard the USS Solace, fully equipped hospital ship
bulances brought the wounded to the
beaches for further care and evacuation.
For the evacuation of wounded to the
ships, the medical section employed the
boats which brought troops, supplies, and
equipment from ships to shore. Since, in
early stages, vital military requirements
take precedence over casualties, the evacua-
tion was necessarily made to the ships to
which the landing crafts had to return. In
later stages, some boats could be diverted
for the exclusive purpose of casualty evacua-
tion.
All ships were prepared to receive and
care for casualties, but those primarily
utilized were the attack transports (APAs),
the evacuation transports (APHs) — both
fast troop-carriers with very little cargo —
and certain designated landing ships (LSV
and LSTs). An APA has three to five
medical officers and 28 to 40 hospital corps-
men. It can handle about 200 casualties.
NOVEMBER 1945
445
An APH, with two to three times that
staff, is expected to handle about 200
stretcher cases and 500 ambulatory patients.
All these ships immediately after com-
pleting their outbound mission converted
themselves into casualty carriers — cleaned
up the spaces recently vacated by troops
and established reception places for the in-
coming casualties. Here the patients were
once again screened into those needing
shock treatment, immediate surgery, elec-
tive surgery; and medical cases requiring
isolation or psychiatric care.
This screening was most essential, be-
cause immediate surgery in abdominal and
in some chest cases is life saving. Among
medical cases, the recognition of transient
psychoneurosis and its segregation from the
true psychotics, with immediate intelligent
treatment and some sedatives, returned
many a man to the right, and saved him
from long hospitalization, stigma, and use-
lessness.
To avoid crowding and to guarantee
early and adequate care for each patient,
an effort was made to distribute the casual-
ties among many ships, and to send pa-
tients requiring specialist care to the ships
where it was available. For example, an eye
surgeon with good equipment was on duty
on all the amphibious command ships;
orthopedic, brain, and chest surgeons were
ordered to several transports and their
whereabouts widely circulated. Correspond-
ingly, medical specialists and psychiatrists
were included on the staffs of many ships.
Ambulance and Hospital Ships
When the terrain was suitable for the
beaching of LSTs, as was frequently the
case in the European theater and the South-
west Pacific, these ships were exten-
sively used for the evacuation and carrying
of casualties to the advanced bases and to
land-based hospitals. After the bulkheads
and deck of the tank decks had been
washed off, folding cots were set up, thus
converting these large floating garages into
huge ambulance ships, each capable of
caring for about 150 patients.
The ferrying of patients from shore to
ship was not a simple operation. Aside
from enemy action, there were the tides,
the ground swells, the distance from shore
to ship, and on most of the Central Pacific
beaches the coral reef, to complicate the
evacuation. In each invasion a careful plan
had to be devised to deal with these fac-
tors. In some instances, specially manned
and equipped LSTs with a pontoon barge
moored alongside were anchored at the
reef and casualties were received and held,
or further dispatched by ambulance boats,
as seemed reasonable to the medical staffs.
Wounded were placed on the ships by
taking the landing boats aboard by means
of davits and raising them to the level of
the sick bay where stretcher parties bore the
casualties to the sorting station; or patients
were lifted out of the boats in their stretch-
ers, two stretchers at a time, by means of
special slings, and raised to the desired
deck.
The majority of the invasion fleet left the
area the first or second day, carrying as
many casualties as could be evacuated. The
military situation demanded that they leave
the scene for a "Turn Around" resupply
run which also protected them from enemy
action. Most of this exodus occurred at
dusk on the day of landing. The sudden
emptiness, after the long day's teeming ef-
fort, was always startling.
A command ship, and some LSTs or
other specially designated ships, remained
in the area and continued to assist with the
casualties until the reinforcement group
was due to arrive. This group moved in
on the third day or later.
Unarmed, Geneva-protected hospital ships
are distinctively painted white with red
crosses and a green band, so they cannot be
mistaken for combatant vessels. These hos-
pital ships never travel in the company of
the invasion fleets. They were scheduled to
arrive between convoys, and when it was
anticipated that the number of accumu-
lated casualties would warrant. Thus at
Kwajelein, two such ships arrived on the
third day, at Saipan on the second day, at
Guam on the second day. They stayed
only as long as the light held. The Geneva
convention precludes their black-out, so
they must load and go — or serve as beacons
for attacking enemy night bombers, sub-
marines, and suicide boats.
These ships are fully equipped floating
hospitals, with medical and surgical staffs
capable ol performing any kind of surgery.
They carry an average of 500 patients each.
In the planning stage of amphibious
operations, arrangements always were made
with navy and army hospitals, in the vari-
ous ports to which the ships leaving the
assault area would go, to hold a certain
number of beds in readiness. Without this
bed-credit system, a ship loaded with
casualties might have returned to face de-
lays in delivering its wounded to hospitals
and in sailing on its next mission.
Usually on D-Day and every day there-
after, courier planes arrived in the combat
area. They were sea planes, tender-based,
carrying official mail, personnel, and essen-
tial re-supply of critical material, including
whole blood. At times these planes were
used also to evacuate selected casualties.
As soon as a landing strip was secured
and cargo runs established, the returning
planes were regularly used for evacuating
casualties. The large majority of wounded
taken from Tinian to Saipan were carried
out by air. In the Iwo Jima and Okinawa
campaigns too, air evacuation played an im-
portant role, though it was secondary to
over-water evacuation.
This then is a composite sketch of the
medical problems faced by the navy in its
mobile war and in the support of the land-
ing forces.
Men in Charge
It has been mentioned that medical of-
ficers sat at the planning tables and were
included in the staffs that directed the field
work of invading continents and island em-
pires. The picture would be incomplete
without adding that the over-all plans
originated in Washington. There the Joint
and Combined Chiefs of Staffs, represent-
ing all branches of the services of U. S. A.
and Great Britain, decided where and
when an invasion was to take place and
what forces were to participate. From this
inception, each successive command added
its work to produce the finished product.
The next command to receive the plans
was the area commander, who assigned the
force commanders and their associates, the
group commanders. These force and group
commanders, in charge of their respective
task organizations, elaborated on the essen-
tial directives as they were originally re-
ceived, obtained all available intelligence,
formulated their needs and put all the
plans into what was called an Attack
Order for their forces and groups.
The execution of these amphibious opera-
tions was carried out almost entirely by
naval reserve personnel — a statement true
also for medical and hospital corps.
Many of the ships, when they had per-
formed their assigned function with one
task organization, were immediately re-
leased and transferred to another one, and
thus they went from invasion to invasion.
It was the staff medical officer's respon-
sibility to foresee these shifts, and to make
sure that such ships would not be counted
on to play a role in casualty handling. It
was also his responsibility to assure each
ship of medical resupply at the advanced
base to which the casualties were brought.
Provision had also to be made for the pos-
sible loss of a ship, which meant not only
the loss of space, personnel, and materials,
but also an added casualty load for other
ships.
The fluid nature of this complex medical
job makes it impossible to draw up a true
organizational chart of its hierarchies and
lines of duty. The two constants of these
years of amphibious medicine appear to
have been: it changed; and it worked.
Vice Admiral Mclntire
The task organizations were essentially
executive arms of the navy, and not ad-
ministrative organizations. The administra-
tion was carried out along well established
channels centering in the Navy Depart-
ment; medically, in the office of the^ Chief
of the Bureau of Medicine and Surgery,
Ross T. Mclntire, first doctor to hold the
rank of Vice Admiral.
All orders originated at the Bureau and
all reports ended there. It was the Bureau
that provided and assigned key personnel.
All supplies were procured and distributed
by the Bureau, with its main medical supply
depot in Brooklyn, N. Y., but other large
depots in key bases the world over. The
primary depot for the Pacific area is in
Pearl Harbor, but storerooms are found in
all important advanced bases. Many supply
and cargo ships were provided with medi-
cal stores for re-issue to ships of the fleet.
All large ships were responsible for helping
out the smaller ones.
The U. S. Army Command was also al-
ways ready to fill the requisitions of the
ships in the staging and combat zones, just
as the navy was ever ready to share with
the army all its supplies — and larger for-
tunes— during their efforts for victory.
446
SURVEY GRAPHIC
SPECIAL BOOK SECTION
LETTERS AND LIFE
Morality in the Modern World
HARRY HANSEN
IN THE PRESENT CONFUSED STATE OF THE
world the search for security, individual
and national, has become so feverish that
ancient standards of right, justice, and
morality are distorted daily to serve some
special purpose.
Justification for the most horrible prac-
tices in the history of man, such as mass
murder by gas and dissection of living hu-
man bodies, was found in high-sounding
aims by our enemies; whereas we, on our
side, went to prodigious effort to create the
most devastating explosive known to man-
kind and used it on two open cities — with
the explanation that this would save Ameri-
cans from being killed in frontal assault.
The term "rationalization" is used freely to
excuse practically everything on the ground
that the action is feasible, logical, and use-
ful and this applies to individuals as well
as to groups and communities.
The Place of Conscience
So it is only natural that religious leaders
and philosophers, like students of society,
should begin to renew discussion of the
place «f the conscience in all these matters,
meaning thereby not merely a sense of
responsibility for the common good but a
recognition of moral values that transcend
material advantage. The criticism of the
clergy, however, no longer makes the head-
lines, while the philosophers speak either
to the restricted circles of their college
classes or address that small body of men
willing to take time to weigh unpopular
matters.
There is more hope in the latter than in
the former, for the effectiveness of warn-
ings by the religious has been dulled and
many leading men today merely give lip
service to the church and evade argument.
The colleges, however, address impression-
able youth, and books by philosophers who
avoid mysticism may get a hearing from in
telligent readers, among them, possibly,
some of those trying to put international
relations on a secure basis.
This makes me very much interested in
the way Ralph Barton Perry, professor of
philosophy at Harvard, has discussed the
development of conscience in human affairs
and its place in the coming world order in
his new book, "One World in the Mak-
ing."* It is not accident that the title re-
minds one of Wendell Willkie's, for the
book is dedicated to him as "the first pri-
vate citizen of that One World which.
*"ONE WORLD IN THE WAKING," by Ralph
liarton Perry. Current Books, Inc., A. A. Wyn,
publisher. New York. $5.
NOVEMBER 1945
having discovered for himself, he disclosed
to his fellow Americans."
Mr. Perry's support of a world organiza-
tion has been fervent and continuous. His
prescription for democratic progress em-
braces constant readjustment so that equal-
ity and general well being may be better
served, but it avoids sudden, uncertain ex-
periment. His writings on modern affairs
are many; his recent book, "Puritanism and
Democracy," reiterated the theme that so-
ciety rises as the individual rises, for the
individual must know the moral bases of
right and wrong, good and evil, and act
on them with the exercise of mind and
conscience. As a pragmatic philosopher,
Mr. Perry is convinced that this alone will
make international cooperation workable.
"The realist," says Mr. Perry in this new
book, "will adapt his action to the terrain
and to the strength and maneuvers of the
enemy, but he will also look ahead to the
distant future — his feet on the ground, but
his eyes in the front of his head. In other
words, the more realistic, the more idealis-
tic." This is compatible with the belief that
what benefits the man or the nation in the
long run also serves the purpose of aims
not immediately materialistic.
"It is of the essence of the moral man
that he is on his way, somewhere between
what is and what ought to be." This, he
argues, is also true of the citizens of a
democracy. It is not true that only com-
munism is dynamic and democracy merely
static — democracy is begun, not finished,
and we are on our way.
Thus, Mr. Perry accepts things as they
are only on the basis of what they ought to
be, aware that we cannot move forward if
we throw away all our tools. "Nations can-
not suspend their lives or their governments
or their responsibility to their peoples until
they can all be housed in the new inter-
national structure."
Moral Education vs. Indoctrination
Every teacher has theories of how the
brave new world shall be educated and Mr.
Perry offers his, but they are actually more
national than international. One reform,
however, is related to his main thesis: he
thinks that those dealing with the "moral
sciences," meaning politics, law, and eco-
nomics, and the constructive side of psy-
chology and sociology, should make "their
moral end explicit, instead of leaving it to
their readers and students, who, pursuing
other studies as well and therefore taking a
rounder view of the matter, must teach it
to their teachers."
(All books orJrrrJ through Survey Associates, Inc., will hr
For moral education is the most impor-
tant part of education, yet "only preachers
and parents have the courage to admit that
they engage in this kind of educating, and
the preachers try to pretend that they are
not 'preachers,' while the parents try to
sit at the feet of their children." Mr. Perry
denies that moral education can be left to
itself, even though teachers be accused of
indoctrination.
Even the teacher who refuses to implant
any positive beliefs on the ground of inter-
fering with the students' freedom, must at
least implant in them this respect for free-
dom, by example if not by precept, and
thus enlarge the students' social usefulness.
"It should be made extremely difficult, if
not impossible, for the members of such an
institution to remain unfree."
>
Morality and Religion
The world order of the future must be
based on moral institutions. Such morality,
argues Mr. Perry, begins in the mind of
the individual and influences nations and
associated nations. The experiences of the
war have brought home to the individual
the helplessness of the isolated man, the
interdependence of all. The horrors let
loose on the world have caused a revulsion
that is deep and personal.
Human misery has been portrayed in
words and pictures, in voices over the air,
in letters from soldiers at the front. These
have evoked a resentment of cruelty, a pity
for the unfortunate victims that cannot be
forgotten lightly. Even those who were
irritated because the orderly routines of
their lives were disturbed can hardly be
indifferent to what caused the disturbance.
Thus, conscience is awakened and a new
moral fervor established by concrete
experience.
Since Mr. Perry is not a theologian, he
cannot argue that to observe the moral
order is to observe the laws of God and
let it go at that. He is not one to believe
that dogma alone can keep man from fol-
lowing his worst impulses. He values re-
ligion for its usefulness and in its place,
but he reminds us that the moral unity
of the world must for some time to come
embrace both theists and atheists and must
be achieved by their united effort. "He
who insists that morality is inseparable
from theism takes ground similar to thai
of his dearest opponents. For Marxism has
affirmed that morality is inseparable from
dialectin! materialism — from atheism.
Meanwhile, it is fortunate that the civil
order of mankind is not obliged to attend
postpaid)
447
upon the chills and fevers of theistic belief
and unbelief."
In thus building up the "half-religion of
human morality," Mr. Perry puts it on
grounds that must appeal to a world more
interested in its material than its spiritual
welfare. Basically he will have to argue
that morality in international relations must
be cultivated because it pays. In more direct
terms we say democracy pays; we are try-
ing to establish democracy in Germany
and Japan and we are trying to persuade
the Soviet Union that our definition of
democracy holds more hope for the world
than its own. There is a gigantic job for
Mr. Perry's global education!
Nations have fought for their ways of
looking at life and the world; their own
attitudes are based on experience. We are
vulnerable ourselves. Mr. Perry has some
pertinent criticism of publicity, which is
simply propaganda for commercial pur-
poses and often makes one doubt that a
moral sense operates in the publicist.
Mr. Perry is right in this — that the indi-
vidual must firmly believe in moral princi-
ples before nations can act on them. For
centuries the authority of the great religions
stood behind the moral conscience of man-
kind. For many that authority has broken
down. As a teacher who believes in free-
dom, Mr. Perry is exceedingly shy of moral
education and at the same time aware of its
great need. Perhaps the solution lies in
accentuating the lessons of the humanities
and social sciences.
THE CHRISTIAN ANSWER, by Paul J.
Tillich, Theodore M. Greene, George F.
Thomas, Edwin E. Aubrey, John Knox.
Edited, with an introduction, by Henry P.
Van Dusen. Scribner. #2.50.
THIS LITTLE BOOK IS OF MORE THAN ORDIN-
ary significance. It is a product of group
thinking at its best. The five writers are
members of what is known as "The Theo-
logical Discussion Group" numbering
thirty-eight theologians who have been
working together for ten years. This vol-
ume is a product of their collaboration.
It is addressed primarily to "thoughtful
men and women who stand somewhat out-
side the Christian tradition, and yet who
are moved by the events of our time to
inquire whether Christian faith may not
hold truth and power which they have
neglected and of which they and their
world stand in need." Professor Tillich pre-
sents a diagnosis of the world situation
and indicates "guideposts" for the framing
of the "Christian answer" which the other
writers undertake to formulate.
Professor Tillich sees the world situation
as resulting from the "triumph and the
crisis" of bourgeois society. The bourgeois
revolution first enthroned reason as "the
power of truth and justice embodied in
man as man." But the faith that reason
could produce an automatic harmony in
human affairs has been disappointed. Man
is not fully rational; there are non-rational
factors in his nature. Furthermore, the con-
ception of reason itself has been altered,
and "technical reason" has achieved as-
cendancy, only to invite all manner of
vitalisuc revolts against the resulting mech-
anization of life.
Religion is inextricably involved in this
process, which Professor Tillich finds il-
lustrated in art in the transition from
Giotto, through Titian to Rembrandt. In
Giotto, a transcendent reality gave meaning
to life. In Titian, "the divinity of the
human and the humanity of the divine fur-
nished the center of meaning." In Rem-
brandt, the "unique individual" appears
dominated by purposes "without ultimate
meaning" — the triumphant bourgeois type.
What is here symbolized is the destruc-
tion of community, to which Protestantism
has contributed in some measure by creat-
ing "alongside itself a secular sphere which
step by step invaded and mastered the reli-
gious sphere." In our time, the sense of
spiritual rootlessness has given rise to at-
tempts to reestablish community on the
basis of "antibourgeois doctrines." In this
welter of forces the Church must formulate
a message "born out of the depths of our
present historical situation."
Professor Greene and Professor Thomas
bring the central doctrines of historic
Christianity into confrontation with the
secular alternatives of humanism and na-
turalism. Here is a concise, earnest, un-
technical presentation of the essentials of
Christian doctrine. The appeal is to those
"who possess the humility, the earnestness,
the sense of awe, and the capacity for utter
devotion to God and man which are simul-
taneously the condition and the criterion of
religious insight."
In the two chapters contributed by Pro-
fessor Aubrey and Professor Knox the
basis of the Christian social ethic is out-
lined, the moral dilemma of the individual
in an unregenerate social order is por-
trayed, and the perennial Christian answer
to the human predicament is unfolded.
Executive Secretary F. ERNEST JOHNSON
Federal Council of Churches
THE PRICE OF PEACE by Sir William Bev-
eridge. Norton. $2.
OUT OF A PROFOUND KNOWLEDGE ACQUIRED
in a lifetime study of man and his struggle,
out of a human heart which has never lost
its warmth, Sir William Beveridge writes a
clear, concise, and convincing argument for
morality. I do not use the word in any
narrow sense, but rather in a sense of a
spiritual awareness.
Sir William does not find the causes of
war to be either in the pugnacity of man-
kind, nor in the injustices of the economic
system. The causes of war, he feels, are to
be found in ambition, revenge and, primar-
ily, in fear.
These are not glib or superficial con-
clusions: they are to be found in the pages
of recent history — the pages which many
of us have helped to write. We must read
them well if we care to face the respon-
sibility for what is written on the pages of
tomorrow.
Sir William argues with brilliance and
simplicity that if we would remove the
causes of war — -revenge and fear — we must
achieve "compulsory arbitration by an im-
partial tribunal applied to all disputes and
backed by overwhelming force." This pre-
supposes that the Great Powers, which at
the moment wield the overwhelming force,
will decide to use their .power, not for na-
tional advantage, but for the common good
of world order.
I do not presume to enter into the argu-
ment on national sovereignty, or regional-
ism versus world federation — I leave those
questions to those who are sure of the
answers. The point here is the deep and
desperately urgent need for a moral convic-
tion that must be achieved by nations and
by individuals: a conviction that there can
and will be a "positive alternative to war
as a means of settling disputes between na-
tions." Sir William suggests that this
"positive alternative" be an impartial tri-
bunal which, he holds, can be set up and
must be obeyed.
It is this call to an approach rather than a
program, this belief in justice and its ef-
ficacy, this faith in the capacity for good in
his fellow-man which marks this latest of
Sir William's books, and all who ponder
seriously and humbly, in these bewildering
days, would do well to read it.
JULIE D'ESTOURNELLES DE CONSTANT
Assistant Director
Woodrow Wilson Foundation
PIONEERS IN WORLD ORDER, edited by
Harriet Eager Davis. Columbia University
Press. $2.75.
NEARLY THREE HUNDRED AMERICANS PAR-
ticipated in various aspects of the League of
Nations — in spite of the supposed isolation-
ism of opinion in the United States from
1920 to 1939. The names signed to the six-
teen chapters of this book are with but one
exception men and women who had re-
ceived official appointments by a League
organ.* The foreword is by Raymond Fos-
dick who served as Under-Secretary Gen-
eral during that early and sadly brief pe-
riod between the signing of the Covenant
at Versailles and the rejection of it by the
United States Senate. These Americans,
from various sections of the country, knew
that they lived in One World nearly a
quarter of a century before Wendell Will-
kie made current that .pregnant phrase.
Although the subjects vary, the approach
is generally the same: an explanation of the
formal framework under which the work
was undertaken, an account of the achieve-
ments, and an appraisal of the value of the
experiences for the future.
It would be presumptuous for a review
to criticize technically such a variety of sub-
jects presented by recognized authorities in
each field. But certain definite impressions
are created by each chapter, as to the value
* Foreword, by Raymond B. Fosdick; The Frame-
work of Peace, by Arthur Sweetser; Security, by
James T. Shotwell; Disarmament, by Laura Puffer
Morgan, with foreword by Mary E. Woolley; The
World Court, by Manley O. Hudson; Internationa]
Civil Service, by Frank G. Boudreau; The Interna-
tional Labor Organization, by Carter Goodrich; Con-
trol of Special Areas, by Sarah Wambaugh : De--
pendent Peoples and Mandates, by Huntington Gil-
christ; World Economics, by Henry F. Grady; Inter-
national Double Taxation, by Mitchell B. Carroll;
Standardizing World Statistics, by E. Dana Durand;
Dangerous Drugs, by Herbert L. May; International
Health Work, by Frank G. Boudreau; Refugees, by
James G. McDonald; Social Problems, by Elsa
Castendyck; The League of Minds, by Malcolm W.
Davis.
448
SURVEY GRAPHIC
for the future world organization ot these
technical experiences. The World Court,
ILO, Dangerous Drugs, International
Health Work, The League of Minds (in-
tellectual cooperation) seem ready to be in-
corporated into the United Nations Or-
ganization with slight change. The chap-
ter on Security has chiefly historical value.
Refugees and Social Problems are already
included in UNRRA planning. Dependent
Peoples and Mandates clarifies the status of
the sovereignty of mandated areas, and
should assist public opinion to understand
the problems of trusteeship. Alternate pro-
posals for handling this very difficult prob-
lem help to define the issues on one of the
•most controversial political subjects.
International Civil Service raises a thorny
point often discussed in Geneva — -the role
of the Secretary General, efficient servant or
vigorous leader? This problem will arise in
the new organization. Other chapters seem
sadly dated. The disarmament proposals
show no conception of the role of new
weapons, or the effect on the whole indus-
trial life of a nation of suppression of heavy
industry. Control of Special Areas does not
seem to provide machinery suitable to pres-
ent conditions.
Two chapters stand out as clear beacons
for the coming world — the Framework of
Peace and World Economics. "The real
purposes for which the League was founded
are best served by calling, not for the same
old League, but for a Union of Nations
which by taking advantage of both the
good and the bad in the first experience,
may grant to itself the power to accom-
plish what the League could not."
HELEN HOWF.LL MOORHEAD
Washington Bureau
Foreign Policy Association
THE SPRINGFIELD PLAN, photographs by
Alexander Alland. text by James Waterman
Wise. Viking. #2.50.
THE STORY OF THE SPRINGFIELD
PLAN, by Clarence I. Chatto and Alice L.
Halligan. Barnes Si Noble. $2.75.
THE SPRINGFIELD PLAN FOR ACHIEVING
racial and religious understanding and har-
mony between groups in a polyglot com-
munity has attracted countrywide attention.
And yet it is nothing novel in itself. It
represents an ingenious use of resources in
school and community ready at hand in
virtually any school with the will to em-
ploy them.
As Superintendent Granrud remarks in
his introduction to "The Story of the
Springfield Plan": "It is neither a rigid
plan nor an authoritative guide. It is a
flexible program designed to meet the prob-
lems of one community. In developing its
program, Springfield made liberal use of
the traditions and democratic practices ac-
cepted in other communities throughout
the country." Springfield is distinctive in
that under John Granrud's direction it has
the courage to practice what most Ameri-
can schools preach.
These two books describe the work of
the schools in relation to the community on
two different levels. "The Springfield Plan"
is an extremely able and clever birdseye
"Teachers representative of all elements in the community." One of Alexander Alland'*
photographs for "The Springfield Plan"
view in pictures and text of school and com-
munity activities in Springfield. Some sixty
photographs reinforce admirably thumbnail
sketches of the idea or the project thus de-
picted. This book demonstrates the con-
structive possibilities of the tabloid method
in publicizing a school system's operations.
"The Story of the Springfield Plan" is
written for the educator and the layman
who wishes to secure a more detailed un-
derstanding of the Springfield program. Its
authors are the curriculum director and the
director of adult education in the Spring-
field schools. They speak out of firsthand
experience and have prepared a modestly
written type study of the way in which the
city has used its schools to build tolerant
and understanding relations in children and
adults in a city that has added to an
originally Protestant and New England
stock representatives from every country in
Europe and diverse religious faiths — Protes-
tant, Roman Catholic, Greek Orthodox,
Russian Orthodox, Jewish.
When Superintendent Granrud began
his work "there existed in Springfield . . .
the paradox of a hybrid school population
and an almost exclusively Protestant Anglo-
Saxon administrative and teaching staff."
His first step was to employ teachers rep-
resentative of all elements in the commun-
ity.
His second was to organize committees
composed of these representatives to help
formulate administrative and supervisory
policies for the schools. Courses of study
originate out of the cooperative planning
of the teachers and supervisors who are
charged with the responsibility of working
directly with the children. Experiments are
encouraged; and when one teacher or one
school develops a promising lead, others
learn about it and are encouraged to in-
corporate it in their situation, with appro-
priate modifications.
Third, the children likewise participate,
drawing upon their own backgrounds in
such a way as to develop confidence in
their origins, to cement relations between
children and their elders, and to develop
within the classroom an atmosphere of mu-
tual respect regardless of race or creed. In
chapters replete with specific illustrations,
the authors paint an intimate picture of a
modern school putting to work progressive
methods of learning and teaching and
teacher training with specific reference to
the problem of intercultural living.
A fourth characteristic of the Springfield
program is its use of the community. Not
only are parents involved in the school but
through a citizen's Adult Education Coun-
cil and the Bureau of Adult Education in
the schools a rich program of adult educa-
tion is provided. This meets the needs of
formal education for adults but goes fur-
ther, stimulating cultural programs and
public forums that involve representatives
of capital and labor and of all races and all
religions.
Finally, through a placement bureau,
graduates of the school are guided into the
world of adult life and employers are en-
couraged to provide opportunities for mem-
bers of minority groups.
There is an appendix of source material
helpful to lay and professional workers.
Education director V. T. THAYER
Ethical Culture Schools, New
THE CITY IS THE PEOPLE, by Henry S.
Churchill. Reynal & Hitchcock. $3.
HERE is A BOOK ON CITY PLANNING THAT
anybody can read and everybody ought to.
Reading it, moreover, will be a pleasure
rather than a chore, for its story is so en-
gagingly told that even those portions
which have technical implications are easy
to follow.
Henry Churchill is evidently on guard
NOVEMBER 1945
449
against the peculiar state of affairs in his
profession, wherein planners write and talk
mainly for the benefit of each other, and
he has been successful in breaking away
from the unfortunate habit. His book is
addressed to the great general public — to
the people of the cities and towns and their
country cousins, too — who must understand
the essentials of planning, must know what
they want done and have some idea of
how to get it done, before even the best of
plans can come to anything more than bun-
dles of blueprints gathering dust.
A non-professional reader finishing this
book could scarcely expect to sit down and
forthwith plan a city. He should, how-
ever, be in a greatly improved position to
see what the technicians charged with a
planning job are driving at, what they are
up against, and whether they are really
coming to grips with the problem. Above
all, he should be enabled to see what he
and his fellow citizens must do in order
that good plans may be carried out.
Mr. Churchill begins with a sprightly ac-
count of how towns were planned in the
past and why many of the old European
cities still present a charming picture. He
goes on to tell how, with the coming of the
industrial revolution and the well-nigh uni-
versal acceptance of the doctrine of laissez
faire — the belief that if everybody pursued
self-interest as hoggishly as possible every-
thing would automatically work out for
the common good — city planning in the
nineteenth century and after reached an
all-time low and our own urban commun-
ities drifted into their present predicament.
From the analysis contained in this his-
torical sketch, it becomes clear what must
be done, physically, legally, and fiscally, to
take the situation in hand and change the
urban pattern into what is required for the
modern age.
There is no planning as such in the
book, although there are some good illus-
trations. There are, in fact, no specific
recommendations. But the reader who is
prepared to use a little imagination should
have no difficulty in drawing up his own
program of civic action. If the book is as
widely read as it deserves to be, competent
planners will have their work made easier,
but the phonies and the spectacular bluffers
will have theirs made harder.
Board of editors. Fortune GUY GREEK
SMOULDERING FREEDOM, by Isabel de
Palencia. Longmans, Green. #3.
As WITH HER EARLIER BOOK, ISABEL DE
Palencia through "Smouldering Freedom"
leaves the reader with an overwhelming
sense of shame — not that this is the pur-
pose of her book, far from it. One feels
shame that the countries that talk the loud-
est about democracy have been so blind,
so timorous, so selfish in their attitude to-
ward the long struggle of the Spanish pa-
triots against the forces of fascism as typi-
fied by Franco.
Even today we only say we do not like
Franco. At a time when the people's gov-
ernment of Spain was in most desperate
straits we self-righteously enforced a non-
intervention policy through which, how-
ever, German and Italian aid to Franco
was able to go, although the patriots could
get no help. It is impossible to read this
moving story without becoming a partisan,
without desiring passionately that Spain
"may someday be helped to recover its free-
dom, and that the traitors who sold their
country to German and Italian interests
may be forced to go the way that other
traitors go."
Senora de Palencia warns that: "One of
the greatest and most dangerous errors
among the many that we could put to the
debit of the democratic countries would be
the thought that, once Germany and Italy
are subdued, there would be nothing to
fear from Franco. Spaniards know that
there is everything to fear; that Spain in
the hands of the 'generalissimo' and
Falange can and will be the breeding
ground of a new army of democracy's
enemies — a more powerful, experienced
and well-equipped army than they had be-
fore; that Spain, in Franco's hands, would
be th? channel through which the virulent
fascist poison would flood the Spanish-
speaking republics of America."
She pleads eloquently for our "under-
standing and respect for the rights of the
Spanish people," and cautions that "mainte-
nance of relations with the Spanish dictator
can only result in upheavals and violence
in our long-suffering country, for of course
the Spaniards are determined to get back
their country and their freedom, happen
what may."
Americans shocked at recent revelations
of German brutalities at Belsen, Dachau
and other camps should learn, through this
book, that similar brutalities were practiced
earlier against Spanish patriots — and they
suffered not alone in Spain. Senora de
Palencia cites a Paris dispatch from Rus-
sell Hill, American newspaperman, stating
that "out of 500,000 Spanish refugees who
entered France in 1939, no less than 140,-
000 have succumbed to hunger and priva-
tions. Of the remaining 360,000, a large
number have been taken by force into
Spain and murdered, others have died in
exile, and many more have been killed in
action on the battlefronts of the Allied na-
tions."
The cruel hardships of Spaniards today,
at home or in exile, are a shocking contrast
to the complacency of our people on the
notable victories over Germany and Japan.
Franco remains in power — less sure of him-
self, to be sure; thousands of his political
enemies remain in Spanish prisons. Senora
de Palencia points out that despite Franco's
published announcement that political pri-
soners are to be freed, "prisoners who were
officially informed two years ago that their
liberty was only a question of hours are
still in jail. Others, who like a relative of
mine, were freed some months ago, have
been sent to jail again. . . . Franco may
succeed in deceiving the world by these de-
vices and manage to stay in power some
time longer, but he will not deceive his
people."
The other aspect of this book which
stands out clearly is the contribution being
made to the culture of Mexico by the Span-
ish emigres and the warmth felt by them
for that country which alone, with open-
hearted generosity and courage in the face
of the example of other more powerful
democracies made them welcome.
One of the amazing and touching things
about this notable book is that the author,
no less than the tragic farewell letters she
cites from Spaniards about to die before fir-
ing squads, express no rancor against those
who should have understood the true mean-
ing of what was happening in Spain. This
generosity merely makes more compelling
our responsibility for getting rid of Franco,
for restoring the liberty of the Spaniards to
chose their own government.
ELINORE M. HERRICK
New Yorf( Herald Tribune
FOREVER CHINA, by Robert Payne. Dodd,
Mead. £3.50.
ROBERT PAYNE is \ YOUNG ENGLISHMAN
with a remarkably sensitive style, who has
been a foreign correspondent, shipwright,
armament officer in Singapore, and pro-
fessor of English literature at two Chinese
universities. "Forever China" presents in
diary form some of his experiences in
China during the fateful two-and-a-half
years from December 1941 until the spring
of 1944.
It is a diary in which, almost obsessed
with the colors and forms about him, the
author attempts to convey his feeling that
there is something uniquely beautiful and
promising about China and the Chinese
people. But, above all, these pages are an
expression of faith in China's students and
teachers, who endured so much in the long
war with Japan.
Throughout the book there are amaz-
ingly penetrating descriptions of people and
things: the longing of university people for
new books; the prayer of a Buddhist priest;
the execution of a group of bandits; the
crying of undernourished children; and the
genius of a blind story-teller. So effective is
the style that the first one hundred or two
hundred pages weave a spell about the
reader.
But the piling of description upon de-
scription later becomes tiresome — for the
book is far too long • — and the highly liter-
ary approach frequently makes one wonder
whether Mr. Payne has not remoulded
China nearer to his heart's desire. One is
inclined to agree with the anonymous Chi-
nese, who was shown the diary and is
quoted as protesting: "But you have made
us much more idealistic than we are!"
Mr. Payne apparently belongs to the gen-
eration of intellectuals who were nurtured
on T. S. Eliot's "Wasteland," but later
replaced the utter disillusionment of that
poem with a certain spirit of hope. Never-
theless, the weariness of Eliot and the ten-
dency to make the commonplace seem pro-
found without really casting new light on
it are both found here, especially when the
author describes the ideas of his friend,
Bergery. There is sometimes a straining
after effect, epitomized in the statement
about Chungking that "we wondered why
this city, whose name in Chinese contains
the character for 'love,' should be so terrible
450
SURVEY GRAPHIC
to us still." (Actually, the name, Chung-
king, does not contain the character for
' "love," but even if it did the point would
be a purely artificial one.)
Although the preface declares that "there
is nothing of politics here, or so little that
it may pass unobserved," the various brief
references, direct and indirect, to the politi-
cal situation are of such a character as to
gloss over China's internal problems. It is
especially surprising to find that, while the
universities have been centers of political
criticism, there is virtually no reference to
this fact, and the entire emphasis is on the
timeless optimism of students and profes-
sors.
Yet, despite its shortcomings, "Forever
China" remains a highly original work, a
tribute to the character and potentialities
of the Chinese people, and a revelation of
the author's skill and feeling as a writer.
LAWRENCE K. ROSINGER
Foreign Policy Association
THE AUTHORITARIAN ATTEMPT TO
CAPTURE EDUCATION. Papers from
the 2d Conference on the Scientific Spirit
and Democratic Faith. New York, King's
Crown Press. #2.50.
THIS VOLUME CONSTITUTES A FRONTAL AT-
tack on reaction in education. Participants
in the 1944 Conference on the Scientific
Spirit and Democratic Faith, including
John Dewey, Sidney Hook, and others, con-
centrated on the educational issue because
of a conviction that "certain organized
movements in education constituted a
threat" to science and democracy.
The nature of this threat is discussed by
Jerome Nathanson in the preface to the
volume in terms of "the struggle between
those who would dominate and exploit hu-
man beings for their own ends, and those
who would free them for the realization
in common of their best possibilities." Pro-
fessor Dewey, in a "preliminary essay," as-
sails the reactionary critics for attempting
to return to the dualistic separation of the
"intellectual" and the "practical," of the
liberal and servile arts, that marked the
feudal age — a move which he characterizes
as a form of "social and moral quackery."
The task before us, Dewey says, is to hu-
manize science; to see to it that science,
education, and the democratic cause meet
as one.
In other papers in the volume Hook illus-
trates by examples his contention that "the
authoritarian tendency is at work in educa-
tion"; Arthur Murphy points out that tradi-
tional materials are not valuable merely if
they are traditional, but only if they are
true — that it is truth, not tradition, that
makes men free; and Irwin Edman coun-
sels us not to disregard and disparage all
literature and art of the present "as over
against the great tradition."
One very useful section of the volume
Harry Gideonse, Bruce Bliven, Bernard
smith) inquires soberly into the question
»s to whether free communication in press
md radio actually can be achieved. Still
mother (Gerald Wendt and A. J. Carlston)
onsiders the problem of "Science and the
-iumanization of Society." In his paper,
that are tvorkts of art!
created by
—here are the Christmas cards you've been
reading about! . . . These Ambassadors of
Good- Will have been created for you by
America's foremost living artists . . .
They'll serve you with honor, and pay
warm respect to your friends' good taste.
. . . Because every card is an authentic
reproduction of a genuine work of art
your friends will cherish them for their
Christmas import and treasure them
long after for their intrinsic beauty.
Pi-ire
«o
AVAILABLE AT THE
BETTER STORES
SURVEY GRAPHIC GIFT RATES
First one year gift subscription plus
The British and Ourselves, $2.
Each additional gift subscription, only $1.50
ORDER FORM SLIPPED IN THIS ISSUE
NOVEMBER 1945
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
431
Los Angeles calls these young American-born Mexicans "pachucos." Look Magazine photo-
graph from "One Nation"
Wendt argues for education as the final
hope — education, however, of a different
kind from what we have hitherto had, one
that "will liberate the scientific spirit";
while Carlston insists that scientists will
have to come out of their ivory towers —
otherwise "there is not going to be much
left either of science or of man."
The latter half of the volume reports a
series of forum discussions on progressive
education, "liberating education," voca-
tional training, and the teaching of dog-
matic religion in a democratic society. In
his argument in behalf of progressive edu-
cation V. T. Thayer stresses concern for
human personality. That "a liberating edu-
cation is an exploring education," is A. D.
Henderson's thesis.
In the vocational training section Edwin
A. Burtt and others consider the possibility
of a kind of vocational education that will
justify it as the medium for democratic
citizenship in a cooperative world; and in
the religion and education discussion, Hor-
ace L. Friess takes the position that "a
democratic society has need of special faith
in the value of shared experiences and liber-
ation in reaching decisions."
Chapel Hill, N. C. W. CARSON RYAN
A RISING WIND, by Walter White.
Doubleday, Doran. #2.
"A RISING WIND" is A 155-PAGE REPORT BY
Walter White, executive secretary of the
National Association for the Advancement
of Colored People, on his observations and
experiences while serving as a newspaper
correspondent in the European war the-
ater. The book, written in a swiftly mov-
ing reportorial style, answers a good many
of the questions constantly raised regarding
Negro Americans serving in the armed
forces overseas: What are these men do-
ing? What are the relationships between
whites and Negroes fighting the same war
in the same army? How have their racial
experiences affected the morale of Negro
troops? What hope is there for a sounder
democracy and deeper understanding be-
tween races as a result of the common ex-
periences shared in history's greatest war?
Insofar as Mr. White gives the answers
to these questions, they are deeply disturb-
ing. They present an unfavorable picture of
governmental leadership and of the white
commissioned officers who represent that
government as they lead, supervise or plan
for the activities of Negro troops.
The reader of "A Rising Wind" will feel
that we have had not one, but two armies
overseas, and that the white army was un-
able to concentrate completely on the busi-
ness of winning the war because of its
anxiety that members of the Negro army
should not share all the fruits of victory.
In paying tribute to the personal broad-
mindedness of General Eisenhower, the
author emphasizes that the personal atti-
tudes of the Supreme Commander of the
Allied Forces were frequently thwarted or
distorted by the time they reached the
lower ranks of commissioned officers who
were in direct contact with Negro troops.
The American Red Cross comes in for
an unfavorable evaluation at several points,
though high praise is given to the devo-
tion and skill of Negro Red Cross workers
serving Negro troops.
The reader is apt to close the book with
an unsatisfied feeling. He wishes that Mr.
White had stayed longer — or written at
greater length about certain aspects of
Negro-white relationships in the American
army. For instance, the court-martialing of
two Negro privates who protested against
their being addressed as "niggers" by a
white captain of Military Police; the man-
ner in which the American Red Cross has
taken over the segregationist policies of the
army; the allegedly common practice of as-
signing Negro college graduates, even with
postgraduate degrees, to manual labor units
— these are incidents which are gravely
prophetic of the kind of developments to be
expected if a universal peacetime military
service law is enacted and if military lead-
ership rises to a place of permanent as-
cendancy in our social structure.
Mr. White's volume is a contribution to
current bookshelves, not so much because
of the way in which he disposes of ques-
tions like these, as because of the deep
significance of those questions themselves.
Executive Secretary LESTER B. GRANGER
\ational Urban League
ONE NATION, by Wallace Stegner and the
editors of Look. Houghton, Mifflin. $3.75.
"ONE NATION" TELLS SIMULTANEOUSLY THE
two sides of race relations in the U.S.A.
It is at once the story of prejudice and of
understanding. In a very real sense, it is a
record of the most tragic failure of our
democracy, and also of ways in which we
already are building a community "with
liberty and justice for all."
The project of making this book was
undertaken by the editors of Lool( maga-
zine, who, the foreword explains, "became
increasingly aware of what seemed a grow-
ing wave of intolerance and prejudice."
The staff enlisted the interest of Wallace
Stegner, author of a half dozen successful
novels ("On a Darkling Plain," "Mormon
Country," "Big Rock Candy Mountain"),
who has lived in many sections of the
country, and is now professor of creative
writing at Stanford University.
Mr. Stegner and the Loo\ photographers
spent a year in making the survey and the
book. It is a new sort of book, with text
and pictures so closely related that each
would be incomplete, almost unintelligible,
without the other.
In its five sections, the book deals with
the groups who most cruelly feel the lash
of prejudice in this country: the Pacific
races (Filipinos, Japanese Americans, Chi-
nese); the Mexicans; the American Indians;
the Negroes; and those persecuted for their
faith's sake — the Jews and the Roman
Catholics. It is a shameful record, spreac
out in unsparing photographs and clear
direct words. But along with the Jim Crov
buses and shabby, segregated schools in tr
South, the overcrowded Harlem tenements,
the brutal race riots, it shows the other
record — young Negro college graduates in
cap and gown, the faces of distinguishec
Negro scholars, scientists and artists, viev
of the pleasant bi-racial community
Parkway Gardens, N. Y.
There is the record of the children
Mexican migrants, with their neglectec
health and education, their rootless, over
worked youth. But there is also the stor
of Springfield, Mass., and what is being
accomplished toward unity arid understanc
ing through the "Springfield plan" in that
city's public schools.
The story of each group is thus balanced
This is a book that has much to say to
all Americans, adults and young people,
the wise and the prejudiced. Each page
drives home the message that is made
explicit in Mr. Stegner's conclusion. For he
reminds us that to achieve "a harmony of
our races and creeds into a single nation
... is not a job for Congress or the Presi-
452
SURVEY GRAPHIC
dent or the Supreme Court. It is a job for
the average Americans in every commun-
ity, the Smiths and Johnsons and Browns
in whose image democracy was created."
BEULAH AMIDON
BIG BUSINESS IN A DEMOCRACY, by
James Truslow Adams. Scribner. $2.75.
THE LATEST OF MR. ADAMS' MANY WORKS
is a hurried, highly personal, somewhat
repetitious and admittedly inadequate at-
tempt to make twins out of big business
and democracy.
When Stalin drank a toast at Teheran
to "the miracle of American industrial pro-
duction," big business was officially re-
moved from the doghouse into which the
public had shoved it during the early
Thirties. Now there is danger that the en-
thusiasm of the well deserved praise for its
wartime performance may blind the naive
to the defects and weaknesses which are
inherent in the private enterprise system.
In the first half of this book, Mr. Adams
traces the social evolution of man from the
moment he broke away from the primeval
pack and became an individual, until he
mastered the machine for the economic
well-being of all. In the author's opinion,
from Babylon to New York, business and
invention as carried on by "rugged" in-
dividuals increased population, advanced
knowledge, and encouraged exploration.
The Old World, with its concentration
of land, wealth, and privilege and its lack
of markets, developed a rigid class system.
Finally, to the vastness of America came
"the downtrodden and ambitious"; here
they found freedom and opportunity.
Under the stimulus of peculiarly American
conditions, a classless society flourished —
an ideal environment for the exploitation
of the machine and the growth of mass
production.
Today, the author claims, big business
has a democratic philosophy, illustrated by
General Motors' slogan "More and Better
Things for More People." As the country's
largest producer of munitions and, before
the war, responsible for almost half the out-
put of automobiles and for some 6,000,000
jobs, General Motors is for Mr. Adams a
prime example of good big business, nur-
tured— not by finance capital or govern-
mental subsidy — but by the vision, brains,
and risk of many individuals.
This industrial giant, as he views it, is
mass-minded both as to production and
distribution. Through its system of cen-
trally determined general policies and de-
centralized operations and responsibilities,
its selection of executives solely on the basis
of talent, its high wages, its emphasis on
research — "the soul of competition" — GM
is democratic within. Outside, its size de-
pends on whether it can satisfy the public
as to price, quality, variety, and service.
As evidence that talent rather than privi-
lege prevails, the author mentions Alfred
P. Sloan, Jr., the board chairman. But Mr.
Sloan did not, as Mr. Adams seems to be-
lieve, start in life without an inheritance.
His father helped him get his first job
with the Hyatt Roller Bearing Company,
On
NOVEMBER 1945
HARCOURT, BRACE AND COMPANY
By
LEWIS
MUMFORD
By
STUAR
CHASE
By
.BURGHARDT
DuBOIS
City
Development
N. Y. TIMES: "It offers on a convenient
scale the combination characteristic of
his whole career: earnestness, practical
sense, and charm."
JOSEPH HUDNUT: "A distillation of the
high purpose which has informed a
lifetime of writing." $2.00
/
Men at Work
ORDWAY TEAD: "Stuart Chase presents in
the best tradition of creative journalism
the findings and experiences in signifi-
cant areas of business personnel and
economic pioneering . . . No manager—
of factory, store, philanthropic agency,
hospital or college— could fail to carry
away a score of workable ideas from
this notebook record of social experi-
ments."— Survey Graphic $2.00
Color and
Democracy
COLONIES AND PEACE
N. Y. HERALD TRIBUNE: "An eloquent plea
that until administration of colonies is
planned in terms of the welfare of their
inhabitants, usually colored, rather than
of imperial corporative profit, there can
be no permanent security even for the
biggest powers." $2.00
Just published
An important contribution to our social history
BLACK METROPOLIS
A Study of Negro Life in a Northern City
By ST. CLAIR DRAKE and HORACE R. CAYTON
With an introduction by Richard Wright
Index, charts and diagrams, 809 pages, $5.00
SAVE WASTE FAT — SAVE WASTE PAPER
•mstvering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,/
453
later bought control, placed his son in
charge, and for many months kept the con-
cern going with his personal checks. It is
difficult to believe the author's assertion
that big business is more democratically
managed than family-owned little business.
For one thing, size alone works against it;
for another, little business is less able finan-
cially to withstand the inefficiency of nep-
otism.
To raise the living standards of the
many, Mr. Adams sees two opposing mech-
anisms: on the one hand, big business
operating in a free society under proper
controls and with internal statesmanship;
on the other, a totalitarian and all-powerful
state. He attacks indiscriminately the "cod-
dling philosophy of the New Deal, com-
munism, and other foreign ideologies. ..."
He does not favor going back to the days
of Jay Gould and the robber barons, but he
wants to maintain private enterprise and
incentive — the economic symbols of indi-
vidualism. Most progressive Americans also
want these. >
It is apparent, however, that bigness,
whether of labor, business or government,
is striving to dominate our economy. The
common man must seek security for his
hard-won liberties in a dynamic balance
between all three powers.
Hartford, Conn. ELLSWORTH S. GRANT
LUMBER AND LABOR, by Vernon H.
Jensen. Farrar & Rinehart. #3.
WOOD IS THE OLDEST PRIMARY MATERIAL
used by man. Its abundance, the ease with
which it can be fashioned, its adaptability
to a wide variety of applications, give it an
economic history that extends into the re-
motest past. On this continent the first
settlers employed it from the day they set
foot on the alien shore. Ancient as are the
uses to which this material has been put, in-
dustrialization of woods operations has oc-
curred only within the last four or five
decades. The labor history has been of
even shorter duration. But into these brief
years there have been compressed exploita-
tion of human and natural resources, and
progression from the individualism that
gave rise to the Paul Bunyan legends,
through early revolutionary unionism to
something that was neither company nor
independent unionism, to strong organiza-
tions of workers. It is this almost unknown
story that Professor Jensen tells in his
"Lumber and Labor".
No economic activity, not excepting water-
borne transportation, has been shot through
with a tradition more ruthless and hard-
bitten. Only strong men, whether they were
employers or workers, could survive the
fierce competition that prevailed in the
woods. The apparently inexhaustible sup-
ply of timber tended largely to exceed de-
mand with disastrous effects on prices,
wages, and conditions of employment. The
steady migration of operations from the
eastern seaboard, through the states of
Michigan and Minnesota, to the Gulf States
and the Pacific Coast has also contributed
to the instability of labor relations. Since
1936, at least in the Far West, bitter juris-
dictional conflict has plagued the industry.
Finally, in one union at least, left and right
wing factionalism has created its own pe-
culiar problems.
In spite of these difficulties an unusual
practice of collective bargaining, on an area
basis, has become the prevailing pattern in
the western lumbering regions. It is prob-
able that in no other industry are so many
fiercely competing employers, ranging from
gigantic concerns to small operations,
banded together for the purposes of collec-
tive bargaining, with a single agreement
covering all of them.
Professor Jensen has gathered, from in-
numerable scattered sources, the story of
labor relations in this tempestuous industry.
It is a story romantic, dramatic, sordid, and
at times almost incredible. The author's
tremendous store of detailed information
tends at times to overshadow the basic nar-
rative. Other than this it is an admirable
piece of work that fills a neglected gap in
this country's labor history.
San Francisco, Calif. PAUL ELIEL
WHAT THE SOUTH AMERICANS
THINK OF US, a symposium by Carleton
Beats, Bryce Oliver, Herschel Brickell, and
Samuel Guy Inman. McBride. $3.
FOUR AUTHORS AGAIN ATTEMPT TO EXPLAIN
why Latin Americans — or South Ameri-
can in this case — distrust or dislike us.
The sore spots as they emerge from this
discussion might be grouped under three
heads.
There are the scars of days when we
fussed and blundered, and used big sticks
and marines. These memories we had
hoped were dimmed by our new attitudes,
but unfortunately only Mr. Brickell, who
writes of Colombia and Venezuela, reports
a new generation that despite Panama is
looking forward rather than back.
In a second group are our economic do-
ings, important in the analysis of Mr. Beals
who describes the machinations of inter-
national finance in Peru, Bolivia, and
Ecuador; and of Mr. Inman, who deplores
what we do with regard to beef, oil or
nitrates in Argentina and Chile.
The third group, comprising our culture
and manners, is a matter of concern to all
four authors, whether considering movies
or diplomacy. And as it involves things
not to be changed by the enunciation of
good neighbor policies or a moralization
of economics, it seems the phase of our
contacts on which we must continue to beg
the forebearance of our neighbors.
In fact, as Mr. Oliver points out in his
discussion of Brazil, we often make things
worse by our very efforts to be nice, as
when we startle people without racial
prejudices by our assurances of great toler-
ance. The deep comfort is Uruguay, de-
scribed by Mr. Oliver as populated by the
''don't - give - a - damnedest" people in the
world, and as a result sensitive to little
except that we are not as socially progres-
sive and as democratic as they.
These reports have much that needs to
be said often. Some of the authors have
also provided insight into current events
which both furnish understanding and re-
veal there is more going on in South
America than just the impact of "Yanquis"
on Latins. But as a composite of assigned
tasks the book is uneven, with considerable
rehashing of very old stuff along with the
fresh. Also, some pages display a careless
handling of facts and figures that seems to
reflect the belief that books on Latin
America are not subject to the discipline
expected by the reader in other fields — a
characteristic that Latin Americans, with
their old-fashioned ideas of scholarship,
have already noted. And the unexplained
exclusion of Paraguay will probably pro-
vide future writers with another example
of what makes South Americans think of
us as they do. EARLE K. JAMES
New School for Social Research
MEXICAN VILLAGE, by Josephina Niggli.
University of North Carolina Press. #3.
"MEXICAN VILLAGE" WAS WRITTEN AT A
publisher's request for a book which would
give an authentic picture of life in such a
village. It does that well, and it does a
great deal more, for in ten stories of vary-
ing length it includes an entire valley in
northern New Mexico, its five towns, and
its people.
All the facets a sociologist would look for
are here: love of the valley and the moun-
tains; morals and mores; the manners of
courtship and weddings and liaisons; rever-
ence for authority; the superstitions of a
people suspended between Catholicism and
a pagan Indian religion; village feuds; fight-
ing of men, women, cocks, and bulls; illit-
eracy; goats and goatherds; a quarry; pov-
erty, and the social gulf between landed
aristocrat and tenant.
The stories concern a set of characters
who appear again and again — now as
minor figures in the village life, again in a
sharp narrative focus as leading characters
in a wedding or squabble. Much of this
arrangement in narrative patterns is fic-
tional, though never at the expense of the
picture's essential truth. It is difficult to dis-
tinguish between fiction and fact.
Romance is here in the Castillo family,
landed aristocrats and survivors of the
great Revolution. It rests upon the legend
of a Castillo woman, kidnapped and mar-
ried to an Indian. Bob Webster, superin-
tendent of the quarry, ultimately discovers
that he is of the family Castillo, a family
which includes Don Saturnine, the ancient,
formal Spaniard bent on seeing his name
and lands continue; his son, Joaquin, a
liberal in the Revolution; and his son,
Alejandro, who loved a common wench
and married an empty shell to carry on the
Castillo line. The unity of this romantic
tale dominates the entire book as the Cas-
tillo family dominates the valley. The re-
sult is something very like a novel.
Despite the author's tendency to under-
rate the reader's powers of inference, "Mex-
ican Village" is good reading. The style is
sensitive to the tempo of life in the valley.
Classification of a book, one is aware, is a
small thing; in this instance, it is all but
impossible. There is, however, one nagging
stricture which will not down. The con-
tinuity of the Castillo family theme is so
strong that one reads it for sustained story.
454
SURVEY GRAPHIC
For that reason, it is something of a shock
to see Alejandro die in the eighth story,
only to encounter the suggestion in the
ninth story that he is still a living character.
The book has too much the structure of a
novel to sustain this contradiction.
Lai Vegas, N. M. QUINCY GUY BURRIS
UNCLE SAM'S BILLION-DOLLAR BABY:
A Taxpayer Looks at the TVA, by Fred-
erick L. Collins. Putnam. #2.50.
MR. COLLINS HAS PUBLISHED POPULARIZA-
tions of the FBI and the Homicide Squad.
As a result of talks with many of the "great
figures" and "veterans" of the electric in-
dustry he now has turned these talents to a
book which will doubtless be purchased in
quantity by utility officials and distributed
to their friends.
It is perhaps the influence of his previous
studies that leads him to find in the TVA
a conspiracy of the "national Socialist
Party" - dating back to Carl Thompson
and Stephen Raushenbush and the founda-
tion of the Public Ownership League in
1914 — to take over all American industry,
beginning with electric power, because
Lenin recognized that "state socialism is
electricity plus bookkeeping."
To render the fairly technical material
on payments in lieu of taxes and multiple-
purpose dams more palatable, Mr. Collins
makes his book a folksy story told by Dad
about discussions among the members of
an average American family and their
friends: Mom; daughter, whose fine up-
standing young husband is in the Pacific
with the engineers on leave from his job
with the local electric company; "big, com-
fortable Ed Sanderson," who started as a
lineman and "first thing you know, he
was president of the whole darn company
... I guess that's the way most of the
big men in the electric companies came
up." The defense of TVA is entrusted to
a young professor at the college who travel-
ed in Russia and had a job in Washington
before teaching; he is an unashamed social-
ist and hails TVA as the brightest jewel
in the socialist crown.
This device makes it hard to attribute
any statement to the author. Nevertheless,
because of his constant reference to it, Mr.
Collins is obviously burned up about David
Lilienthal's "Democracy on the March" and
its distribution at the taxpayers'' expense
through the OWI all over the world.
Mr. Collins has trouble with the allo-
cation of the cost of multiple-purpose dams
— as the TVA has had: it's simple to him,
since the dams are power dams, and flood
control and navigation are just the cloak
of the conspiracy. Daughter's upstanding
husband comes back from the Pacific just
in time to give a sound engineer's explana-
tion why flood control and power cannot
be provided by the same dam. (Mr. Collins
is honest enough to state that "many
skilled engineers . . . even among those
who work for the regular electric com-
panies, honestly believe that multiple-pur-
pose dams of the TVA type are O.K., and
they can back up their belief with charts
and figures.")
To me, the most interesting aspect of the
4 IMPORTANT BOOKS FROM THE
GRUNE & STRATTON
MEDICAL
LIBRARY
FOR
THE
LAYMAN
PSYCHOLOGY OF WOMEN
MOTHERHOOD — VOL. II
Helene Deutsch, M.D.
Although primarily written for psychiatrists, medical
men and social workers, this study contains valuable
suggestions for any woman who has been a mother
or hopes to be one. "Like a curtain lifting" . . .$5
PSYCHOLOGY OF WOMEN —GIRLHOOD— VOL i
Helene Deutsch, M.D.
Deals with the early stages of development in which foundations of feminine
personality are laid $4.50
REBEL WITHOUT A CAUSE
Robert M. Linder, Ph. D.
Like a movie, this fascinating story of Harold, a
criminal personality, is unrolled before the reader.
Using a unique hypno-analytic technique, the writer
demonstrates a new approach to this baffling problem,
$4.00
Rctol
wniwut
I a Cause
ROHIRI M IISPMK
ENDOCRINE MAN
L. R. Broster, Surgeon, Charing Cross Hospital
A book destined to be a classic in medical
and general literature. One of the most emi-
nent British surgeons reveals the discoveries
he and his colleagues have made about the
relationship of the glands to the "sub-con-
scious" and the hitherto uncontrollable dic-
tates of "instinct" $3.50
Order directly or from your bookseller
GRUNE & STRATTON
381 Fourth Ave., New York
Now is the Time
To Buy That Extra Victory Bond
ORDER ANY BOOK
described or adver-
tised in this issue
USE THIS COUPON ! ( Books sent postage free anywhere in I S. )
_^ To: Your local bookseller 311 i
or, Doubleday, Dor an Book Shops,
Mail Order Department, 9 Rockefeller Plaza, New York 20, N.Y. I
Please send me the following books for which I enclose $ ; I
(PRINT TITLES OF
BOOKS WANTED )
Name-
Address •
I Zone No. \
| City (IF ANY) Stale
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHICJ
NOVEMBER 1945
455
REVIEWERS
THROUGHOUT THE NATION
ACCLAIM THIS
SIGNIFICANT BOOK
TYPICAL COMMENTS
N. y. Post:
"Biggest news in post-war world."
CIO News:
"Invaluable guide to other com-
munities."
New Republic:
"Counterattack on divisive hate
propaganda."
Saturday Review of Lit. :
"What alert citizens the country
over should read and act upon."
Nat'l Assn. of Mfrs.:
"Full of human interest ... a
practical guide."
New Yorker:
"Deserves to be very, very widely
read."
Journal of Education :
"Thrilling story . . . packed with
incidents, problems, solutions."
Catholic World:
"Should give new hope to those
who believe that the real purpose
of education is ... the citizen."
THIS STIRRING BOOK
TELLS HOW YOU CAN HELP
COUNTERACT GROUP
ANTAGONISMS AND BUILD
A BETTER DEMOCRACY
The STORY of
THE SPRINGFIELD PLAN
One Community's War
Against Prejudice
by C. I. ChaHo and A. L. Halligan
At Your Bookstore. $2.75
BARNES & NOBLE, Inc.
Fifth Av«. at 18th St.. New York 3
book is Collins apparent inability to under-
stand what makes a man like Lilienthal
click. F.D.R. (while his motives are con-
ceded to be quite different from the social-
ists) had his troubles with power in New
York, and Ickes "ran up against a couple
of power tycoons" in Chicago: "That both
these men should carry the chips ... on
their shoulders to Washington was a cinch
.... Lilienthal's attitude is more difficult
to understand. . . . He and his associates
are persons of the highest personal integrity
and proved devotion to the public weal.'
They don't seem to be socialists. Have
they deluded themselves? Apparently the
FBI and the Homicide Squad approach
can't solve this one.
New Yorl( City CHARLES S. ASCHER
THREAD OF VICTORY, by Frank L. Wai-
ton. Fail-child Publishing Co. $3.
THE AUTHOR OF THIS WAR STORY WAS FOR-
merly director of the Textile, Clothing and
Leather Division of the War Production
Board. As Donald Nelson, former WPB
head, points out in the foreword, the task
of this division was that of "converting and
conserving textiles, clothing, and leather to
meet the staggering needs of an on-rushing
war. At the same time, it was necessary
to keep the flow of civilian supplies at such
a level as to sustain our people at home,
and particularly the millions engaged in
essential war work."
In his forty-four brief, informal chapters,
which range in topic from "Silk" to "Loofa
Sponges," and include "Feminine Outer-
wear," "Zoot Suits," "Containers," "Flags,"
"Nets and Laces," "Brooms and Mops,"
this dollar-a-year man brings together page
after page of surprising, significant, odd,
and curious facts.
Here in exact line and color is one detail
of the vast war production picture. It is
also a revealing glimpse into the almost
incredible complexity of one of our basic
industries. — B.A.
FOUR HORSEMEN OVER
GERMANY
(Continued from page 437)
and keeping it." — John MacCormac from
Vienna, August 23.
Meanwhile, stripped of heavy machinery,
of working power and livestock, the Rus-
sian-occupied zone has been overcrowded
by the millions evacuated into it. There
are certainly twenty million German sur-
vivors of the Hitler war "behind the iron
curtain." Today this Russian-occupied zone
comprehends the largest section of the now
divided working class of Germany.
Closer-in, the productive power of the
Germans is broken. We understand better
a statement of Major I. T. Gentile, ol the
Trade and Industry Department of the
AMG (September 20), that 225 industrial
enterprises working in the U. S. sector of
Berlin cover only 2 to 3 percent of their
normal production requirements and fa-
cilities. "In order to increase production,
large quantities of machines and raw ma-
terials will have to lie brought in again."
And at the same time it is reported that
in the harbors of Danzig and Stettin where
ships lay loaded with "removals," even
the cranes are dismounted to be shipped
to Russia and large columns of "prairie
schooners" marked with the Hammer and
Sickle move eastward.
Small wonder that Curt Riess, who is
by no means unfriendly to the Soviet, wrote
to The New Yorf^ Times on September 9:
"... Naturally what the Russians take
has made an enormous, one might say,
staggering impression on the German
working population. . . . Though most of
them were not communists, they neverthe-
less believed the Red Army to be a pro-
tector of the working class. . . . Now there
is only resentment." Joseph G. Harrison
was right when he wrote to The Christian
Science Monitor that probably within a
year's time Russians could have obtained
most or all of the machinery they needed
— and brand new — from the United States.
By pulling it out by the roots in Germany
they "alienated" the Austrian (and the
German) workers whose friendship they
might "need some day."
Meanwhile, also, U. S. authorities have
started to dismantle war industries in their
own zone. On October 2, a list of twelve in-
dustries was published as a start. Among
them are not only aviation engine plants
but also three machine tool factories and
two electrical plants. Some I. G. Farben
establishments are to be destroyed. Col.
James Boyd in Berlin, on October 10, an-
nounced that about 50 per cent of heavy
industries in the west will have to be
closed down, dismantled or removed.
Food
Salvage of more industrial plants to pro-
duce more civilian goods and utilities will
mean work for Germans. But even that
does not assure livelihood if food supplies
fall short. The Allied public was unpre-
pared for the decision in mid-summer to
feed Germans in the Western zone when
and where necessary. The move was "in-
escapable," said General Eisenhower on
August 2 — if the twofold policy laid down
by the Big Three at Potsdam were held —
to punish war criminals but not to destroy
the German people. As early as July he had
warned of the danger of Germany becom-
ing a huge Buchenwald if adequate steps
were not taken— and General Eisenhower
could not be called pro-German. His last
report, covering the month of August, pub-
lished on October 17, estimates for the
U. S., British, and French zones food im-
port requirements of 4,000,000 tons for
1945/46. "This figure does not take into
account the proposed evacuation of Ger-
mans from territories in Poland, Czecho-
slovakia and Hungary estimated at over
10,000,000 people."
History was repeating itself. Winston
Churchill, in his "The World Crisis and
the Aftermath," told the story of a kindred
decision to feed the defeated enemy in the
winter of 1918-19. "In the beginning." he
wrote, "there was in France, and to some
extent in England, a deliberate refusal to
face the facts. . . . The sudden punch which
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
456
SURVEY GRAPHIC
destroyed this hateful deadlock originated
with the Army of Occupation on the Rhine.
In February, reports of military officers
that reached the War office . . . became
increasingly disquieting. A note of anger
began to mingle in the dry official chron-
icle." Lord Plummer wired insisting on
action. It was the British War Premier
who, in Mr. Churchill's phrase, "took the
Supreme Council by the throat with this
telegram." "No one," Lloyd George had
put it, "can say that General Plummer is
pro-German."
British and American troops as they en-
tered Berlin last summer (London Econ-
omist July 14) found "evidence of starv-
ation and disease unparalleled in Western
Germany." Yet given the public temper,
army men felt they must justify themselves
against the charge of softness. When Amer-
ican food imports started a fortnight later,
Col. Frank L. Haley (attached to the
AMG), gave out, "We are bringing food
here, not because we like to feed the Ger-
mans, but because we do not want their
rotten corpses to infect our troops." And
it was an American correspondent, Ed
Johnson, associated with the "toughest"
school of thought in dealing with Germans,
who brought out in PM forecasts two
months later by U. S. public health officers
assigned to Berlin that "the Germans are
going to die like flies this winter.
Sickness
"The Germans are undernourished and
rlea-bitten, a typhus epidemic is inevitable.
. . . German children under ten years of
age will virtually be eliminated by diph-
theria. . . . Tuberculosis will kill thousands
under ten. . . . Diarrhea now afflicts almost
all newborn German children. The infant
mortality rate in Berlin is sixteen times as
high today as it was in 1943. . . . The
inevitable influenza epidemic will fill the
gutters with German dead." — All these are
quotations from talks with U. S. public
health officers which Mr. Johnson quoted
with some skepticism on October 2. But
two days later the New Yor% Herald Trib-
une reported a sharp rise of typhoid and
paratyphoid infections despite continued
efforts by Allied health authorities. The
diphtheria rate rose to a point where the
Berlin Kommandatura felt compelled to or-
der the vaccination of the entire child pop-
ulation. Such spread of disease is of course
the result of prevailing food and health
conditions.
Mass undernourishment is accepted as a
fact. In spite of Allied food imports so
far, the low level of caloric rations to
the average person cannot be increased,
explained Col. S. W. Herman, for much
of the imports are iron reserves to be laid
by for the winter. Coal miners and "heavy"
workers may receive from 2,800 to 3,200
calories per day but, in general, rations are
from 900 to 1,200 calories for the "normal"
consumer, and often even that standard
remains on paper for lack of available food.
The Health and Welfare Division of the
AMG weighed adults in 27 cities of vari-
ous size in September, and found that after
90 days males between twenty and forty
years of age had dropped 5.3 pounds from
normal (females 4.1); those from forty
through fifty-nine, 11.7 pounds (females
13.7); and those of sixty and over had lost
19.9 pounds (females 20.3).
In the American zone, harvest expecta-
tions were not realized in the late sum-
mer, and military authorities reported
meager food reserves remaining in the
rural districts. As already indicated, no help
had come in from the wheat lands in the
Russian-occupied zone. On August 23, the
British Control Commission announced a
severe food crisis, also, and one was threat-
ened in the Saar region because of the in-
ability of the French, who are all but
starving themselves, to bring food into
their zone.
Soup kitchens to prepare warm food for
people without facilities for cooking have
been established in Berlin, Frankfurt, and
other cities. In Berlin, they expect to have
to feed 450,000 people.
Clothing, Fuel and Shelter
What of clothing and other necessities?
What happened in areas exposed to the last
ditch defense of the retreating Nazis is
illustrated by the Friedrichsheim district
in Berlin with a population of 104,000. The
welfare office there estimated that the peo-
ple had lost 60 percent of their belongings
in the battle for the German capital. In
three and one-half months the office had
been able to replace only 717 pairs of shoes,
197 pieces of furniture, 4,920 pieces of
clothing, and 3,519 household articles.
There are, of course, more fortunate dis-
tricts and communities. Collections of
clothes for Allied displaced persons have
been made in some of these with good
results. But it must be remembered that
several times a year for five years the Nazis
had made compulsory collections of cloth-
ing throughout Germany; and that several
million German deportees from the East
could bring only forty pounds of luggage,
including clothes, household furnishings,
and tools of their trade.
An even greater problem is shelter. The
British Military Government, for instance,
reported in September that in the Ruhr
Valley and the northern Rhineland some
800,000 are homeless. At last accounts, 80,-
000 people had no quarters for the winter
in the American sector of Berlin. The
Wohnungs Aemter (the offices for alloca-
tion of living space) have published strict
warnings against the return to their cities
of wartime evacuees; yet farm areas and
small towns, also, are overcrowded. The
German language press in cities under Al-
lied control report that thousands of ap-
plicants for housing space are camping in
the streets and gathering at night around
open fires. Most of them are returned to
the places they came from because there
is nothing available, not even cellars or
covered trenches.
Gas and electric systems go unrepaired
and parts of many cities are still without
water. Both in the cities and in most of
the smaller towns there will be scant heat.
With the entire coal production down to
10 percent, only a third of that will be
JUST PUBLISHED
6 McGRAW-HILL Books
• with new ideas
on national and
international issues
UNDERSTANDING LABOR
By BERNARD H. FITZPATRICK
Member of N. Y. Bar; Industrial Rela-
tions Director, Commerce and Industry
Association of N. Y., Inc. A thorough
examination of labor unions in this coun-
try — fundamental purposes and organizing
methods, principal types, aspects of Wag-
ner Act, etc. 175 pages, $2.00.
UNIVERSAL MILITARY TRAINING
By EDWARD A. FITZPATRICK, Col., AUS;
President of Mount Mary College (on military
leave). Impartially discusses pros and cons of such
a program as relating to war strategy, standing
Army and Regular Navy, militia, reserve, consci-
entious objection, social and educational implica-
tions. 374 pages, $3.00.
INTERNATIONAL TRADE AND
DOMESTIC EMPLOYMENT
By CALVIN B. "HOOVER, Dean of -Graduate
School of Arts and Sciences, Duke University.
Committee for Economic Development Research Study.
Analyzes relationship of international trade to our
domestic prosperity and our role in assisting the
economic well-being of other countries. Discusses
our merchant marine, tariffs, cartels, etc. 177 pages,
$1.75.
ECONOMIC RECONSTRUCTION
Edited by SEYMOUR E. HARRIS, Associate Pro-
fessor of Economics, Harvard University. Twenty-
three experts discuss economic problems of the tran-
sition and later postwar periods, such as employment,
wages, manpower and reconversion, taxes, etc. 424
pages, $3.75.
THE CHALLENGE OF RED CHINA
By GUNTHER STEIN. Analyzes thoroughly and
humanly the surprising developments in the Com-
munist controlled areas. Describes the awakening
of more than half the people in unoccupied China
and their practical solutions to the problems of self-
government. Discusses attempts of our state to co-
ordinate relations between the two Chinas. 490
pages, $3.50.
THE BUILDING OF
THE BURMA ROAD
By TAN PEI-YING, formerly Managing Director
f the Yunnan-Burma Highway Engineering Adminis-
tration. Admirably blending factual and technical de-
tails with local color and
ries through the laborious months pi construction to
the Japanese destruction
200 pages, $2.75.
l perspective, car-
pi construction to
miles of the road.
Send this McGRAW-HILL coupon!
McGraw-Hill Book Co., 330 W. 42 St., N.Y.C. 18
Send me the books checked below for 10 dayj examination
on approval. In 10 days I will pay for the books plus tew
rants postage or return books postpaid. (Postage paid on
cash orders.)
D Fltipatrlck, B. H.— Understanding Labor. $2.00
D Fitzpatrlck. E. A.— Universal Military Training, $3.00
n Hoover— International Trade and Domestic Employment,
JI.75
Q Harris — Economic Reconstruction. $3.75
D Stein— The Challenge of Red China, $3.50
Q Tan — TIM Building of the Burma Road. {2.75
Name
Add ress
City and State
Company ,
Position
NOVEMBER 1945
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
457
an unbiased analysis
MOLDERS
OF
OPINION
edited by David Bulman
Here are the facts about Gabriel Heatter,
H. V. Kaltenborn, John B. Kennedy, David
Lawrence, Fulton Lewis, Jr., Walter Lipp-
mann, Paul Mallon, Drew Pearson, West-
brook Pegler, George Ephraim Sokolsky,
Raymond Gram Swing, Dorothy Thomp-
son, Sumner Welles, and Walter Winchell.
$1.75
for the common good
UNITED
FOR
FREEDOM
edited by Leo R. Ward
In a word, this book tells the good that is
had or can be had for a Christian democ-
racy through the co-operative movement.
Forcefully presented is a survey of the his-
tory of the movement and a consideration
of its place in modern society' $2.50
o challenge
NO
DREAMERS
WEAK
Michael de la Bedoyere
A frank, painstaking application of practical
Christian values to present trends. The
author is convinced that the modern Chris-
tian is not a helpless idealist, but a "hard-
boiled" realist eager to face knotty present-
day problems. $2.00
behind the scenes
BEYOND
ALL
FRONTS
Max Jordan
As a newspaperman and radio representa-
tive, born and educated in Europe, an in-
timate of those who made the news, Max
Jordan was able to get above and below,
behind and beyond the events of the past
twenty years. This is his enlightening, fac-
tual report. $3.00
At your bookstore.
THE BRUCE PUBLISHING COMPANY
2211 Montgomery Bldg., Milwaukee 1, Wis.
458
available for Germany and none for heat.
In big cities like Berlin and Munich, peo-
ple are rounded up, loaded on trucks, and
given saws and axes to cut down trees on
the outskirts for fuel.
The Bishop of Chichester received a let-
ter in August, written by a well-known
Berlin clergyman: "... The need that
confronts us daily during office hours and
on every street of Germany is beyond ver-
bal description. ... I think of the people
who in their despair take their own lives.
Thousands of bodies are hanging from the
trees in the woods around Berlin and no-
body bothers to cut them down. Thousands
of corpses are carried into the sea by the
Oder and the Elbe Rivers — one doesn't no-
tice it any longer. Thousands and tens of
thousands are starving on the highways.
. . . Children roam the highways alone,
their parents shot, dead, lost. . . ."
The German survivors of the Hitler-
Germany war have no priority on misery.
Because of that war there will be hunger
and freezing and many will die this winter
throughout much of Europe. Nor can Ger-
man survivors ask for priority in relief. That
should go first to the victims of Nazism.
Hut if you know about food, fuel, and
housing conditions in Germany proper you
understand better why the occupation army
leaders in the West have decided to provide
additional relief for Germans, too.
Mid-Fall
October has been marked by fresh grasp
of this grim situation. The "iron curtain"
to the East is still down. Elsewhere,
cables, broadcasts, military and civilian re-
ports, have come to closer grips with such
factors as I have sought to analyze. And
a fundamental difference of opinion be-
tween American and Russian authorities
has come to the surface as to the future
economic and political treatment of Ger-
many. Thus, in an arresting dispatch to
The New Yor/^ Times from Berlin on
October 7, Raymond Daniell reported that
American economic advisers to the Office
of Military Government "have made a
surprising discovery that the Potsdam
formula for the collection of reparations
and the industrial disarmament of Ger-
many will be a difficult, if not impossible,
achievement." He was the first to bring out
the findings of a group of experts headed
by Professor Calvin Hoover of Duke Uni-
versity, as submitted to Brigadier General
William H. Draper.
Two days later, Colonel James Boyd took
up the issue in a Berlin press conference.
Not the Potsdam decisions, he said, were
in doubt but the interpretation of what
can be considered a minimum standard tor
the Germans and how that can be achieved.
"It would take at least five years for Ger-
many to get on her feet again, to approach
the agreed upon minimum standard."
The bombed plants, destroyed transport and
other difficulties will keep production down
"in the American zone to about 5 percent
of capacity." This, he said, "is far less than
is needed to meet the requirements ot the
occupying forces, let alone to provide tor
^<— ^ the minimum existence of the standard ol
(hi ansH'cring advertisements please mention SCRVF.Y (
living implied in the Big Three's agree-
ment."
In his dispatch, Mr. Daniell had indi-
cated Russian disappointment at this Amer-
ican approach to the problem. They had
expected, he says, that a rule of thumb
would be applied and that Germany would
be left with the bare essentials of existence.
American concern in the situation was
voiced in even stronger words in Wash-
ington by the special House Committee on
Postwar Economic Policy which made its
report on October 10. The committee's
conclusions were drawn up after an ex-
ploratory European trip by some of its
members. In their view, Germany presents
"a picture of destruction and desolation
that beggars description. . . . The Russian
practice of removing all German industry
in her occupational zone regardless of its
character can destroy Germany's power to
feed herself and thus place a heavy burden
on the Allies in the West. . . . Transporta-
tion, medicine and food are needed in Ger-
many, if only to keep her from becoming
a source of pestilence and plague."
(First of two articles.)
COLLECTIVE BARGAINING
(Continued from page
assessing that job's relative standing in the
production scheme, of establishing the sums
to be paid for that job, hardened into ac-
cepted procedure.
While this circumscribes the authority of
management, it has certain practical ad-
vantages to the employer. The union, once
it becomes a responsible party to the fash-
ioning of any job classification system, can-
not protest, save in minor details, when
that system is put into effect. As a partner
in a common venture, it is deprived of
any rightful ground on which it can object
to "unfair" or "arbitrary" behavior on the
part of management. A primary cause for
labor complaints is by this means virtually
abolished, the more especially since it docs
much to fulfill labor's instinctive demand
for "equal pay for equal work."
Promotions and Raises
It is not alone in devising techniques of
this kind that the WLB, in its ardor to
promote collective bargaining, moved the
unions further into management's bailiwick.
In the General Electric Company cast-,
along with others, the board gave the union
opportunity to share with management the
obligation to administer the system under
which an employe advances from one p;iy
level to another — the so-called merit in-
crease plan.
Formerly, the question as to whether or
not an employe should get a raise was de-
cided by management alone. Similarly,
management forged the standards by which
an employe's performance was to be judg-
ed. In the past, if he failed to get an in-
crease on the "merit" basis, he had no re-
course except grousing and charges of
sycophancy, which may have relieved his
feelings but did nothing to swell the size
of his pay envelope. The foreman, as the
JRAPHICJ
SURVEY GRAPHIC
person immediately responsible, often be-
came the object of mistrust. Workers pique
over real or alleged supervisory partiality
impaired morale.
The labor movement's own remedy for
this condition was a proposal to take the
matter entirely out of management's hands
by means of automatic wage and salary
increases. These were to be founded not
upon a debatable competence but rather
upon length of service. Management op-
posed this idea as an undue trespass -upon
its own historic ground and because it
impaired efficiency.
However, in much the same way that
the WLB designed maintenance of mem-
bership as a compromise between the open
and closed shop, it resolved this conflict by
designing a new variety of merit increase
plan. Under this scheme, management
ostensibly reserved one of its old preroga-
tives and itself "decides" whether or not
an employe is entitled to a raise. But in
all other respects, union participation pre-
vails to such an extent that management's
exercise of its former privilege becomes all
but meaningless.
The four corner posts that support this
plan are:
(1) Joint management-union negotiation
to set up the criteria (skill, diligence, initia-
tive, and so on) with which to measure the
value of an employe's contribution;
(2) Periodic review of an employe's
work, a review in which the employer ap-
plies the criteria, as jointly fashioned by
management and union, to ascertain
whether or not a worker is eligible for a
pay boost;
(3) Notification of the union concerning
the action taken;
(4) Use of grievance machinery if dis-
agreement arises over the equity of the
award, or failure to give an increase.
The last, of course, does much to cancel
out, practically speaking, the one franchise
that management in theory was to keep
for itself.
Naturally, the wage rates paid within a
job classification and the persons chosen
for increases substantially influence the con-
duct of any business. By opening up both
fields to collective bargaining, the WLB en-
dowed the unions with a new stronghold
over a company's basic operating decisions.
It seems unlikely that the unions will yield
this vantage ground without a stubborn
fight.
The WLB extended collective bargain-
ing to include still other issues divorced
from the customary concept of the "work-
man and his hire" — dismissal pay for ex-
ample. Until early in 1945 the WLB denied
labor's demands for a dismissal wage on
the ground that it was merely a gratuity,
and that this form of management philan-
thropy could not be exacted either by gov-
ernment decree or collective bargaining.
However, in pleading their cause the unions
pointed to comparable safeguards awarded
to industry, such as the excess profits carry-
back provisions. Impressed by this argu-
ment, the WLB reversed its policv. It de-
clared that labor as well as management
was entitled to certain bulwarks a-rainst in-
security. Hence, in the "pivot" Big Steel
case, the board instructed the parties to that
dispute to negotiate the form and details
of a dismissal pay schedule along lines sug-
gested by the board itself — preferential
treatment for old-time employes as against
those who entered the steel industry as a
result of war expansion.
In World War I, American labor was
still struggling to achieve the right to
bargain collectively. To be sure, Woodrow
Wilson's creation of the Taft-Walsh War
Labor Board encouraged unions to organ-
ize, but the right to collective bargaining
was not fixed by law until the advent of
the Wagner act in 1935.
But in World War II, with this right
firmly established, the unions were assisted
by government intervention to enlarge the
scope and significance of collective bargain-
ing. In giving up the strike for the dura-
tion, the unions gained new privileges
which may well be permanent.
Strikes and Rights
But the final powers of government in-
voked to enforce WLB wartime decrees,
are being supplanted in the postwar period
by unionism's use of the strike. The labor
shortage which at present helps to render
the strike such a potent weapon, will not
continue indefinitely. But employers who
expect that a time of labor plenitude will
render the strike an ineffectual gesture
reckon without the Wagner act.
Under the administration of this act,
the discharge of employes engaged in col-
lective action, such as a strike, may result
in reinstatement and often some costly back
pay. Disregard of National Labor Rela-
tions Board rulings, in this respect can cul-
minate in an injunction against the em-
ployer which, if breached, becomes con-
tempt of court with criminal penalties.
Hence, even though the existence of
pools of unemployed in the reconversion
period may weaken labor's economic posi-
tion, and its ability to maintain high
wages, its collective bargaining methods
and procedures will not be in any essen-
tial impaired. On the contrary, they have
been amplified and solidified by WLB
action.
The war enabled unionism to draw on
collective bargaining to cover in a single
stride many intermediary steps in its evolu-
tion from hired help to something akin to
partnership in American industry. Certain-
ly unionism as a genus has more to say
now in the conduct of a business than at
any time preceding Pearl Harbor. A process
that orxlinarily might have taken decades
has been compressed into four short years.
Much of it has been a forced rather than
an organic growth. Much of it bears all
the earmarks of precocity. Yet this whole
development, even if a wartime adolescent,
is more likely to grow up into adulthood
in peace than to regress toward infantilism.
It must be remembered that all through
the years unionism, via collective bargain-
ing, has been whittling away at manage-
ment sovereignty over hiring and firing,
seniority, wage scales, and related concerns.
Attempts of unions to acquire control over
How the Japs prevented our
accumulating extra silk stocks
before Pearl Harbor?
i
^F Why the wartime baby boom
* affected cotton production ?
What the cloth saved by the
"shirt-tail order" was used for?
Who tried to regulate the
lambing season?
5 How we overcame the shortage
of the vital Jap-controlled
Loofa sponges?
You'll find the answer to every one of
these interesting questions when you
read
FRANK L WALTON
Former director. Texiile
Clothing, and Leather
Division of W. H. B.
Foreword by Donald
Nelson. Written
with a warm
human slant,
Thread of
Victory is a
book that
y o u ' I I
want to
read and
keep
BUY VICTORY BONDS
NOVEMBER 1945
(In answering advertisements phase mr-ntion SURVEY GRAPHIC^
459
the labor supply, or to revise employment
rules, or to install grievance machinery,
have been consistently resisted as menacing
management prerogative. Yet business has
survived, and even flourished, after these
once sensational reforms had lost their
novelty and become a habit.
The ruling idea in today's economic
thought is that prosperity is based on full
employment, full production, internal price-
cost equilibrium, and high levels of pur-
chasing power. The stake of both labor
and management in all four is beyond
argument. What a company decides in the
way of work schedules, production quotas,
wages and prices is a concern of labor
as of management. If employer and labor
leader act on this assumption of mutuality
of interests, collective bargaining may be
applied to a whole range of industrial prob-
lems hitherto untouched by bilateral action.
During reconversion, for example, the
introduction of new machinery may be a
subject for management-union negotiation.
Wage rates may be set to reflect the speed
with which costs of installing new equip-
ment are amortized. Similarly, the open-
ing of a new plant could mean that piece
rates would be arrived at only after con-
sultation with the union. To install or to
discontinue the more elaborate incentive
systems, entailing time and motion study,
will be decided to an ever-increasing extent
by collective bargaining. It may be that
profit sharing, in its multifarious forms,
will derive from joint fixing and policing
of production standards and wages.
It can be argued that the substantial ex-
pansion of collective bargaining during the
war has done much to make the fate of
the profit motive depend upon its becoming
the motive of labor as well as the motive
of management. Even if war-induced de-
velopments in collective bargaining are not
a fait accompli, they are the catalysts of
long term trends, an inescapable legacy that
will influence the direction and dynamics
of our industrial relations for many years
to come.
NATIONAL PERSONNEL
(Continued from page 432)
3. Develop improved techniques of re-
cruiting, selecting, and placing workers;
aid the smaller employers and unions in
making use of these facilities;
4. Provide an expanded counseling serv-
ice designed to enable each worker to find
the right job;
5. Expand placer.ient facilities to cover
workers of all skills and professions, rather
than merely manual and clerical workers;
6. Assist all handicapped workers to find
jobs, including the young worker handi-
capped by his inexperience, the over-age
worker handicapped by his gray hair, those
with physical handicaps, those handicapped
by race, color, or foreign birth.
The war has forced the nationalized
U. S. Employment Service to develop a
system of bi-monthly reports as to where
throughout the country either jobs or
. . . the Record: no arguments, no special pleading, no evasion.
This is not a hastily thrown-together compilation, but History,
written while it was being made.
Poland and Russia
1919-1945
by James T. Shotwell and Max M. Laserson
Here is the story of how Poland was re-created ; how again it was
demolished ; and how still again it has risen, under somewhat differ-
ent auspices. Americans may learn much from this carefully docu-
mented record of national tragedy and change— much that will illu-
minate the zig-zag of the powers toward World agreement.
$2.25
Published for The Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace
King's Crown Press
a Division of Columbia University Press, New York
460
(In Answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
workers are available. Its research into per-
sonnel methods had a pragmatic tryout by
many expanding employers in the opening
months of the war, but then was aban-
doned for the duration. Counseling was
little needed when employers were content
to hire anybody — irrespective of experience
or skill. But now there is urgent need for
professional counseling service — first, for
veterans, and later for all who seek jobs.
The employment offices entered the war
handicapped by the prejudice of employers
who thought of them solely as sources of
manual labor and domestic servants; the
service expanded its labor supply and filled
urgent demands for many types of skill —
accountants, artists, physicists, teachers. The
employment offices took advantage of this
scarcity of manpower to place the physi-
cally handicapped and also used the oppor-
tunity— at times and in some sections — to
try to place Negro workers on the basis of
their skills, without regard to their color.
The Task Ahead
Against this background of wartime ex-
perience, let us return to the eventualities
with which I began. When the cotton
pickers are forced off the land in the "full
employment age," presumably there will be
jobs in private enterprise elsewhere. If not
— or in the interval until they are initiated
in some way — there will be government
created jobs on public works. That, how-
ever, is only the beginning of a larger task
which is to inform these displaced workers
from the cotton lands as to other job op-
portunities, to counsel them as to which
job fits their skills, to make training courses
available which will teach them to do a
new job, and to encourage them to leave
their home regions when the only suitable
employment is in other regions. This is a
positive, substantial undertaking. It re-
quires an integrated national system of em-
ployment offices which through the efficacy
of its information, recruitment and place-
ment activities, will keep unemployment
near the minimum of 3,000,000 which
spells "full employment."
As things stand, the U. S. Employment
Service is but a shell of the organization
required to perform such a multiple task.
It has little or no part in the placement of
workers in 25 percent of all jobs — those in
agriculture, the railroad industry, and in
government. The placement of veterans is
dealt with as a separate activity unrelated
to the remainder of the total labor force.
Its local offices now have superimposed on
them, with no particular function to per-
form, the frustrated remnants of area offices
of the War Manpower Commission. The
staff members of local offices are disheart-
ened by the prospect of low salaries when
these offices are returned to the states. And
the entire organization is demoralized by
continuing strife over the question as to
whether the federal or the state govern-
ments are to own and operate the entire
service. Moreover, if and when the Con-
gress does return the USES to the state
governments, there is no indication that it
will be in any mood to straighten out in-
adequacies or to fix as a standard the type
SURVEY GRAPHIC
of employment service called for in future.
And thus we reach the threshold of the
"'full employment age." Shall we cross it?
Joe and Mamie Brown, and their fellow
workers, are hoping that government in-
tends in the future to follow business trends
and do whatever proves necessary to keep
employment at a high and steady figure.
They agree that government should en-
courage and stimulate private enterprise to
produce goods, services — and jobs. But they
maintain that government should provide
jobs itself if business cannot do so. And
they still think of the employment office
as the place to turn when a worker is out
of work.
If we are to maintain new peacetime
levels of production, and hence of prosper-
ity, then the U. S. Employment Service is
the agency that must be made an effective
mechanism for connecting men and jobs
the country over.
HEALTH INSURANCE DRAM/.
(Continued from page 442)
history of the state from the point of view
of lobby control."
Another step taken by the CMA was to
engage another survey firm, and also one
of the most expensive public relations men
in the state at a reputed fee of $60,000.
The state was polled. The citizen was
asked such loaded questions as: "If you
knew this plan would result in fewer jobs,
would you favor it?" California was flood-
ed with leaflets and folders. Clip sheets
were sent to newspapers. A postcard bar-
rage to the effect that compulsory health
insurance smacks of Nazism descended
upon the members of the legislature.
Members of the state branch of the
Physicians Forum — a national body of pro-
gressive doctors — declare that a smear cam-
paign was carried on by the CMA against
their members in California and Western
Medicine, CMA organ. They stated that
some Forum members were threatened
with loss of their hospital connections and
one member associated with a group as a
junior physician was forced out of his job.
The CMA issued a for-members-only
"Call to Arms" and special editions of its
Legislative News carried scare headlines in
red type. California and Western Medicine
began a campaign based frankly on the
economic factor, although the studies made
by Professor May in his "Financial As-
pects of Health Insurance" showed that
under either bill and under almost every
estimate of postwar economic conditions
the remuneration of the doctors would be
greater than in any prewar year.*
Solemnly the CMA journal made this
suggestion: "The state might better con-
cern itself with ways and means of elimi-
nating poverty rather than to try to find
its solution through the • establishment of
radical systems of compulsory sickness in-
surance that would only add to the mis-
fortune of those citizens."
* Approximately 6,000 doctors remained in Cali-
fornia after 3,000 went into the armed services.
^ See "California Weighs Health Insurance" by
Mary Ross, Survey Graphic, May, 1935.
NOVEMBER 1945
Governor Warren pointed out that the
CMA itself offered a compulsory insurance
bill in 1935f— so framed that the CMA
would have run all the health services of
the state — and that the association had re-
cently asked the Federal Public Housing
Authority to make health insurance com-
pulsory for the tenants in the housing
projects where the CPS was giving service.
Therefore, compulsion per se is not ab-
horrent to the doctors — if they can run
the system and the people who pay the
bills have nothing to say. The governor
also recalled publicly that Dr. T. Henshaw
Kelly, secretary of CPS, had testified be-
fore the Pepper committee of the United
States Senate that health insurance plans
need some form of compulsion in order
to work.
As a last answer to any future threats
of compulsory health insurance, the CMA
raised the dues of its members from $25
a year to $100 a year in order to roll up
an annual fund of approximately $800,000,
and it announced that it was hiring an
expert to make a nationwide survey of
health insurance plans and would present
"a positive, workable program" at the next
legislative session.
The political implications of the medical
care struggle are significant. The picture
of a Republican governor winning more
support from the Democrats in the legis-
lature than from his own party is con-
fusing to many people who were amazed
at the manner in which the Republicans
walked out on Governor Warren's pro-
gram. They consider the Republicans to be
in an embarrassing position today, having
repudiated the social welfare planks of the
GOP national platform, with no other sub-
stantial Republican bandwagon in the state
upon which to sit.
The governor's health insurance measure
was at first looked upon as a dual move
on Earl Warren's part — to liberalize the
Republicans, thus letting the GOP regain
ground lost with Willkie's death, and to
serve as a frank and open bid for the
1948 Presidential nomination. But since he
has announced his candidacy for renomi-
nation as governor, many political wise-
acres construe that he genuinely wants to
be the first governor of California to win
reelection since Hiram Johnson.
"The People Are for It"
As to the future of health insurance in
California, it is anyone's guess. Governor
Warren, the CIO, and the AFL are keep-
ing their own counsel on any further ag-
gressive moves. The legislature does not
meet in regular session until 1947. The
CIO urged the governor to call a special
session to deal with urgent problems of
unemployment and reconversion, but did
not include health insurance in its imme-
diate program. A campaign to carry the
question to the voters themselves through
initiative and referendum would cost at
least $50,000, and maybe $150,000.
A number of Californians told me they
regret that the CIO bill lacked unanimous
labor support, but they pointed out the
(Continued on page 463)
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
The Best Way to Get Started
WRITING FOR
MAGAZINES
Develop the writing habit under the
personal direction of an experienced
writer or editor
The Magazine Institute, a private
school completely owned and oper-
ated by successful editors and writ-
ers, offers a series of fascinating as-
signments designed to get you started
and keep you writing. They are sent
regularly to your home, where you
work on them in spare time. They
give you a chance to polish your
style the way professional writers
polished theirs — by writing continu-
ally.
You may concentrate on either
short story or article work, advanc-
ing as rapidly as your ability war-
rants. Every assignment you submit
is returned with detailed criticism.
FREE CATALOG
A copy of the latest Magazine In-
stitute catalog will be sent to you
free! Just fill out the coupon below
and mail it today.
The Magazine Institute, Inc.
Dept. 311-C, SO Rockefeller Plaza,
Rochefeller Center, New York 2O, N. Y.
Please send catalog without obligation, to :
Na
(Confidential. No salesman will call.)
ANY BOOK IN PRINT
Delivered at your door. We pay postage.
Standard authors, new books, popular edi-
tions, flrtion, reference, medical, mechanical,
children's books, etc.— all at guaranteed sav-
ings. Send card now for Clarkson's 1946 Catalog.
FREE Write for our great Illustrated book
catalog. A short course in literature. The
buying guide of 300,000 book lovers. FREE
If you write NOW— TODAY!
CLARKSON PUBLISHING COMPANY
Dept SG5, I2S3 S. Wabash Am.. Chicago 5.
WE REGRET
that because of the great
demand for our rooms
WE ARE TEMPORARILY UNABLE
TO ACCOMMODATE ALL
who have requested reservations
We greatly appreciate
the compliment to
our House, and hope
to serve you in the
future.
Ciiristodora House Club Residence
601 East 9th Street New York 9, N. Y.
461
BOOKLETS
PAMPHLETS
PERIODICALS
Of interest and service to readers thinking about the social prob-
lems of today — the public health, education, housing, industrial
and labor relations, government, racial and foreign relations.
FROM THE WOMAN'S PRESS
AT HOME WITH PEOPLE
Edited by Elsie Mailer 25 cents
Ways of banishing prejudices. Pro-
gram suggestions and devices for use
with teen-agers.
JEWISH HOLIDAYS
Elsie F. Mailer 15 cents
Do you know them? Jewish festival
observances suggested as a basis for
group activities.
THE WOMAN'S PRESS
600 Lexington Avenue
New York 22, N. Y.
TOWARD THE UNDERSTANDING
OF EUROPE
by Ethan T. Colton
"For the man or woman who wants an introduc-
tion to the problems that are affecting all our lives
more directly than ever before, this book can be
recommended. It is about as free from prejudices
as one can ask."— CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
"A 'small but mighty' book. We as a nation have
shown ability as war strategists but there is greater
need for 'peace strategists'. This book seeks to dis-
pel ignorance of Europe and European affairs." —
Ivan Gerould Grimshaw {1.00
"An excellent primer on Continental politics and an
argument for American commitments in the inter-
national order."— JOURNAL OF RELIGION
ASSOCIATION PRESS
347 Madison Avenue
New York 17
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
Official Journal of the American Sociological
Society. In addition to papers and proceed-
ings of the Society, it contains articles on
sociological research, news notes, book re-
views, and foreign correspondence.
Subscription $4.00 a year - Special library
rate $3.00.
Address Managing Editor:
American Sociological Review
U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Washington, D. C.
UNITED NATIONS' CHARTER
12c per copy
PROS AND CONS OF PEACETIME
CONSCRIPTION
8c per copy
NATIONAL PEACE CONFERENCE
8 West 40th Street
New York 18. New York
PACIFIC OCEAN HANDBOOK
OVER 200 PAGES— 58 ILLUSTRATIONS
Large Global Maps. Timely . . . Timeless. 4th
Edition Price $1.00. Also MAP OF JAPAN 33"x36",
over 2000 places Indexed, Price 50c.
JAMES LADD DELKIN
Box 55. Stanford University. California
Now Is the Time
To Buy
That Extra Bond
PROFESSIONAL
PUBLICATIONS
ON THE
TEACHING OF ENGLISH
Send for Catalog of
Books, Pamphlets, Reading
Guides for all levels
Elementary-High School-College
National Council of
Teachers of English
211 West 68th Street
Chicago 21, Illinois
The People's Lobby, Inc.
Works for pay-as-you-go through
pay-as-you can, and for public owner-
ship of natural resources, natural mo-
nopolies and basic industries.
Membership $1 to $10 — carrying
eight-page factual Monthly Bulletin
and pamphlets issued.
Bishop Francis J. McConnell, Pres.
Dr. Colston E. Warne, Vice-President
Dr. John H. Gray, Treasurer
Benjamin C. Marsh, Ex. Secretary
Rms. 307-8, 1410 H. Sis., N. W.
Washington 5, D. C.
"MONEY RAISING-HOW TO DO IT"
by Irene Hazard Gerlinger
Best text yet written on financing
social agencies.
$3.00 at all book dealers or
KELLAWAY-IDE Los Angeles
FREE
25,000 books of all pub-
lishers listed in our 51st
Annual Bargain Catalog of 320 pages. Old-time fa-
vorites— latest "best sellers." Reference, Fiction, Ju-
venile, History, Scientific, etc. Supplying schools, col-
leges, libraries and thousands of individual customers.
Send postcard today for our new 1946 catalog, "Bar-
gains in Books." THE BOOK SUPPLY CO., Dept. 382,
564-566 West Monroe St., Chicago 6, III.
WHICH WAY FOR THE SOUTH?
HOW can the South solve the economic problems
that are the root of its troubles? No final answers,
but many fruitful suggestions are discussed by seven
experts In "THE SOUTH — America's Opportunity
No. I," 44-page, 9" by 12" booklet. 50c a copy; 3
for $1.00.
'THE SOUTH'
Southern Regional Council, Inc.
63 Auburn Ave.. N.E.
Atlanta 3. Georgia
BOOK SALE, new and used. Bargains. 35c
up. New free catalog. 6,000 titles. Novels,
westerns, mysteries, non-fiction. AMERI-
CAN LENDING LIBRARY, Dept. SU,
College Point, N. Y.
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF NURS-
ING shows the part which professional
nurses take in the Detterment of the world.
Put it in your library. $3.00 a year. 1790
Broadway at 58 St., New York 19, N. Y.
A SOUND NATIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY
By M. H. REYMOND
Reveals one of the greatest discoveries of all
time from the standpoint of the common man:
the right answer to the problem of inflations
(which cheat people out of savings) and de-
pressions (which deprive people of the right
to work for a living).
Shows how unemployment and consequent de-
moralization can be forever banished by our
nation and by every other nation, thereby cut-
ting the ground out from under future Hitlers
and other salesmen of quack prosperity schemes.
Demonstrates the folly of compromising Amer-
ican ideals of liberty with the slavery of state
socialism. And the folly of continuing spend-
ing-for-prosperity, paid for dishonesty by "in-
flationary financing."
Demonstrates the futility of trying to cure un-
employment by such things as: unemployment
insurance compulsory old age and health in-
surance, made-work schemes, government dic-
tated wage rates, encouragement of business
cartels, encouragement of labor cartels, operat-
ing on unbalanced budgets, building dams and
power plants, government planning of produc-
tion, government price fixing, government subsi-
dies to special interest groups, setting up gov-
ernment lending agencies, setting up govern-
ment employment bureaus, raising or lowering
tariffs, making gifts or loans abroad, etc.; what-
ever the merits or demerits of such things for
other reasons than to cure unemployment.
Offers every citizen an opportunity to join in
a petition that is going to be presented to
Congress, signed by people from all over the
country, formally bringing this discovery to the
attention of Congress, and indicating the in-
calculable human benefits of starting to use
this new knowledge without delay.
Typical comment by one of the country's fore-
most economists: "Indeed a pleasure to sign
petition to Congress. Remarkable feat. All rec-
ommendations meet my approval. Public much
indebted for good work you are doing." (Dr.
Willford I. King, Professor of Economics, New
York University School of Commerce and Fi-
nance. )
Pamphlet 22 pages. Bookstands or post-
paid 25c. National Press Syndicate, 129
State St., Binghamton, N. Y.
Note to newspapers and magazines: Contents of
this pamphlet, divided into 12 articles ap-
propriate for serial publication, may be freely
reprinted with copyright notice, in whole or in
Part, by anyone.
LI.D. Pamphlet Series
BRITISH LABOR'S RISE TO POWER
by Harry W. Laidler. Deals with his-
tory, structure, program, leaders of
British Labor party. Text of famous
1945 electoral Manifesto, "Let Us Face
the Future." 25c
FORWARD MARCH OF AMERICAN
LABOR by Theresa Wolfson and
Joseph Glaser 15c
THE L.I.D. — 40 YEARS OF EDUCA-
TION by Upton Sinclair and
Others ' 25c
PUBLIC DEBT AND TAXATION IN
THE POSTWAR WORLD by Wil-
liam Withers 15c
Order from
The League for Industrial Democracy
112 East 19th Street, New York 3, N. Y.
WHAT BOOKS DO YOU WANT?
We quote lowest market prices. No charge for
locating Uard-to-Fizid and Out-of-Print Books.
All books. OLD or NEW. mailed POST-F1REE.
SEARCHLIGHT BOOK COLLECTIONS
22 East 17th St.. New York City
462
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHICJ
(Continued from page 461)
difficulty of reconciling the state AFL to
any CIO measure. Some people regret, too,
that the CIO put in a bill, feeling that all
groups should have united behind the gov-
ernor's proposal. Others remarked that the
CIO, for general political reasons, could
not support the Governer's bill and that
CIO pressure for its own bill and CIO
planning of strategy moved the cause of
health insurance forward greatly.
The AFL's legislative leader, Senator
Shelley, says significantly: "We must have
labor unity if we're ever to win an exten-
sion of social security in the health field."
Research Director Pinsky, one of the main
CIO strategists, announces: "We won our
objectives to educate the people of this state
on the issues of good medical services — to
do missionary work for the national pro-
gram of health insurance envisioned in the
Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill."
Dr. Roland Davison, president of the
state Physicians Forum, declares: "We've
learned one all important thing — we must
educate the doctors slowly and carefully on
these questions because they've been under
the sole influence of the AMA propaganda
for so long." Dr. Davison's opposite, Presi-
dent Gilman of the CMA, speaks up for
the continuance of this propaganda. "We've
retained a publicity firm and other experts
to carry on for us," he says, "and we sub-
scribe to the Public Health League which
deals with legislative matters. We've never
seen a compulsory health insurance bill we
can approve of."
Richard Neustadt, regional director of the
Social Security Board, states: "The people
must have faith in the government as the
great cooperative, knowing that it can de-
velop health insurance administration as
effectively and objectively as it has other
forms of social insurance."
Chester Rowell maintains: "The people
are for health insurance. That means the
legislators everywhere will come around to
it in time." This editor believes the cam-
paign for the Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill
has been helped immeasurably by an airing
of the issues in California.
All friends of health insurance — national
or state — can learti much from the Cali-
fornia contest. They should know now —
What forces must be overcome.
The answers to such basic questions
as: Why compulsory rather than vol-
untary health insurance? Should the
medical care be partial or comprehen-
sive? Who should administer the law?
How should the doctors be paid?
That all branches of labor and all
liberal groups must work together be-
hind one bill.
That doctors themselves must be in
the forefront of the fight; must have a
propaganda arm to help counteract the
pressure of the AMA lobby on na-
tional questions.
They should make these lessons count —
in California and elsewhere. When the
next act of the drama opens, nobody
should need any cues from the prompter's
box.
PSYCHOANALYSIS
Alert, Intelligent Readers and Writers should belong to BASIC BOOKS
. . . the NEW time and money saving way of keeping posted on current
literature on psychoanalysis, psychosomatic medicine, psychiatry .and
psychology.
Clip coupon and mail NOW .,..'.
BASIC BOOKS Int. Please send me FREE Basic Bibliography
and your literature pertaining to the ad-
' vantages of becoming a member of BASIC
BOOKS. s. c.
714 Madison Ave..
New York 21. N. Y.
Your Name__
Address
OUR "ENDLESS FRONTIER"
(Continued from page 431)
ous body. There is, however, a funda-
mental difference between this body and
any other now existing. The commission
on atomic energy will deal with a prob-
lem which is essentially international, far
beyond anything else within the scope of
the federal government. It is true that the
Tariff Commission deals with international
trade as well as with domestic legislation,
but there is no thought of international-
izing the industries producing the goods —
as will probably be necessary in the ul-
timate solution of the problem of security
in the atomic age. For the present, and
for some time to come, domestic legislation
can set its own pattern; but everyone
agrees with President Truman's statement
in announcing the bomb, that it is too
dangerous to be let loose in a lawless
world.
Now the world is lawless so long as
nations insist upon freedom of action in
matters of vital interest. The fact that the
"good nations" do not propose to misuse
their powers does not lessen the danger of
anarchy, for the test of "lawlessness" is not
good or bad intentions, but willingness to
accept the rules of the community instead
of insistence, fascist-like, upon independent
freedom of action.
Therefore, whatever we set up in Wash-
ington to deal with the problems arising
from the use of atomic energy, we shall
have to gear it in with an international
organization. The commission on atomic
energy would, under those circumstances,
become more like an adjunct of the State
Department or of the Executive Office of
the President, instead of merely function-
ing as an advisory commission to Congress.
All of this is, of course, mere speculation
as yet. But atomic energy is a spur to the
imagination and we may therefore let our
speculations reach one step further:
For the adequate control of atomic
energy, the United States government will
ultimately need an Executive department
under a Cabinet officer frankly designated
as the Secretary for Atomic Energy.
This proposal is quite different from that
of Secretary of War Patterson that there
should be one Department of National De-
fense with Assistant Secretaries for the ap-
plication of scientific research to problems
of defense. His proposal is sound in itself
but deals with only one part of the larger
problem of the control of atomic energy.
That control should be so planned as to de-
velop the peacetime uses of energy as soon
as the pressing problems of security can
be taken care of both nationally and inter-
nationally. It would not even be necessary
to wait for the solution of the problem
in the field of security before attacking it
in the field of economics.
As the world tends to become really civi-
lized, the peaceful productive uses of
atomic energy will supplant those of de-
struction. The time to plan ahead for
this twofold development is now. But the
planning cannot be improvised overnight.
It involves fundamental problems of gov-
ernment and even of the nature of the
State.
NOVEMBER 1945
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
463
PROFESSIONAL SERVICES
SPECIAL ARTICLES, THESES, SPEECHES.
PAPERS. Research, revision, bibliographies, etc.
Over twenty years' experience serving busy pro-
fessional persons. Prompt service extended.
AUTHORS RESEARCH BUREAU, 516 Fifth
Avenue, New York, N. Y.
RESEARCH: Congressional Library, Government
Bureaus, etc. Questions, literary or scientific in-
vestigations, genealogy, business errands, attended
by experts. Circular free. CREHORE, Box
2329-G, Washington 13, D. C.
BOOK REVIEW drudgery done for you by experi-
enced lecturer, newspaper and SRL reviewer.
Henrietta Hardman, Central Village, Connecticut.
BUSINESS MEN! Extraordinary opportunity to
let established author write dynamic Speeches,
Booklets, Advertising Copy. Now ! FREE infor-
mation 1 Leslie B. Lueck, Iron Ridge, -Wise.
MAGAZINE SUBSCRIPTIONS
SUBSCRIBE TO YOUR FAVORITE MAGA-
ZINES and newspapers, any number in one order;
only one bill to pay, in instalments if desired,
after I enter subscriptions at publishers' lowest
prices, club rates, etc. Institutional accounts
expedited. Catalog SG, free. JOHN CREHORE,
Postbox 2329-G, Washington 13, D. C.
LANGUAGES
29 LANGUAGES BY LINGUAPHONE. Russian.
Spanish, Portuguese — Direct conversational method
for mastering any Inaguage quickly, easilv, cor-
rectly at home. Send for FREE book. LINGUA-
PHONE INSTITUTE, 50 RCA Bldg., New
York 20. CI 7-0830.
FOREIGN BOOKS
SCHOENHOF'S FOREIGN BOOKS, INC.
1280 Massachusetts Avenue, Dept. SV
Cambridge 38, Mass.
PRINTING
PERSONAL NAME STICKERS printed with
your name and address. 500 for $1. Box 24.
Richmond Hill, N. Y.
"POWHATAN" INDIAN PIPE
SEND a dollar bill for genuine "Powhatan" hand-
made Indian clay smoking pipe, replica famous
original Virginia antique, two long stems, his-
toric booklet, directions, enjoyment, and care.
Rustic container, postage prepaid. PAMPLIN
PIPE CO., Richmond, Virginia.
HOBBIES
TEXTILE PAINTING, therapeutic, profitable
hobby. Illustrated instruction book — $1.50 ALBY,
1374 East 8th Street, Brooklyn 30, New York.
POETRY A PROFITABLE HOBBY, 300 mar-
kets that PAY for verse. 8 different types, PLUS
complete instructions, "Selling Your Verse," only
$1. Merle Beynon, Dept. J, 4627 Lewis Ave..
S.E., Washington 20, D. C.
BOOKPLATES
FREE CATALOG, showing several hundred beau-
tiful designs.
ANTIOCH BOOKPLATES. Box 218, Yellow Springs. Ohio
COOPERATIVE COMMUNITY
MORE MEMBERS WANTED to plan together
our own self-reliant cooperative community, start
civilization, race atom bomb. Write fully first
letter. 8144 Survey.
COFFEE
"IT IS RICH_, full-bodied, flavorsome and strong
— a combination I had looked for in vain." writes
an Ohio customer. Send $1.00 for trial 2 pounds
of this superb coffee. Specify grind. Richard H.
Toeplitz, Suite 205, 342 Madison Avenue, New
York 1 7.
REAL ESTATE
FOR SALE: An ideal home or resort on Rio
Grande River. Paved road; 18 miles from Albu-
querque; surrounded by government land; excep-
tional romantic setting in corner of desert where
the trees _ begin; excellent view; wonderful year
around climate; extra well built, roomy, modern
house; 495 acres, or less if desired. A bargain.
Perry Robb, Bernalillo, New Mexico.
EMPLOYMENT AGENCY
GERTRUDE R. STEIN, INC.
AGENCY, 64 West 48th Street, New
York. Wise. 7-4961. A professional
bureau specializing in fund-raising, group
work, institutional, casework and medi-
cal social work positions.
WORKERS WANTED
WANTED: GENERAL SECRETARY for Family
Agency in northern Pennsylvania Community.
Training and experience required. 8239 Survey.
DIRECTOR: To administer two camps, high school
and employed girls ; to work on enriching group
and camp experience. Year-round position, im-
mediate opening. State training, experience, refer-
ences. Address Executive Director, Y. W. C. A.,
Pittsburgh 13, Pa.
WANTED TRAINED WORKER for Case Work
position on staff of child-placing agency. Ad-
dress: Worcester Children's Friend Society, 2
State Street, Worcester 8, Massachusetts.
CATHOLIC Family and Child Care Casework
Agency needs graduate social worker. Oppor-
tunity for advancement. Good salary, according
to training and experience. Catholic Charities,
418 N. Twenty-fifth St., Omaha, Nebraska.
CASE WORKER for Private1 Agency, Suburb of
Chicago. Excellent opportunity. Good salary.
Educational possibilities. Lutheran Child Welfare
Association, Addison, Illinois.
MANAGING EDITOR. Distinguished magazine
specializing: in social-economic articles. 8236
Survey.
COUNSELOR as Unit Director in Co-educational
so-called "progressive" camp, Summer 1946. Man
who wants to learn and train, as well as teach
and train. Camp Ironwood Community, 552!
Cates Avenue, St. Louis 12, Mo.
COUPLE, assist with _ children, do housekeeping
(not cooking) and maintenance work in new non-
sectarian small psychiatric studv home for pre-
adolescents. Middle West. 8235 Survey.
GENERAL SECRETARY, with executive experi-
ence, for well established agency in progressive
city of 200,000 in Western state. Recent training
and some supervisory experience with caseworkers
desira'ble. Salary $3000 to $4500 depending on
qualifications. 8233 Survey.
WANTED: COTTAGE MASTER in Boys School
in New England. Delinquents 7-16 years. Refer-
ences. 8232 Survey.
NATIONAL JEWISH WOMEN'S ORGANIZA-
TION requires workers for overseas service. Must
be graduate of professional school with experience
in family or child care work. Community experi-
ence desirable. Age 25 to 45. Must be physically
fit. 8229 Survey.
SUPERVISOR, professionally trained and experi-
enced, to have charge of a family service depart-
ment in multiple service Jewish case work agency.
Responsibilities include supervision of workers and
students, administration of unit and commnnitv
committee work. Salary range $2700 to $3800.
8215 Survey.
QUALIFIED CASE WORKERS with or without
experience for day nursery and family work.
Forty-five minutes from New York City. Pre-
vailine salaries. Psychiatric consultation service.
The Bureau of Family Service, 439 Main Street
Orange, N. J.
EXECUTIVE WANTED: Jewish Welfare Agencv.
New York City, staff 26 ; specializing in interna-
tional case work and immigration. Woman pre-
ferred. Salary in accordance with qualifications.
8234 Survey.
CAS_E WORKER in non-sectarian family agency in
middle west. Must have graduate training «°n
social work. Interesting community, varied duties
m'ving exceptional experience. Good salary. 8246
Sitrvey.
HOSPITAL ADMITTING WORKER for lar.se
hosnital in Northern New Jersey. Experience in
rmhlic welfare or other social work desirable.
8245 Survey.
WANTED: Supervising Director of Boys Court
Service. Graduate training and experience in case
work and supervision reauired. Salary ranee:
$3,000 — $3.600. Annly Department of Social
Service, Church Federation of Greater Chicago,
77 W. Washington Street. Chicago 2. Illinois.
CASEWORKER— professional training. For Familv
Casework Agency. Salary $21<W.nO-$2400.00.
Tewish Social Service Bureau, 127 N.W. Second
Street. Miami, Fla.
WANTED: Program Director, man or woman, with
social group work training for Neighborhood Cen-
ter in Oregon. Salary commensurate with exneri-
ence. Good opportunity for right person. S248
Survey.
CASE WORKERS. Two. nrofessionally qualified,
by Jewish Family and Children's Agency offering
(rood supervision and special interest assignments.
Classifications Case Worker I and Case Worker
II provide excellent salary range. 8210 Survey.
WORKERS WANTED
POSITIONS OPEN IN ALASKA
ALASKA DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC
WELFARE
DISTRICT WORKERS-
SOCIAL SERVICE WORKERS
Apply: Alaska Merit System, Box 201, Juneau,
Alaska, via airmail, supplying minimum qualifica-
tions.
There are positions open at the present time for two
District Workers and two Social Service Workers.
District Worker: salary range — $250 to $280 per
month; appointments at the minimum; minimum re-
quirements— college, 4 years ; graduate study, 1
year at recognized school of social work which must
have included courses in Child Welfare and Public
Welfare administration and supervised field work in
child and family welfare; experience — three years in
the past six years of social work, one year of which
must have been in Child Welfare, one year in Public
Assistance and one year in a supervisory capacity.
Social Service Worker: salary range — $225 to $255
per month; appointments at the minimum; minimum
requirements — college, 4 years; graduate study, 1
year at recognized school of social work which must
have included courses in Child Welfare and Public
Welfare administration and supervised field work in
child and family welfare ; experience — two years in
the past five years in social work, one year of
which must have been in Child Welfare and one
year in Public Assistance.
CASE WORKER with graduate training for Child
Guidance work in central Illinois town. Psychia-
tric experience preferred. 8249 Survey.
CASE WORKER for position with child placing
agency offering boarding care and placements for
adoption. Liberal salary. Apply — Children's Bu-
rear, 400 West Hill Avenue, Knoxville 42, Tenn.
SITUATIONS WANTED
MALE CASE WORKER, brief professional experi-
ence delinquent boys, seeks post where lengthy
newspaper publicity background can help offset
inexperience. 8230 Survey.
A MAN HAVING A WAY WITH BOYS and
parents desires headmastership in private school,
with full responsibility to build up eminently
successful institution. I want a desperate, failing
or new school to write me for details. No chal-
lenge too great if backing is fair and square.
8242 Survey.
LAWYER, Social Worker, B.S., LL.B., School of
Social Work. Experienced in child protective
work,_ seeks position in an administrative level in
a social agency with legal and protective activi-
ties. 8247 Survey.
can get
HAVE YOU AN OFFER for a man who ca
results with boys? Headmastership? Community
rehabilitation? Group or private aid? Challenging
job, commensurate salary. 8244 Survey.
SCHOOL PRINCIPALSHIP and/or community
recreation leadership in small town or rural center
needing aggressive modern program. Youth ex-
pert : Recreation, education, social adjustment.
Also adult education. Write fully. 8243 Survey.
EXECUTIVE with wide experience in the Recre-
ational and Institutional field, desires connection
with a children's organization. Can only consider
work in New York City or within commuting
distance. Am also experienced in fund-raising.
8203 Survey.
SOCIAL WORKER, 35, member AASW, last civil-
ian job Assistant Director of Eastern child-caring
agency with foster home program and institution,
now discharged from Army after two years' service
as psychiatric social worker, wants challenging
executive job, preferably in child welfare field.
8240 Survey.
ASSISTANT DIRECTOR, male, now employed in
Orphanage, considering change. Many years' wide
experience administration and child program man-
agement, social planning. Excellent references,
will travel. 8237 Survey.
CAMP DIRECTOR, young man, college gradual*
experienced. Boys Camp, New England area pre
ferred. 8241 Survey.
464
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
SUPERINTENDENT, institution, or agency. Man, \
now (10 years) administration large public child •
care program, 10 years private social agency of
exceptional standards. Academic background in j
psychiatric social work. Special interest in mod-
ern standards institutional care, adoption, guar- '
dianship, foster care. Religion — Catholic. $4,600 !
to $5,000 or maintenance equivalent. 8211 Survey.
SURVEY GRAPHIC
SIMMONS COLLEGE
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK
Professional Education Leading to the degree of M.S.
Medical Social Work
Psychiatric Social Work
Community Work
Family and Child Welfare
Public Assistance
Social Research
Catalog will be sent on request.
51 Commonwealth Avenue Boston 16
SCHOOL OF NURSING of Yale University
A Profession for the College Woman
An intensive and basic experience in the various branches of nursing is
offered during the thirty mouths' course which leads to the degree of
MASTER OF NURSING
A Bachelor's degree in arts, science or philosophy from a college of
approved standing is required for admission.
for Catalogue and Information address;
The Dean, YALE SCHOOL OF NURSING
New Haven, Connecticut
POSITIONS OPEN IN HAWAII
DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC WELFARE
SOCIAL WORKERS
SOCIAL WORK ADMINISTRATORS
APPLY: Requesting application from Territorial
Civil Service Commission, Hale Auhau,
Honolulu 2, T. H., and giving brief sum-
mary of education, experience, and type of
position desired.
These positions include:
1. SOCIAL WORKERS and CHILD WEL-
FARE SOCIAL WORKERS. Qualifying
experience and training for the entrance posi-
tions must include one year full-time paid ex-
perience in a recognized social agency, or one
year of graduate study in a school of social
work. Duties include making investigations of
assistance and services needed, making diag-
noses and carrying out programs for social
adjustment.
2. ADMINISTRATIVE POSITIONS. Eligi-
bility for entrance to the lowest grade requires
four years of full-time paid experience in a
recognized social casework agency and gradu-
ation from a two-year course in a graduate
school of social work. Duties include serving
as supervisor of a county unit, supervising case
workers, discussing and advising on case work
programs, and developing the county public
welfare program.
Salaries for social work positions begin at $174.17
per month and range upward to $212.92, plus $45.00
monthly bonus. Administrative position salaries begin
at $264.58 per month, plus $45.00 monthly bonus, and
go as high as $520.00 per month, plus $45.00 monthly
bonus.
Use clipper mail, 15 cents.
SMITH COLLEGE
SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL WORK
A Graduate Professional School Offering a Program
of Social Work Education Leading to the Degree of
Master of Social Science.
Academic Year Opens Late June, 1946
The course provides two years of academic credits
including theory, field practice in selected social
agencies, and the writing of a thesis.
The urgent demand for qualified social workers
offers a wide variety of opportunities for graduates.
SMITH COLLEGE STUDIES IN SOCIAL WORK
Contents for September, 1945
Racial Attitudes of Negro Clients Olga Verin
The Relative Amenability of Dull and Bright Children
to Child Guidance Treatment
Jean M. Cooley
Treatability of Children of Alcoholic Parents
Marcia Holden
Some Differences between Neurotic Delinquents and
Other Neurotic Children Margery Stern
For further information write to
THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8
Northampton, Massachusetts
STATEMENT OF THE OWNERSHIP, MANAGEMENT, CIRCULATION
ETC., REQUIRED BY THE ACTS OF CONGRESS OF AUGUST 24*
1912, AND MARCH 3, 1933, of SURVEY GRAPHIC, published monthly
at East Stroudsburg, Pa., for October 1, 1945.
State of New York 1
County of New York ) ss-
Before me, a Commissioner of Deeds, in and for the State and county afore-
said, personally appeared Walter F. Grueninger, who, having been duly sworn
according to law, deposes and says that he is the Business Manager of the
SURVEY GRAPHIC and that the following is, to the best of his knowledge
and belief, a true statement of the ownership, management (and if a daily
paper, the circulation), etc., of the aforesaid publication for the date shown in
the above caption, required by the Act of August 24, 1912, as amended by the
Act of March 3, 1933, embodied in section 537, Postal Laws and .Regulations,
printed on the reverse of this form, to wit :
1. That the names and addresses of the publisher, editor, managing editor,
and business manager are: Publisher. Survey Associates, Inc., 112 East 19
Street, New York, N. Y. ; Editor, Paul Kellogg, 112 East 19 Street, New York,
N. Y. ; Managing Editor, None; Business Manager, Walter F. Grueninger,
112 East 19 Street, New York, N. Y.
2. That the owner is: (If owned by a corporation, its name and address must
be stated and also immediately thereunder the names and addresses of stock-
holders owning or holding one per cent or more of total amount of stock. If
not owned by a corporation, the names and addresses of the individual owners
must be given. If owned by a firm, company, or other unincorporated concern,
its name and address, as well as those of each individual member, must be
given.) Survey Associates, Inc., 112 East 19 Street, New York, N. Y., a
non-commercial corporation under the laws of the State of New York, with
over 2100 members. It has no stocks or bonds. President, Richard B.
Scandrett, Jr., 30 Pine Street, New York, N. Y. ; Chairman of the Board,
Joseph P. Chamberlain, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. ; Vice-presi-
dents, John Palmer Gavit, 112 East 19 Street, New York, N. Y. ; Agnes
Brown Leach, 170 East 64 Street, New York, N. Y. ; secretary, Ann Reed
Brenner, 112 East 19 Street, New York, N. Y.
3. That the known bondholders, mortgagees, and other security holders
owning or holding 1 per cent or more of total amount of bonds, mortgages, or
other securities are: (If there are none, so state.) None.
4. That the two paragraphs next above, giving the names of the owners,
stockholders, and security holders, if any, contain not only the list of stock-
holders and security holders, as they appear upon the books of the company
but also, in cases where the stockholder or security holder appears upon the
books of the company as trustee or in any other fiduciary relation, the name
of the person or corporation for whom such trustee is acting, is given ; also
that the said two paragraphs contain statements embracing affiant's full knowl-
edge and belief as to the circumstances and conditions under which stockholders
and security holders who do not appear upon the books of the company as
trustees, hold stock and securities in a capacity other than that of a bona fide
owner ; and this affiant has no reason to believe that any other person, associa-
tion, or corporation has any interest direct or indirect in the said stock, bonds,
or other securities than as so stated by him.
[Signed]
WALTER F. GRUENINGER, Business Manager.
Sworn to and subscribed before me this 8th day of October, 1945.
[Seal] MARTHA HOHMANN.
Commissioner of Deeds, City of New York.
New York County Clerk's No. 33.
Commission expires April 17, 1947.
NEW HARPER BOOKS
for Survey Readers
AMERICAN
LABOR UNIONS
What They Are and How They Work
By Florence Peterson
Director, Industrial Relations Division,
Bureau ot Labor Statistics. U. S. Department of Labor
All who would know the facts and speak intelligently about
organized labor should read this book. It answers countless
questions arising in the minds of all today regarding the
what, why and how of organized labor. It will help every
citizen to better understand the problems which face a
national Industry-labor Conference. "... a veritable mine
of information and a most useful source of reference." —
New York Herald Tribune. $3.00
PRIVATE
MONOPOLY
The Enemy at Home
By David Lasser
How monopoly at home and abroad presents a tremendous
challenge to all lovers of democracy is the theme of this
provocative book. " 'Private Monopoly' is a penetrating
analysis of the effect of monopolies and cartels in creating
the economic conditions which led to the last war. It should
be read by all who are interested in the future peace of
the world."— FORMER JUDGE THURMAN ARNOLD.
$3.00
PUBLICITY
How to Plan, Produce and Place It
By Herbert M. Baus
Here a widely known and successful public relations prac-
titioner offers copious, systematic and detailed direction on
how to publicize virtually any persons or thing, including
the reader himself. "This readable book should be an eye-
opener for the vast majority of us who have not the slightest
idea of how constructive publicity is planned and effected." —
Western Industry. $3.00
FOR US
THE LIVING
An Approach To Civic Education
By John J. Mahoney
Professor ol Education, Boston University: Director.
Harvard-Boston University Extension Courses lor Teacher*
"Invaluable as a guide for teachers and for use of classes of
prospective teachers ... it is certain to arrest the attention
of citizens who are interested in the betterment of citizen-
ship through improved educational processes." — PAYSON
SMITH, University of Maine. $3.00
HUMAN
LEADERSHIP
IN INDUSTRY
The Challenge of Tomorrow
By Sam A. Lewisohn
President. Miami Copper Company
A challenge, a warning and a guide to executive leaders to
assume the full responsibility which is theirs for improved
human relations in industry. "Mr. Lewisohn has written
with great clarity and characteristic simplicity about matters
that are of enormous importance to American management
and labor ... it is as smooth and interest-reading as a best
seller."— ALVIN E. DODD, American Management Asso-
ciation. $2.00
COMING IN DECEMBER
Published under the auspices of the
Institute of Religious Studies
WORLD ORDER:
Its Intellectual and Cultural
Foundations
Edited by F. Ernest Johnson
Teachers College. Colombia University
These lectures by authorities in the various fields show how
the assurance of enduring peace can be aided by new ap-
proaches _ to culture^ philosophy, religion, jurisprudence, ad-
ministration, education and relief. Among the contributors
are Margaret Mead, Irwin Edman, Father LaFarge, Mon-
signor Ryan, Chester I. Barnard, etc. $2.00
CIVILIZATION
AND GROUP
RELATIONSHIPS
Edited by R. M. Maclver
Professor of Sociology. Columbia University
This book analyzes types of group relationships in modern
society — cultural, educational, economic, industrial and re-
ligious— and the problems connected with them. Among the
contributors are Eduard C. Lindeman, I. L. Kandel, Robert
A. Lynd, Mark Starr, Bishop Tucker, Father LaFarge,
etc. $2.00
At your bookstore or from
HARPER & BROTHERS
49 East 33rd Sheet N. Y. 16. N. Y.
DECEMBER IQ-45
SURVEV
3O CE NTS fl COPY
GRAPHIC
The Last Hundred Thousand
by Earl G. Harrison
UNRRA's Fight Against Time - Herbert H. Lehman
Paris Reunion — Josephine Roche • German Economy — Paul Hagen
HEALTH INSURANCE
Voluntary Plans Kaiser's Permanente Plan The President's Program
MARGARET C. KLEM SIDNEY R. GARFIELD, M.D. MICHAEL M. DAVIS
We, too, have our hands full this time of year.
For us, December 24 and 25 are always busy days at Long Distance
switchboards — and they will be busier than ever this Christmas.
B
There will be unavoidably long delays on Long Distance and some
calls may not get through at all.
You will get quicker service a few days before or after the holidays.
BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM
Among Ourselves
LJNRRA IS FIGHTING AGAINST TIME IN COMBAT-
ing hunger and disaster (see page 474). Yet
Europe needs food and fuel for starved minds
as well as bodies.
The American Library Association has given
to the Danish college libraries about five hun-
dred of the most important scholarly and
scientific books published in this country dur-
ing the war years. The Scandinavian depart-
ment of the University of Wisconsin, in con-
nection with the local chapter of American
Youth for Democracy at Madison, is collecting
books and magazines which will be beneficial
to the students of the University of Oslo, now
open again for the first time since the Nazis
overran Norway more than five years ago.
Two TIMELY STUDY KITS ON WORLD COOPERA-
tion are proving helpful to teachers and dis-
cussion leaders.
Kit No. 1 ($2.25) includes two pamphlets on
the United Nations, one, how they came into
being, the other on the peoples and countries;
a study guide; and twenty-three poster charts.
Kit No. 2 (60 cents) gives the story of the
San Francisco discussions; the plan for the
United Nations; accounts of the Food and
Agriculture Organization, the International
Civil Aviation Conference, the United Nations
Monetary and Financial Conference, and
UNRRA.
These kits can be obtained from the United
Nations Information Office, 610 Fifth Avenue,
New York 20, N. Y. Among its other useful
publications the Information Office has a list of
16 and 35 mm. motion picture films on the
United Nations.
THE NOVEMBER Survey Midmonthly CONTAINS
a special section, "From Veteran to Civilian,"
by Bradley Buell and Reginald Robinson,
which is arousing wide comment. It is divided
into four parts: the challenge to leadership; the
priorities of need; the brass tacks of planning;
eliminating the run-around. In addition, the
November issue carries the regular depart-
ments and two articles: "Vote of Confidence
for Social Work" by Jack Yeaman Bryan;
"Community Organization on a South Sea
Isle" by William J. Plunkert.
A BRITISH SOLDIER UNKNOWN TO us — AND HE
prefers to remain anonymous — has given us an
assignment which we now execute with
genuine pleasure. If he chose Survey Graphic
as his spokesman because of our special issue
(May), "The British and Ourselves," we con-
sider it as great a compliment as any that
number has evoked.
The soldier writes you through us:
To THE EDITOR: I feel you could help me to
say thanks to Uncle Sam for looking after me
so well for about a year when, out in the
Middle East, the unit I was with luckily
enough occupied a field adjoining an aero-
drome used by one of the wings of Ninth
Bomber.
When the Americans came, my sleeping ac-
commodation was a hole in the ground cov-
ered by a pup tent, but in some magic way (I
never quite knew who exactly was responsible
VOL. xxxiv CONTENTS
Survey Graphic for December 1945
No. 12
Cover: Hungry, Stateless, Displaced Persons
The Fortunate Few. Photographs , 468
The Last Hundred Thousand EARL G. HARRISON 469
Fighting Against Time HERBERT H. LEHMAN 474
By Their French Bootstraps JOSEPHINE ROCHE 476
From the Rubble Up PAUL HAGEN 477
Health Insurance: Voluntary Plans; The President's Program 480
The Plan That Kaiser Built SIDNEY R. GARFIELD, M.D. 480
Buying Insurance Against Sickness MARGARET C. K.LEM 483
A Milestone in Health Progress • MICHAEL M. DAVIS 485
Letters and Life 487
White of Emporia HARXY HANSEN 487
Copyright, 1945, by Survey Associates, Inc. All rights reserved.
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC
Publication Office: 34 North Crystal Street, East Stroudsburg, Pa.
Editorial and Business Office, 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
Chairman of the Board, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN; president, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, Jn.; vice-
presidents, JOHN PALME* GAVII, AGNE» BROWN LEACH; secretary, ANN REID BRENNER.
Board of Directors: DOROTHY LEHMAN BERN HARD, JACOB BILLIKOPF, NELLIE Liv. BOK, JOSEPH
P. CHAMBERLAIN, GRACE G. DAVIS, EVA HILLS EASTMAN, EARL G. HARRISON, SIDNEY HILLMAN, FRED
K. HOEHLER, BLANCHE ITTLESON, ALVIN JOHNSON, WILLIAM W. LANCASTER, AGNES BROWN LEACH,
WILLIAM M. LEISERSON, JUSTINE WISE POLIER, WILLIAM ROSENWALD, BEARDSLEY RUML, EDWARD
L. RYERSON, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR., LOWELL SHUMWAY, HAROLD H. SWIFT, ORDWAY TEAD.
Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.
Associate editors: BEULAH AMIDON, ANN REID BRENNER, BRADLEY BUELL, HELEN CHAMBERLAIN,
KATHRYN CLOSE, MICHAEL M. DAVIS, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, HARRY HANSEN. FLORENCE Lois KIL-
LOGG, LOUI.A D. LASKER, MARION ROBINSON, LION WHIPPLE. Contributing editors: HELEN CODY BAKE*,
JOANNA C. COLCORD, EDWARD T. DIVINE, RUSMLL H. KURTZ, ALAIN LOCKE, MARY Ross, GERTRUDE
SPRINGER.
Business manager, WALTER F. GRUININGER; Circulation manager, MOLLIE CONDOM; Advertising
manager, MARY R. ANDERSON; Field representatives, ANNE ROLLER ISSLER, DOROTHY PUTNEY.
Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue, 30c a
copy. By subscription — Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year — Foreign, 50c;
Canadian 75c. Indexed .in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor Articles, Public
Affairs Information Service, Quarterly Cumulative Index Medicus.
Survey Midmonthly published on the 15th of the month. Single copies 30c. By subscription —
Domestic: year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year — Foreign 50c; Canadian 75c.
Joint subscription to Survey Graphic and Survey Midmonthly: Year, $5.
Cooperative Membership in Survey Associates, Inc., including a joint subscription: Year, $10.
for the kindness) I was soon provided with a
most comfortable folding bed which I treas-
ured and guarded with my life everywhere I
went during the many journeys of my sub-
sequent two years abroad.
Three nights of the week — at least — we saw
first class films or a superb stage-show. No
questions were asked; first come first served;
no roped-off area for officers only; no race bar;
pick your own petrol tin and sit where you
liked, as soon (or late) as you liked, with the,
only condition that the petrol tin must be re-
turned to its dump at the end of the show.
When our cigarettes ran out, facilities were
provided for obtaining American brands at
convenient prices.
In short, life was made very, very tolerable
for us through the lucky chance of being bil-
leted near Uncle Sam.
I can say with all sincerity (as I often re-
marked to my friend as we trudged across
the sand to "book" our petrol tins) that I
"heard the strong heartbeats of democracy,
close to," and thoroughly enjoyed the experi-
ence.
. Every morning (and near the Italian capit-
ulation it was every morning) we watched the
beautiful ships (Liberators) take off, zooming
round and round until all were in formation,
and then late in the cool of the evening we
counted them anxiously coming back.
There were many heartaches among the
counters on the day of the first famous Ploesti
raid. And what a well kept secret that wasl
It was only towards sunset that the news
leaked out — not long before the first ship
limped its way back over the eastern horizon —
what the target had been.
So, in general, thank you very much, Uncle
Sam, for all of it, and in particular thanks to
the guy, whoever he was, who provided me
with that marvelous bed.
And lastly, the "Yanks" liberated my brother
from the famous Santo Tomas internment
camp in Manila. He's now at home and it's
putting it very mildly to say that he's grateful.
If anyone connected with that particular feat
should read this, let him be assured of our
undying gratitude. He'd blush if I quoted
extracts from the liberation letters!
I haven't said half of what I could say, but
I know that your generosity is only matched
by your modesty so I'll close.
A SIGNALMAN
467
.- • - •••: •- .
Courtesy American Jewish Conference
The Fortunate Few
Gates of the DP camps in Germany open as
people find somewhere to go — a place that
means safety and where they are welcome.
Quick evacuation is the real solution of the
problem of those still in camps, says Earl Har-
rison. Above: The last precious Palestine im-
migration certificates enabled these men to
leave. Left: Orphans from a former German
concentration camp receive shelter in one of
England's large country houses.
Internationa] Newt
S U RVEV
PHIC
The Last Hundred Thousand
What are the enduring solutions for stateless Nazi victims, or for those who can-
not or dare not return home, still held at Belsen, Dachau, and other centers?
WHEN THE UNITED NATIONS TOOK OVER
shattered and defeated Germany, one of
our major problems was to extend help
to the victims of Nazi tyranny. There were
some 6,500,000 of them — slave laborers
from conquered lands, political prisoners,
Jews persecuted under the brutal "racial
laws" of the Hitler regime, all referred to
as DP's, standing for Displaced Persons.
As our armies reached the concentration
camps and brought some of them into light,
the world was revolted by pictures and
descriptions of extermination and cruelty,
the piled corpses, the gas chambers and
crematoria, the torture and starvation.
When the armies took over all camps,
the fir^t effort was to minister to the sick
and feed the hungry, then to return as
rapidly as possible displaced persons who
had citizenship status and a home to go
to. In spite of chaotic communication and
transportation conditions after V-E Day,
over 4,000,000 of these 6,500,000 exiles had
been moved out of Germany by July, and
the number continued to climb. By late
October, about one million remained.
The displaced men, women, and chil-
dren still in Germany are, for the most
part, Poles, Baits, Yugoslavs, and Jews from
many lands. Some are in law and in fact
stateless. Some are unwilling to live under
Russian-dominated regimes in Poland and
Yugoslavia, or in Baltic countries that are
now part of the USSR. Among these are
fascist sympathizers, though more are anti-
communists. As the political picture be-
comes clearer, many will doubtless change
their minds and seek repatriation.
It has been apparent for some months,
however, that eventually we shall come
down to a hard core of at least one hun-
dred thousand people, for whom some solu-
tion outside the gigantic repatriation pro-
gram must be found. In the main, they
will be Polish, Hungarian, Rumanian, and
Austrian Jews. When I saw these, most
were still in camps and they felt that they
were being treated not as our fellow-
fighters against totalitarianism but much
more like prisoners.
In July, I visited about thirty of the
EARL G. HARRISON
— By the U. S. member of the Inter
Governmental Committee on Refugees,
dean of the Law School, University of
Pennsylvania. Commissioned by Presi-
dent Truman to appraise displaced per-
sons centers in Occupied Germany, he
brought to bear his experience as direc-
tor of our wartime census of aliens and
in his enlightened administration of in-
ternment camps as U. S. Commissioner
of Immigration and Naturalization.
Here he goes beyond his effective re-
port of last August, drawing on intimate
impressions and throwing fresh light on
the long range problems of those for
whom solutions must be found "outside
the gigantic repatriation program."
hundreds of DP centers in the American
and British zones in Germany. President
Truman had asked me to report to him
the condition and needs of the stateless and
non-repatriable, with particular reference to
Jewish refugees. My report was submitted
to him on August 24; and released to the
press more than a month later, on Septem-
ber 29. In the weeks since the report was
written there have been definite improve-
ments in the camps. But the latest news
indicates clearly that much remains to be
done before this tragic problem is solved.
One G. I. with a Concern
One of the outstanding characters en-
countered on my tour of DP camps in Ger-'
many was Pvt. Philip Tulipan, a Jersey
City lawyer in civilian life, then serving
with the U.S. forces in Frankfort. Early in
the summer, Pvt. Tulipan came upon a
group of eight or ten displaced persons in
trouble. That is, they had fallen between
several stools. They were no longer con-
fined to concentration camps, but they
could not find shelter. Pvt. Tulipan took on
the group as "his problem." He finally dis-
covered a cheap hotel which had escaped
destruction, and in which he could "liber-
ate" space. Here he located his group of
DP's, and he and his buddies agreed to pay
four marks a day (40 marks in all) for
board and lodging for the group.
Then the grapevine swiftly carried news
of Pvt. Tulipan's resourcefulness. The group
grew to 550, and he housed them in four
hotels. He managed to get jobs for 162
of "his" DP's, he and his friends cared for
the rest. The 550 had shelter, and a meas-
ure of temporary security, though they
were as crowded as in the camps. In one
hotel, for example, there were 158 DP's, six
or eight to a room, with two bathrooms in
the entire establishment. But the group
preferred even these conditions to a camp.
They had a little community life, with
committees, and a tiny newspaper.
When I talked with them, I found that
they had all been in concentration camps
for from three to five years. All of them
bore tattooed numbers, the mark of po-
litical prisoners. Their anxiety was for the
future of their little community. Pvt.
Tulipan had been notified that the four
hotels must be vacated because they were
needed for military purposes. He fought,
unsupported, for supplies, and for the
rights of the DP's under SHAEF policy.
"Where am I going to put my people?" he
demanded. The burgomaster did not know.
So, in a jeep, Pvt. Tulipan scoured the
countryside. He found seventeen housing
possibilities, the best of them a block of
flats eight or ten miles ouside Frankfort in
a sort of suburb. I went with him to see
them, and found them modest apartments,
slightly damaged by bombing, and vacant.
The AMG Town Major who had super-
vision of billeting, agreed with Pvt. Tuli-
pan that the place was desirable and avail-
able, and advised the GI to consult the
burgomaster. The latter said that the flats
were being held for civilians who had for-
merly occupied them, and who were ex-
pected soon to return. The Town Major
upheld the burgomaster.
In desperation, Pvt. Tulipan turned to
his second best possibility. It was in
Hoechst, fifteen miles the other side of
Frankfort, a barracks built for cheap labor
by the I. G. Farben combine. The sheds
were so badly constructed there were cracks
469
in the walls, so ill heated that winter occu-
pation was out of the question. Sanitary
facilities were inadequate. The burgomas-
ter was willing to cooperate to the extent
of making minor repairs. Pvt. Tulipan was
most reluctantly moving his charges into
those quarters the next week.
Details That Matter
Here let me turn back to entries in my
notebooks, and sketch half a dozen camps
as I saw them, with details for which there
was no space in a formal report. On por-
tions of the three-week trip, I had the
company of Dr. Joseph J. Schwartz of the
American Jewish Joint Distribution Com-
mittee; Patrick M. Malin, vice-director of
the Inter Governmental Committee on
Refugees, and Herbert Katzski of the
(American) War Refugee Board. We made
our rounds in an army car, part of the
time with (believe it or not) Sgt. Eugene
Longfellow of Hiawatha, Kans., as our
driver. At each camp, we talked with army
authorities in charge, UNRRA personnel,
and also with the displaced persons them-
selves. Here are examples: .
Mannheim. Eight different nationality
groups are here and over four hundred
young children are included. Special atten-
tion is given to the children's diet under
the capable supervision of Lt. (Miss) Peter-
man. Flats adjoining the camp have been
requisitioned to provide quarters for family
groups. Real efforts are made to organize
activities within the camp.
Landsberg. A camp population of 5,500,
mainly Poles, Hungarians, and Baits. About
1,500 Jews. Again, 400 children. One sees
many pathetic malnutrition and psychiatric
cases. Many in the camp are wearing pris-
oner of war (German military) uniforms
and they resent it. There is a good public
health doctor; TB cases are clearing up.
Fun\ Caserne. About 4,500 people of
fourteen nationalities. Badly overcrowded —
six in many of the small rooms, with four,
beds. The whole place needs cleaning up.
Only a small percentage of people are
given passes each week to leave the camp
for short periods.
Aljondschule, Munich. A very poor
school building, housing about 200 DP's,
including some Dutch and Czechs. There
is absolutely no oversight, and the sanita-
tion is awful. The inmates are given three
days rations at a time, which each indi-
vidual must prepare as best he can with
the crude facilities at hand, and keep with-
out refrigeration until the next issue.
Schleischeim, Munich. A camp popula-
tion of some 6,000 with about 600 Jews,
practically all of them Poles. The "camp"
is a badly bombed building. The food is
mainly bread and soup carried around in
buckets. Most of the people had gone
through four or five camps and expect to
be "movc'd on" soon. Meanwhile, there is
nothing for them to do except lie around
all day, waiting for bread and soup.
Mauthasen, Linz. Like a maximum secu-
rity jail on top of a hill, surrounded by a
high wall which is heavily guarded. Few
passes are issued. The apathy of the 1,300
residents is shocking. Though they are bet-
ter housed than in most camps, they seem
dazed and hopeless, like prisoners whose
spirits have been completely broken.
Wildflect(en. A former Panzer division
training school, with good buildings but
very little in the way of recreational facili-
ties or space. It is considered one of the
more permanent installations. It houses
14,000 DP's under heavy guard, who are
not permitted to leave the camp. Seems
very crowded. There is considerable politi-
cal friction. There are 650 Jews and they
are in much worse physical shape than the
other DP's. They should be removed.
Celle. A "bad camp," with many Jews
living in horse stalls, sick and well to-
gether. One inmate told us: "The hardest
Joint Distribution Committee
In Frankfort, Germany, last July. Left to right: Herbert Katzski, War Refugee Board;
Pvt. Philip Tulipan, U. S. Army, who took care of 550 DP's personally; Dr. Joseph J.
Schwartz, Joint Distribution Committee; Earl Harrison; Reuben B. Resnik, also J.D.C.
thing is to look outside the camp and see
the Germans so much better off than we
are, even the ones that used to be our
guards and tormentors. They have better
food and better clothes. And they are free."
Dachau. One of the most notorious of
the Nazi concentration camps. Only a few
hundred people remain. Several with whom
we talked estimated that over 200,000 Jews
were exterminated here. The large group
of Polish Jews left in the camp surfer not
only from undernourishment and inade-
quate clothing, but from the active anti-
Semitism among the non-Jewish Poles.
Bergen-Belsen. We had been repeatedly
told that it was useless to visit this place,
hitherto one of the most terrible of all the
Nazi concentration camps, because "it's all
burned down." Nevertheless we found
14,000 displaced persons there, about half
of them Jews. Building No. 1, with the
gas chambers and crematoria, had been
destroyed. All the rest of Belsen remains
much as the Nazis left it. The buildings
are substantial but frightfully overcrowded.
We were in one loft, 20 by 80 feet, which
housed 85 people with all their belongings.
Their whole lives — eating, sleeping, bath-
ing, laundry, "recreation" — had to be car-
ried on in that partitionless, dreary space.
AMONG THE JEWS IN MOST OF THE CAMPS
there were few old people and almost no
children under sixteen. These age groups
had been all but exterminated by the
Nazis. A few boys from twelve to fifteen
were able to conceal their ages, and so
escape the gas chambers, and a few
younger children, boys and girls, were "pre-
served by a miracle," as one woman told
us. The majority of these younger children
have been "taken out," to Switzerland,
Sweden, England.
Most of the Jews in the camps were
young and middle aged adults, the sole
survivors of their families. You do not for-
get the haunted eyes of a man or woman
who quietly tells you: "As we entered the
camp (whether it was at Auschwitz or
Belsen or Buchenwald), we were divided
into two lines. My wife and my children
were sent to the left I was directed to the
right. I never saw them again, or heard of
them." This was the story repeated to me
over and over in the camps.
The responsibility for displaced persons
in occupied Germany and Austria has
rested primarily with the respective mili-
tary authorities. SHAEF Administrative
Memorandum 39 defined displaced persons
as "civilians, outside the boundaries of their
countries by reasons of the war:
(a) desirous but unable to return home
or to find homes without assistance;
(b) to be returned to enemy or ex-enemy
territory."
The stateless were defined as persons
who, "in law or in fact, lack the protection
of any government."
In the same memorandum, it was pointed
out that UNRRA had been authorized by
the United and Associated Nations to un-
dertake the "care, relief and repatriation of
United Nations displaced persons," but
this agency must be specifically invited by
470
SURVEY GRAPHIC
the government concerned before it can
operate in any country. UNRRA was not
authorized to undertake the care or disposi-
tion of enemy DP's or of refugees found
in Germany, except those who were state-
less or had been persecuted. The Inter
Governmental Committee, created in 1938
as a result of the Evian Conference, is
responsible for the resettlement of persons,
including the stateless, who have been
obliged to leave their homes for reasons of
race, religion, or political views. UNRRA
agreed to care for these for a limited period.
On June 20, 1945, SHAEF ordered that
immediate plans be made for special camps
for the stateless and non-repatriable; these
camps, where possible, to be administered
by UNRRA. But UNRRA has been handi- .
capped by lack of resources and personnel.
Today, it is taking over an increasing num-
ber of camps, with trained civilians as ad-
ministrators, the army furnishing supplies
and transportation. This desirable change
was underway when I was in Germany,
and it has been accelerated since. But it
must not be forgotten that the major re-
sponsibility for handling DP's still rests
with the American Military Government.
The DP's Are Not Free
As stated in my preliminary report to
President Truman, I found six major prob-
lems in the camps. First and foremost was
the lack of freedom, the virtual status of
prisoners for these tens of thousands of per-
secuted and suffering people whose only
"crime" was their ancestry, or their resist-
ance to Nazi ideas and practices. Along
with this, I found the problems of housing
and fuel; malnutrition; inadequate cloth-
ing; idleness and uncertainty; and last but
not least, worry over relatives and friends,
accentuated by lack of any planned oppor-
tunity to try to locate them.
How far the camps have remained, in
spirit at least, "concentration camps," and
how far they have become "centers for
displaced persons" has depended largely
on the individual administrators. On the
highest army levels there has never been
lack of humanity and concern for the refu-
gees. For months there has been in black
and white an admirable policy, and a
manual for applying it. From the moment
the first victorious United Nations troops
crossad into Germany, the displaced per-
sons there, in theory, had precedence over
German civilians. This was not true in
fact when I was in Germany in July.
Again and again, General Eisenhower had
made clear his sympathy with the dis-
placed; but unfortunately his attitude was
not always shared by camp administrators,
nor were his clear directives always put
into effect. It has been a relief to have
General Eisenhower's assurance since and
detailed reports from other sources, that
many improvements have been made. It
is to be hoped they will continue under
his successor, Gen. Joseph J. McNarney.
At the time I was there, the army officers
engaged in military government work with
whom I talked were almost unanimous in
feeling that "we have to get along with the
Germans," but that the DP's are "only
temporary." The swift repatriation of refu-
gees by the million seemed to support this
attitude. But that was to overlook the plight
of the stateless and the non-repatriable
I saw still in concentration camps.
Some U. S. camp administrators were so
far from sharing the Eisenhower viewpoint
that they expressed frank anti-Semitism.
Several camp commandants actually said to
me, "Maybe Hitler had something with ref-
erence to Jews"; or "All the Jews seem. to
know how to do is to make demands for
special treatment." A much larger number
were simply ill-informed. They were quite
impatient with any form of political dissi-
dence, and that people might be "stateless"
was talked about as though it were a loath-
some disease. They seemed to think that
the people in the camps were there because
of wrongdoing, and failed utterly to realize
that they were there simply because they
were Jews, or because politically they were
"people on our side."
The fact is that America could have done
better in the selection and the special train-
ing of AMG personnel — if we had, then
many of the concentration camps would not
so long have continued to be concentration
camps rather than "centers." In spite of
improvements in the weeks since I left
Germany, I fear that many of them remain
such today. Happily much of the barbed
wire has been removed and, by one sweep-
ing order issued by General Eisenhower in
September, military guards have been re-,
placed by displaced persons themselves des-
ignated to perform policing duties. On the
other hand, little provision has been made
for family units, where they still exist, to
live together. Very little has been done to-
ward rehabilitation or any form of camp
activities to make life more endurable.
Overcrowding and Makeshifts
The question of housing is closely re-
lated to that of freedom. Though the dis-
placed persons had, in theory, the first
claim on community resources, German
civilians in fact have fared better than the
victims of Nazi persecution. The DP's who
were not repatriated were for months held
in concentration camps. Meanwhile, Ger-
man civilians had the use of most of the
normal housing that survived bombing.
At the time I was in Germany, few of
our enemies had been dispossessed to save
our friends the overcrowding and the
makeshifts that characterize the great ma-
jority of the camps. This was due in part
to the attitude of the army toward Ger-
man civilians as its long-term problem;
and in part to the fact that the displaced
persons had to approach our occupation
authorities through German petty officials
"on the local level."
Perhaps my story of the efforts of one
GI with a "concern" will help make clear
the general housing muddle.
General Eisenhower reported to Presi-
dent Truman on October 8 that "subordi-
nate commanders are under orders to
requisition German houses, grounds, and
other facilities" for the use of displaced
persons, who were to be given "definite
priority." In many communities, as Pvt.
Tulipan found in his scouting, local Ger-
man officials (who, of course, derive their
authority from SHAEF) had succeeded in
preventing the application of this policy.
Before the bitter German winter sets in, it
is to be hoped that in many places weather-
tight shelter will be provided for displaced
persons, relieving the overcrowded condi-
tion of most of the camps and safeguard-
ing the health of these victims of Nazi bar-
barism— whatever inconvenience it involves
to German civilians.
Not Enough to Eat
In every camp I visited, I saw the evi-
dences of malnutrition. In few camps were
the refugees receiving anything approach-
ing an adequate, balanced diet. In -most
camps, the ration was wholly unsuited for
rebuilding bodies weakened by years of
semi-starvation and mistreatment. Deliber-
ate malnutrition was the major cause of the
high deathrate among the Nazis' slave la-
borers and of their prisoners in concentra-
tion camps who escaped extermination.
Malnutrition was the chief cause of the
high deathrate in the camps even after
"liberation."
Chaplain Hershel Schachter, AUS, who
reached Buchenwald with the American
tanks on April 12, has described the mag-
nificent job done by our army in medical
care and nutrition for the 21,000 prisoners
found there. But in spite of penicillin,
plasma, sanitation, increased rations, over
200 of them died a day.
In October, the United Press reported:
"The American Military Government last
night ordered displaced persons to cut
down on fresh food supplies requisitioned
from the Germans on the grounds that
German civilian stocks were growing dan-
gerously low for the coming winter. Camp
officials described the severe slash of fresh
food supplies for displaced person camps as
a 'disastrous blow to our efforts to rehabili-
tate our persecuted Allies' . . . German food
stocks are the sources of 80 to 90 percent
of the food for displaced persons. To offset
the withdrawal, Military Government offi-
cials announced that DP rations may be
drawn 'from surplus Allied prisoner of war
parcels and Military Government and civil
affairs stocks which were brought to Eu-
rope by the liberating armies.' Such food
stocks, however, do not contain any fresh
foods, but consist primarily of canned
meats, fish and cheese, dehydrated soups,
dried eggs, dried and evaporated milk,
sugar, tea and coffee. Only potatoes will be
made available to DP's from German farm
stocks."
In his letter to the President the same
week, General Eisenhower stated, "I have
recently raised the daily caloric food value
per person for ordinary displaced persons
in approved centers to 2,300 and for racial,
religious and political persecutees to a mini-
mum of 2,500."
Private agencies, notably the JDC, are
supplementing the camp rations with food
packages. What is needed is a scientific de-
termination of the nutrition?! needs of this
great group of deliberately starved and
mistreated people and a consistent effort to
provide what they require for their re-
habilitation.
The clothing situation parallels that of
DECEMBER 1945
471
food. In the camps, I saw many refugees
still wearing the degrading prison uniform
of the Nazis, and others who had had to
accept the uniforms of their former guards.
Many of the camp inmates lacked under-
wear, stockings and shoes. Nowhere did I
see the victims of German persecution as
well clad as resident civilians. Two months
after I left Germany, General Eisenhower
reported that "clothing and shoes are avail-
able in adequate amounts and of suitable
types"; but three weeks later, the JDC was
still shipping clothing and blankets to meet
"emergency needs" of the inmates of DP
camp's in Germany. That would seem to
indicate that, again, top-level policies had
not yet made themselves felt in all local
DP centers.
Scarcely less terrible to me than my mem-
ory of the stench and squalor of the con-
centration camps is the memory of the cor-
roding aimlessness of the life to which the
refugees are condemned. In spite of the
admirable provisions of the AMG manual
for the employment of the inmates in camp
maintenance, administration, and on self-
help and rehabilitation projects, I saw few
instances of any such undertakings. Where
camp residents were employed, they usual-
ly were Baits. For most of the inmates one
dull and hopeless day succeeded another,
with the meager meals the only break in
the monotony. There was nothing to do,
nothing to see, nothing to read, no useful
work, and ahead there seemed only a vista
of uncertainty. Nothing could be harder on
morale, more degrading to the spirit.
In his letter to the President on October
16, General Eisenhower recognized not only
the need for reading matter, and "leisure
time and welfare activities," but also the
need for paid employment outside the cen-
ters. I am glad to have had some reports of
progress along these lines since I returned
from Germany.
U. S. District Judge Simon H. Rifkind
went to Germany toward the end of Octo-
ber as civil adviser to General Eisenhower
on food, fuel, housing, and morale in the
camps for displaced persons, on resettle-
ment and repatriation, and on army rela-
.tions with UNRRA and other relief agen-
cies. There are some 50 representatives of
the JDC serving as liaison between Jewish
relief agencies and the army authorities.
Chaplain Schachter brought news of
schools in centers where there are children,
and also the beginnings of adult education
in some camps. The American Jewish Con-
ference and the JDC have sent prayer books
and ritual articles. In the New York head-
quarters of JDC are piles of cartons, packed
with such "supplementary supplies" as soap,
razor blades, toothbrushes, books in He-
brew, Yiddish and English, and special
foods. These supplies are being shipped as
rapidly as space is available.
Books and Classes
Late in October, Prof. Koppel Pinson,
on leave from the department of history at
Queens College, New York City, left for
Germany with two associates to develop
adult education classes in the camps. They
will work under JDC auspices. In advance
of the educators went 1,000 cases of books
and writing materials, and also back num-
bers of periodicals for the five years (1940-
45) during which the camp inmates were
completely shut off from the rest of the
world. The plan is to recruit class and
discussion group leaders from among the
rabbis, teachers, journalists, and other
trained and educated persons in the camps,
and to offer such study opportunities as
the DP's themselves desire. The program
will also include reading rooms, choruses,
dramatics, and movies.
Plans are underway for vocational train-
ing in the camps, and the problem of
National Jewish Welfare Board
"In the camps I saw refugees still wearing the degrading prison uniform of the Nazis"
equipment is being studied. It is believed
that, given materials and tools, the refugees
could greatly improve their own shelter and
clothing, and some of them could acquire
useful skills in the process.
The most agonizing concern of the camp
inmates is their anxiety for husbands, wives,
parents, children, other relatives and
friends. No camp permits family groups to
live together. In most instances, the where-
abouts of their dear ones is not known to
them. Sometimes, the addresses of kinsmen
or friends are known. In far more frequent
cases, there has been no news for months
or years. When I was in Germany, there
was no official means of communication
between camps, and no method by which
DP's could commence the tragic search tor
those they had lost. Unofficially, chaplains
occasionally were able to forward inquiries
from camp residents to chaplains in other
camps, or to some relative "outside" whose
address was known. But with no civilian
postal service in Germany, these makeshift
methods of communication were meager
and unsatisfactory — as I brought out in my
report.
Toward the end of July, just before I
left, an army official told me that "com-
munications would open up within thirty
days." Two months later, October 8, Gen-
eral Eisenhower informed President Tru-
man that "postal communications between
displaced persons and their relatives and
friends cannot yet be inaugurated."
Since then, the army authorities have ar-
ranged with JDC for that relief agency to
serve as a postoffice for the centers. All
letters from the camp inmates in Germany
are to be sent to the Paris office of the
committee, and from there they will be
dispatched to the addressees. Similarly,
friends and relatives of refugees in camps
in Germany will be able to forward letters
through the Paris office of JDC.
Meanwhile, JDC staff members have im-
proved the registration system in the campf,
and are rapidly correcting errors in camp
records and bringing them down to date.
By the time this article is in type there
probably will be — for the first time since
the great German retreats began — a com-
plete record of all DP's in the camps.
It is heartening to note the improve-
ments that are being made in the handling
of this last hundred thousand displaced
persons — in spite of the handicaps under
which the army, UNRRA, and the relief
agencies have labored. In a devastated land,
with communication and transportation ut-
terly disorganized, thousands of acres re-
duced to rubble, the economy stagnant,
the population not too friendly, long steps
forward have been taken in repatriating
lost people, and in providing better condi- <
tions for those who cannot be returned to |
their former homes. But to shift these peo- i
pie about from camp to camp, to give them
gradually improved shelter, food, clothing,
and some measure of intellectual and spir-
itual life in the camps, is obviously no
solution of their problem. To provide for
their basic human needs is the first re-
sponsibility of the victorious United Na-
tions.
The next step, I am convinced, must be
472
SURVEY GRAPHIC
National Jewish Welfare Board
Survivors of the infamous Buchenwald concentration camp dedicate a memorial to 51,000 victims killed at the camp by the Nazis
a much more general recognition of the
status of the persecuted Jews as Jews — not
only by army officials overseas, but also
by Americans in this country who want to
give the DP's a chance for peace and se-
curity. I was impressed by the unreality
of our inclusion of Jews in nationality
groups. As I wrote in my report to Presi-
dent Truman: "Refusal to recognize the
Jews as such has the effect in this situation
of closing one's eyes to their former bar-
baric persecution which has already made
them a separate group with greater needs."
In July, the army made a beginning by
calling on the JDC to supervise the estab-
lishment of special centers for displaced
Jewish persons.
One of the most hopeful camps I visited
was Feldafing, near Munich, an all-Jewish
center with 5,200 inmates. It has good
buildings, an excellent program, and an
outstanding commandant, Lt. Irving Smith.
The camp, started early in May, was over-
crowded for weeks. The commandant
wanted to take over nearby private homes
to provide better housing for the DP's but
this plan hung fire until General Eisen-
hower visited Feldafing on an inspection
tour. The next day the homes needed were
requisitioned for the refugees.
"Let My People Go"
The desire of the overwhelming majority
of the DP's is liberation — liberation not
only from the camps but from Germany.
Few of those now in the centers want to
return to their former homes. They have
no friends or kinsmen left, the memory of
discrimination and persecution is bitter. A
negligible proportion of them are German-
born. Most of the actively anti-Nazi Ger-
mans and the German Jews who did not
flee the country were liquidated long ago.
Of the German-Jewish population of 650,-
000 in 1933, between 400,000 and 450,000
have survived the Nazi regime. Of these,
at least 375,000 are permanently settled
overseas. Many of the rest are in other
countries of Europe.
Of the Jews still in the German camps
(whatever their national origin — the num-
ber now is probably well under 100,000)
more than half want to go to Palestine,
probably less than a fourth to the United
States, the remainder to other countries,
chiefly • parts of the United Kingdom and
Latin America. When I went to Germany,
1 was entirely open-minded with respect
to Palestine as a haven. I came home feel-
ing that for tens of thousands of Hitler's
victims, emigration to Palestine is the only
sound and sensible plan — to a land where
they have kinsmen and friends, where they
feel sure of a welcome, where they have a
sense of belonging and a fair chance for a
job.
I returned from Germany convinced that
the real solution of the hard core of the
DP problem in Germany lies in their quick
evacuation — to Palestine for those who
want to go there, to other lands for those
whose ties are elsewhere. Palestine is the
main hope but not the only solution.
In a press interview in Frankfort on
November 2, Judge Rifkind voiced similar
conclusions. After preliminary visits to
camps in the American zone, General Eis-
enhower's special adviser on Jewish affairs
stated that he found "only a small per-
centage of displaced Jews" wished to go
to the United States, and that a few others
had chosen other destinations for personal
reasons. "The preponderance of desire to
emigrate to Palestine is overwhelming.
None desires to remain in Germany."
Given a Chance
More than 150,000 DP's have found
asylum and a chance for rehabilitation in
Switzerland, a country with a population
of only 4,500,000, but with a great tradi-
tion of freedom and generosity. A sub-
•stantial proportion of the DFs now in
Switzerland would like to remain there, if
they are permitted to do so.
At the invitation of another neutral, 10,-
000 Bergen-Belsen sufferers went to Swe-
den. There they are dealt with as indi-
viduals. They are given rest, medical care,
opportunity for education, training, or re-
training. Those broken in body or spirit
are cared for and, as they recover their
strength, congenial occupation is provided.
Some, it is clearly recognized, probably will
have to be sheltered as long as they live.
But in the intelligent and friendly environ-
ment Sweden affords, a surprising propor-
tion of the refugees are able to take up
life and livelihood again.
The RAF has flown to a tranquil home
in the lake district of England the first
300 of the 1,000 Buchenwald orphans to
whom Britain will give care, education, and
training.
Our army has proved its ability to move
millions of people with speed and human-
ity. It will have no trouble in evacuating
this last 100,000 from Germany and Aus-
tria, once doors are open to receive them.
The least that civilization can give is new
hope and opportunity to these survivors of
the most barbaric persecution in the long,
black record of man's inhumanity to man.
DECEMBER 1945
473
Fighting Against Time
That, writes the director general of UNRRA, is our greatest enemy
in combating disease, hunger, and social disaster due to the war.
His S O S to the American Congress and the American people.
TWO YEARS AGO, WHEN REPRESENTATIVES OF
the United Nations gathered at the White
House to sign the UNRRA Agreement, we
knew some of the obstacles ahead. That
first year — at the planning stage — there
seemed to be no end to the problems fac-
ing such a new international venture as
ours, as we concerned ourselves with agree-
ments, recruitment, planning and the col-
lection of contributions.
Even a year ago I could not report upon
many operations commenced. Our procure-
ment was well advanced, but while the
Allied invasion of Europe was movin"
rapidly we still could only prepare our-
selves against the end of the military
period.
This fall we have had an entirely differ-
ent picture to present. UNRRA supplies
have been moving to every country eligible
for relief. In almost all of them these goods
are their main support and their only pro-
tection against the rigors of this first ter-
rible postwar winter. I am not claiming
that we can do all that is needed in these
countries; nor was UNRRA set up to re-
place governments. But I do claim that
UNRRA is doing everything that our lim-
ited resources permit and doing it speedily
and well. Our relations with the capitals
concerned are excellent; our missions move
freely in all countries carrying put the in-
structions of the UNRRA Council.
In the field of postwar migration and
health we have helped in tackling some of
the gravest problems ever known. The suc-
cessful movement of six million "displaced
persons" from Germany, although a mili-
tary operation, was also an UNRRA oper-
ation. To aid the million and a quarter
still remaining under our administration
constitutes one of our most difficult and im-
portant assignments. Meanwhile, UNRRA
supplies and personnel have made it
possible to check epidemics in eastern
Europe. Our health staffs have moved in
on many areas and given encouragement
and aid to local medical staffs overwhelmed
with their tasks.
In agriculture, we have provided basic
supplies from which the production of
essential foodstuffs can start next year. In
industry, wherever feasible, we are provid-
ing the raw materials which will make it
possible for the peoples concerned them-
selves to start the production of essential
relief supplies. One of our most valuable
permanent contributions lies in supplying
over 20,000 trucks and many items of
railroad equipment. We hope to buy 40,000
more trucks from military surplus and
send them to the liberated countries. These,
by restoring the transportation of goods,
and especially foodstuffs, will make as
474
HERBERT H. LEHMAN
— By the first actual administrator for
the United Nations — who has taken
bufferings that belonged to armies and
governments no less than to this adven-
turous innovation in international team
play for relief and rehabilitation.
Like a one-man army — but with back-
ing from quarters more convincing than
his critics — he has fought for American
good faith in remitting half a billion
dollars long overdue, and in appropri-
ating $1,350 million more for the second
lap of UNRRA's expanded program.
This article is drawn from Governor
Lehman's recent statements to the
UNRRA staff, over the radio, and be-
fore committees on Capitol Hill.
Survey Midmonthly for December
will carry an over-all interpretation of
the work of UNRRA's Welfare Division
by its acting director, Charles H.
Alspach.
great a contribution as any other to social
and economic recovery.
As Winter Comes
Few people realize how many troubles
have beset UNRRA. To pioneer in this
field has been a thankless and heartbreak-
ing job. We have had to fight for every-
thing. Many people cannot see the wood
for the trees. Another old saying, "A
prophet is without honor in his own coun-
try," seems proved by our experience.
When I recently visited three of the stricken
countries we are helping — Italy, Greece,
Yugoslavia — I heard recognition on all
sides, from governments and people alike.
It was only when I returned, among peo-
ple who have never felt die pangs of
hunger, of cold or homelessness, that I
heard criticism and bitterness and little or
no realization of the greatest relief effort
in the history of the world.
The United Nations Relief and Rehabili-
tation Administration has had no sovereign
powers and could only achieve its objects
by agreement with the very many different
authorities concerned. The messages which
reached us on our second anniversary, No-
vember 9*, are proof positive that despite
the critics, these efforts have not been in
vain.
Even so, UNRRA's mission is less than
'Among them: — President Truman, USA; For-
resen uar enes an
ter Zdenek Fierlingcr, Czechoslovakia;
half done. V-J Day opened up a new vast
area of need. We have now to complete
not only our work in Europe but our work
in the Far East. Both depend entirely upo«
the granting of further contributions which
the UNRRA Council of 47 nations has rec-
ommended to their governments. UNRRA
must cease its operations within a very
short time if these contributions are not
received. The catastrophe in which such a
stoppage would involve the nations de-
pendent upon our efforts is too tragic to
contemplate. I am sure the people of the
United Nations will not allow so terrible
a threat to the future of the world. For
both Europe and the Far East face a grim
winter, perhaps the worst in modern his-
tory. Nearly everywhere there is the threat,
and in too many instances the actuality,
of starvation, disease, economic disorgani-
zation, and chaos.
Hence, UNRRA's need for funds is two-
fold. First, it must finish die job already
begun in central, southern and eastern
Europe which up to now has kept millions
of men, women, and children alive in
Yugoslavia, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Greece,
Albania, and Italy.f Today, however, we
are in the most critical period of European
recovery. The countries receiving UNRRA
help are not yet .self-sustaining; their
strength has not been restored to the point
where they can help themselves. Continued
joint assistance is necessary if these victims
of war are to be given the opportunity to
survive and to enter once again into normal
international trade.
When the American Congress considered
its first authorization in December, 1943,
the -United Nations were just commencing
the great offensives which led to victory.
All of us knew that the most devastating
war in history would be followed by the
most terrible destruction and suffering ever
inflicted upon humanity. The full magni-
tude of the undertaking, however, could
only be assessed upon the final termination
of global hostilities. Our Allied military
leaders generally believed that the war
would end in Europe by the close of 1944.
The war lasted longer there than antici-
pated, was shorter in the Far East; and
these two facts have influenced the whole
scope of UNRRA's operations.
Fighting two major wars on opposite
sides of the earth burdened the United
Nations' leaders with the heaviest logistics
problem in history. Shipping and supplies
remained extremely tight right up to V-E
tMade up as UNRRA was of countries largelj
engrossed in throwing back Axis aggression, no pro-
vision was made at the start for relief of nationals
of the enemy poweri. On the other hand, the re-
surgent democracies of western Europe chose self-
reliance as their course on liberation and felt they
could fend for themselves.
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Day. Furthermore, the prolonged righting
in Europe meant increased destruction and
suffering, and a proportionately greater
need of relief.
Not until April of this year could
UNRRA ship in supplies in any substantial
quantities to where they were desperately
needed in the Old World. Nonetheless,
total shipments rose from 37,000 long tons
at the end of March 1945, to 2,640,000 long
tons by the end of October. Then came
the sudden surrender of Japan, making it
imperative that we implement our plans for
assisting gallant China and the Far East.
The Stream of Long Tons
Today we are in a position to assess both
what has already been accomplished — and
what remains to be done. Let me put this
first in the shorthand of tonnage and their
values:
Greece. By the end of October we had
shipped in 1,378,000 long tons of supplies
($217 million) which, it is no exaggeration
to say, have saved that country from mass
starvation.
Yugoslavia. Difficult for us to assist at
first, owing to the lack of port facilities.
Yet today, UNRRA has delivered over 640,-
000 long tons ($171 million), and we are
stepping up operations rapidly.
Poland ahd Czechoslovakia. For many
months they could be reached solely by the
out-of-the-way port of Constanza on the
Black Sea. Only in the past few weeks
have we been able to move into Poland
through Gdynia and Gdansk; into Czecho-
slovakia through Bremerhaven and Ham-
burg. Yet, by the end of October, UNRRA
shipments to the former totaled 219,200
long tons ($111 million) — to the latter,
255,800 ($94 million).
holy. Here, until recently, UNRRA was
empowered only to carry on a limited
program of aid — to assist expectant and
nursing mothers, children, and displaced
United Nations nationals. Yet by the end
of October we had delivered 105,000 long
tons ($22 million), and more goods were
pouring into that war-devastated land in
a steady stream. Even tiny Albania has
received over 34,000 tons.
To indicate how UNRRA's operations
have been speeded up, may I add that last
July over-all current shipments amounted
to 296,500 long tons a month. By October
we had pushed them beyond the half-mil-
lion mark. Now we are entering the period
when they will be in the neighborhood of
a million a month.
Let me try to visualize for you what our
shipping accomplishments to date repre-
sent: It would take at least 350 Liberty
ships to carry the supplies which we have
provided. And today, with our procure-,
ment and shipping machinery functioning
smoothly, and our staff now experienced in
administrative "know-how," we continue to
pump in aid where and when it is most
needed. But to finish the job we must be
provided with the necessary funds by the
USA and the thirty other contributing
members of UNRRA.
New Tasks Before Us
Meanwhile we have been charged with
increased responsibilities. At its London
meeting last summer the UNRRA Coun-
cil agreed, on motion of the United States,
to assume complete responsibility for re-
lief in Italy — a program which cannot be-
gin until the new contributions are made.
For myself, I have seen a part of the ter-
rible tragedy which otherwise faces that
devastated land. This year's harvest has
been one of the poorest on record and the
average daily ration is less than one third
what we get in this country. Some three
and a half million men, women, and chil-
dren are wracked by malaria, many thou-
sands more have contracted tuberculosis.
Then there is China. No other people
have a stronger claim on the United Na-
tions than the Chinese, who have suffered
so long and so widely. Up to now, how-
ever, only 32,000 tons of UNRRA supplies
have been sent to that country. The ex-
planation is simple — lack of transport fa-
cilities to China. Not until V-J Day could
ports be opened permitting shipments in
appreciable volume. Since the surrender of
Japan we have begun our large scale pro-
gram for the Chinese — the beginning of
what should become our greatest single
program of assistance.
In accordance with the Moscow and
Potsdam agreements, Austria is to be
treated as one of the United Nations.
There a general relief program will be in-
stituted by UNRRA as soon as new funds
are voted. In addition, the two most
devastated Soviet Republics, the Ukraine
and White Russia, have requested UNRRA
aid up to $250,000,000. These are all obli-
gations entered into by United Nations
representatives in concert at London. To
withhold even minimum aid in these areas
can only mean mass misery, and disease.
UNRRA's total financial resources under
its first authorization are virtually used up
— but its job, old and new, is only half
finished. To carry on we need a second
1 percent contribution from the uninvaded
member governments as voted at London.
Only then can we complete our work as
provided in the Council resolutions — in
Europe by jhe end of 1946, and in the Far
East by the end of the first quarter of 1947.
A Going Team
The United Nations established UNRRA
as an organization to meet relief and re-
habilitation needs arising from the war.
The immensity of the task, the very unique-
ness of our international team play, and
the trying conditions that have prevailed —
all these made mistakes inevitable, just as
fighting a global war was not devoid of
trial and error on the part of the mag-
nificent armed services of the Allies. The
only way to have avoided mistakes would
have been to make the greater mistake of
doing nothing.
Our increasingly effective aid in two
hemispheres demonstrates how we learned
from errors in the period of organization
and growth. Today, UNRRA is a going
concern, with its supply and transport ma-
chinery and technical personnel — indeed
the only organization capable of coping
with the relief problem in the critical
months ahead. And we must remember
that our greatest enemy in fighting disease
and hunger is time.
UNRRA alone has the pipe lines extend-
ing around the world complete with oper-
ators in every way station. For example,
we have established effective sources of sup-
ply from which goods are now pouring into
China in ever accelerating amounts. What
'is needed at this time is fuel for these pipe
lines; fuel in the form of funds to keep
the flow of supplies from drying up at the
very time they are most needed to put the
victims of the war" in shape to take care
of themselves.
We get our jute in India, coffee in
Brazil, nitrates in Chile — all from contribu-
tions of the member countries. We save
time and money by being able to send in
machinery from Great Britain to Czecho-
slovakia (against the British contribution,
of course) instead of having to make the
longer and more expensive haul from the
United States — as would be the case were
this country to attempt to do the entire job
itself. Before the end of the year we will
have drawn on the supplies of more than
25 of the 31 United Nations which have
not been invaded.
How the Burden Is Shared
Thirty-one countries have shouldered the
financial load of relief and rehabilitation.
UNRRA has had a remarkable record in
this respect. To date, 26 of the 31 unin-
vaded nations have formally appropriated
funds. (The remaining 5 — small contribu-
tors— are in process.)
Bear in mind, if you will, that the initial
1 per cent contribution meant a very real
sacrifice for many of these nations. So will
the second 1 per cent now due. For ex-
ample, Brazil's contribution represented a
tenth of the total annual national govern-
ment expenditure. During the time when
the UNRRA mission was in El Salvador,
food riots — the result of a three years'
drought — were raging in the streets, yet
that country authorized a contribution of
$120,000. India, a land of famine itseli,
has appropriated $24,000,000 for the work.
Canada has been helpful in providing sup-
plies, and all of her initial contribution was
used up months ago. With the approval
by the contributing members of a second
contribution, nations other than the USA
will have made available more than one
billion dollars.
There is another practical point that I
should like to stress with respect to the
major financing of UNRRA by the United
States. Actually the financial cost to us in
making a second contribution will be less
than the $1,350,000,000 asked for at this
time. Let me explain. Most of the Amer-
ican dollars will be spent by UNRRA to
purchase American supplies and services,
thus stimulating our industry, labor, and
agriculture. In addition, UNRRA is anx-
ious to make large purchases of the U. S.
(Continued on page 494)
DECEMBER 1945
473
By Their French Bootstraps
The International Labor Organization allied with the old League of Nations, survived
World War II. Delegates to its first postwar conference in Paris caught the spirit of France.
FROM THE START OF THE 27TH SESSION OF
the International Labor Conference, its-
meeting place and its surroundings at
the French capital offered their special
gifts to delegates assembled there from 39
nations. As a Paris editor put it, they were
touched by the gesture of the French gov-
ernment in putting the Sorbonne at their
disposal. "All its high standing and pres-
tige are recognized and the great amphi-
theater offers a magnificent setting for so
vital a conference."
Surely no one, from the old world or the
new, could have failed to draw special in-
spiration from the centuries-old buildings
with theii breath-taking beauty of archite«-
ture, sculptures and paintings; their great
stairways and halls; the wide cobblestone
courtyard through which countless gener-
ations had passed; and, even more, the
paneled lecture rooms where France's great-
est men of science, letters, and the arts have
taught and lectured through the decades,
— pioneers in freeing the minds and spirits
of mankind.
However fully the final official actions of
the conference this fall may have met the
expectations of the delegates, they clearly
found much to hearten them from numer-
ous human "by-products." These were not
on the agenda; no committee reports or
resolutions record them. Yet no one fa-
miliar with the things which carry lasting
meaning to men and women could fail to
realize what fresh strength and stimulus
must have come to representatives of the
broken and exhausted nations of Europe as
they met again with friends of earlier years
and shared with one another not only their
desperate war experiences but the postwar
problems and hopes of their homelands.
One delegate said to me: "The awful iso-
lation of the past years, the silence, the not-
knowing-about-others — only knowing our
own terrible situation — has been about the
hardest part to bear." A leading French
newspaper caught their stories this way:
"SIX YEARS AFTER"
"On the great stairway of the Sorbonne
friends are finding each other again after
six years of separation.
" What has happened to you during these
six years?'
" 'I've heard that T. is here, do you know
if he is?1
" 'I've just got back by way of London.'
" 'And I from Montreal.'
"'I hear that L. who used to be with the
Organization is here as a delagate from his
country.'
"After the period of intense suffering those
who used to meet in Geneva were filled with
a deep happiness in finding themselves again
together in a country they knew and loved."
JOSEPHINE ROCHE
— By the president of the Rocky Moun-
tain Fuel Company; former assistant
secretary of the U. S. Treasury. First of
a series of informal articles from over-
seas by a Coloradan who has pioneered
not only in the field of labor-manage-
ment relations, but in health and social
security.
"Both here and in France," writes
Miss Roche from London, "I found
people incredibly touched by the idea
that an American cared enough to come
over without benefit of uniform or gov-
ernment mission — just to find out and
tell the folks back home about some of
their problems, their needs and efforts."
As significant as the reunions of those
who through the years had kept the Inter-
national Labor Organization on its steady
course was the getting together, for the
first time, of younger men and women
from the professional, scientific, and social
service fields, along with those of business
and labor organizations. Their adult lives
had been lived almost entirely in the period
of war's destruction, violence, and waste.
Some of them had daily faced death, dis-
ease, and hunger; the complete economic
and social breakdown of their countries.
They had worked tirelessly to meet these
things, never slackening their efforts even
when the enormity of the wreckage about
them made the utmost they could do and
give seem insignificant.
Three young physicians told us one eve- .
ning about the terrible inroads of tubercu-
losis among older children in Paris; half
the deaths of those in the ten- to eighteen-
year-old group have been from this cause.
They told us, too, of an infant mortality
rate of 33 percent, despite concerted at-
tempts to "save the youngest.". The care-
fully kept charts of these child specialists
showed that the diets of children up to the
age of three had contained "about the neces-
sary minimum of calories," but from three
years up the gap between that minimum
and what they received widened steadily
until it was only half the amount.
Bits of the incredibly difficult personal
experiences under which these young people
carried on their work came out quite in-
cidentally. The young doctor in charge of
a hospital told of his daily rounds among
the homes of outside patients. This called
for pedaling twenty miles a day on his bi-
cycle. For only so, or on foot, or on the
Metro is it still possible to get about in
Paris. One of the women with heavy pro-
fessional duties told of precious hours spent
trying to find food for her household.
Yet all of these young French people
had relentlessly held themselves to a cer-
tain amount of research and analysis, realiz-
ing the importance of having at least some
scientific data recorded, and keeping always
in mind the standards of care, health, and
welfare they were determined to see
achieved some day.
"But we have so far to go," they said.
Rebuilding France
An engineer, who had just started his
career when the war came, told of the de-
struction of more than 5,000 of France's
bridges and of his part now in their re-
construction. He told of ruined railroads
and power transformers, of rolling stock
which had been wrecked or taken by the
Nazis. And he told, too, of rebuilding
already under way — of roadbeds restored
for trains, of old and worn out cars swiftly
reconditioned for temporary use, of the way
the great power dam near Lille had been
rushed to completion and how power trans-
mission was increasing steadily.
An architect, one of a group of students
seized by the Nazis, related how behind
the barbed wire of the concentration camp
they kept up work on plans for rebuilding
a Paris slum — plans now complete and ap-
proved, ready for execution as soon as ma-
terials and labor are available. We heard,
too, of mine and factory workers, weakened
by years of undernourishment, rallying to
meet new production targets.
We learned also of the women, children,
and old men who struggle on the farms
and in fields where tens of thousands of
German mines still are a constant menace.
They struggle against further odds and
without equipment, to supply hungry
France with increased crops. No expe-
rience of the conference registered more
lastingly than did these fragmentary
glimpses given us of people trying to move
ahead "on their own," to pull themselves
up by their own bootstraps.
For my part, I had the opportunity, later,
of going through the northern industrial
and agricultural districts, thanks to the
great kindness of the French government
which sent with me one of the chief en-
gineers of the nationalized mines and
chemical works. And I went down the
mines too — a wholly unique experience for
the men in charge and, I may add, for me.
The narrow seams, the tiny places where
men toil were beyond anything I had evef
imagined, and wholly unlike American
workings. In the French mines, you crawl
along on your stomach.
The desperate way they, often terribly
undernourished and fatigued, are working
to "up production"; the endless hours that
women and children, with almost n«
(Continued on page 494)
476
SURVEY GRAPHIC
From the Rubble Up
"Breakdown is already a fact. A policy of confiscating the tools of Germany and
further transfers may endanger the whole of Europe." — The Times, London.
PAUL HAGEN
TWENTY-FIVE MILLION AMERICANS LIVE,
move, and have their being in New York,
Pennsylvania, and West Virginia. Once
mass evictions and evacuations are finished
along the borders of dismembered eastern
Germany, from 60 to 70 million surviving
Germans will be pressed into a territory
roughly the same size as these three Amer-
ican states. With seventy devastated cities
and towns to rebuild, they will have, as
means for life and labor, scarcely more than
a third of their former industrial plant, and
less than two thirds of their former agricul-
tural productive capacity.
In my first article ["Four Horsemen
Over Germany, Survey Graphic for No-
vember], I gauged the shocks the German
people have gone through — first under ter-
rorism, next in mechanized war, and last
in its train of reprisals, expulsions, misery.
In a third article, I shall again draw on
American, British, and continental observ-
ers for firsthand evidence as to how and
when anti-Nazis exerted themselves during
the Allied invasion; and as to what we can
look to from them in the future.
Here my purpose is to examine what
practicable economic foundations there are
in Germany today on which such demo-
cratic forces can build.
Quebec, Yalta, Potsdam
Hitler still bestrode Europe when at
Quebec, in the fall of 1944, President Roose-
velt and Prime Minister Churchill took
counsel with each other as to how they
might shape things to come in a defeated
Germany. By Potsdam — only ten months
later — Nazi aggression had been knocked
out and boundaries thrust back that had
been laid down at the East after World
War I for the new German Republic.
Quebec, Yalta, and Potsdam • may be
thought of as draughting rooms for plan-
ning the treatment of post-Hitler Germany.
The resulting blueprints were not in in-
delible ink and there was change from one
meeting to the next. Thus, in the much
discussed memorandum which President
Roosevelt brought to the Quebec confer-
ence, the loss of sovereignty contemplated
for Germany ran for two decades. At
Yalta, it was stated unofficially that "not
under ten years" was in mind. Press re-
ports at Potsdam spoke of the possibility
of reducing this, in turn, to two and a half
years. With this flexibility in mind, let me
trace some high points in these meetings.
QUEBEC. (September, 1944)— Last month
Drew Pearson brought out in his syndi-
cated column what he termed a "final
memorandum" initialed at Quebec by
F.D.R. and W.C. This called for repara-
— The second of three articles by the
author of "Will Germany Crack?"
(Harper, 1942) and "Germany After
Hitler" (Farrar &. Rinehart, 1944). The
authenticity and perspective of his books
stem at once from his research training
at the University of Vienna and his sub-
sequent active participation in the anti-
Nazi underground.
This holds for his series, "Facts About
Occupied Germany," published by the
American Association for a Democratic
Germany; and his earlier "Inside Ger-
many Reports."
tions in kind by removal of machinery
from the Reich (which had rifled plants
in conquered countries); for joint control
of the Ruhr and the Saar districts in some
way "under the world organization"; and —
fatefully — for converting Germany into "a
country principally agricultural and pastoral
in character''
If the text which reached Mr. Pearson's
hands is authentic, it would seem that both
war leaders were prepared at the ancient
citadel on the St. Lawrence to subscribe
to some but not all of the drastic points
included in the preliminary memorandum
Mr. Roosevelt had brought with him. That,
reproduced in facsimile by Henry Morgen-
thau, Jr., in his recent book, "Germany Is
Our Problem," had included partitioning
Germany into two states and an interna-
tional zone; complete dismantling of all
German heavy industries; dismemberment
of the Ruhr and Saar territories; vast addi-
tional removals of industries to Allied
countries; the use of German forced labor;
and loss of sovereignty for at least twenty
years after surrender.
YALTA. (February, 1945)— With Premier .
Stalin present at the Black Sea resort, agree-
ment was reached, among other things, on
the dismemberment of eastern Germany
and the removal of its industries.
This was the last meeting of three great
war leaders as such. Five months later,
President Harry S. Truman was to take
Mr. Roosevelt's place and Clement R. At-
lee, leader of the British Labour Party, was
to sit at the side of Prime Minister
Churchill.
POTSDAM. (July, 1945— By now the
USSR had stripped the larger part of Ger-
man industry in the eastern zone. It was
agreed to stop — at least temporarily — fur-
ther Russian evictions of men, women and
children, until provision might be made to
safeguard them in the process — a provision
honored in its breach. Soviet Russia, how-
ever, was now given a further quota of 25
percent of final industrial "removals" in
the western zone — to be compensated for by
10 percent in food supplies.
Along social and political lines, the anti-
fraternization policy was dropped; local
self-government was provided for and a
later central administration for Germany
was envisaged. It was proclaimed at this
erstwhile seat of the Kaisers that the Ger-
man people should be denazified and de-
militarized, politically and economically —
but that they should be neither enslaved
nor destroyed. Rather they should be af-
forded "the opportunity to prepare for the
eventual reconstruction of their life on a
democratic and peaceful basis."
Significantly enough, at the same time
the original idea of pastoralization was
shifted to the concept of an economic, self-
supporting Germany.
The Crux of the Situation
Certainly there was no getting around
the stark facts of dismemberment to the
East — which put Prussian, Silesian, Pom-
eranian and other farmlands out of reach
—beyond the new Eastern border and what
Churchill was to call its "iron curtain."
Nor getting around the mass unemploy-
ment that must spring not only from
bombed industrial plants but now from
those stripped of their machinery. And
along with these, as the months have gone
on, millions of enforced migrants have been
dislodged from their old-time fields and
factories, wandering and shelterless.
With winter coming on, a partitioned
and truncated Germany had hardly started
to produce; malnutrition and unrest have
spread; concern has mounted in the Allied
countries. Thus, three times in the last two
months the British House of Commons has
come back to discussion of the gravity of
the situation. Speakers of all parties, widely
supported by the press, have warned that
German "disease and economic and social
chaos may spread like wildfire over
Europe."
Headed by Sir Gilbert Murray, Sir Ar-
thur Salter and the Bishop of Coventry, a
group of labor and liberal leaders, church
and university men, waited on Prime Min-
ister Attlee demanding an immediate
British demarche to stop the "quite un-
necessary cruelties" in the eastern evacua-
tion areas. They urged that additional
transportation and food supplies be made
available by the British occupational forces.
After this appeal and the debate in Par-
liament that followed, Foreign Secretary
Ernest Bevin spoke for the Labour govern-
ment. He did not associate himself with
the criticism expressed against the eastern
Allies, but shared the group's concern:
DECEMBER 1945
477
"The Channel could be used to stop Ger-
mam,'1 he said, "but it would not stop
genus." There were expressions in both
Lords and Commons that the zone system
of occupation might have been a mistake.
It is the British way to discuss vital prob-
lems in the open. In a wire to The New
Yor^ Times from Berlin on November 9,
Anne O'Hare McCormick noted Soviet
concern also. Excesses in the early period
of occupation on the part of Russian troops
had alienated many Berlin workers and
their families. Now Mrs. McCormick could
tell of an overture by Marshal Zhukov on
the anniversary of the November Revolu-
tion— a gift of fifty pounds of that scarcest
of commodities, coal, to each and every
German inhabitant in the Russian sector
of the German capital. And with this she
could report that "observers in close touch
with the Soviet administration predict that
within a month the Red Army will be put
under strict discipline and Germans in the
Russian zone will be given more freedom
in addition to greater responsibilities than
they already have."
On November 15 it was announced that
German administrative leaders, at a three-
day conference presided over by Marshal
Zhukov at his Berlin headquarters, had
been granted "substantial powers and guar-
anties against interferences by minor Soviet
officials."
Marshal Zhukov proposed a toast to the
"reconstruction of a free, democratic Ger-
many." (New Yor^ Herald Tribune,
November 16).
Meanwhile, the American army let it be
known that it might like to be released
from political policing in Germany. For
his part, President Truman announced an
intention to change from military govern-
ment to civilian as soon as the Allies could
agree upon it. The opening of hitherto
sealed zone borders — at least for non-
essential goods and some emergency im-
ports— had been under discussion by the
Big Three. So, too, had the underlying is-
sue of setting up a central occupational ad-
ministration with larger initiatives.
The Pincers of Food — and Work
It remained for an American correspon-
dent to cut through the discussions going
on among Allied experts and get to the
heart of what lay beneath and beyond such
administrative concerns. This was Russell
Hill, who in a dispatch to the New Yorl(
Herald Tribune on November 3 identified
three choices confronting the Allies (see
box). They were oversimplified, he ad-
mitted; but to simpliiy them further, these
choices were to:
— leave enough German industries as go-
ing concerns so that factory output
could balance food imports, and so
that wage earners could buy the food;
— cut down food consumption in Ger-
many, and let deathrates take their
course; or
— send relief indefinitely into a country
overpopulated and underemployed.
The truth is that when the Weimar Re-
public was sovereign over considerably
larger territory than that which remains
of the Reich today, only about 12 million
out of 68 million Germans were fully em-
ployed in agriculture and forestry. Postwar
distribution of land to peasants in the East
may even increase difficulties temporarily.
Politically important, this Soviet move is
aimed at clearing out once and forever the
remnants of Junker feudalism. But the new
five-acre farms will absorb hardly a third
of the farm families uprooted in the East.
And lacking farm machinery it is probable
that the new landholders will not for some
time grow as much as the old Junker
estates.
The 12 million farming people in the
Weimar Republic produced only about 80
per cent of Germany's food supplies. Ger-
man soil is generally poor. Its relatively
high productivity in prewar times sprang
from an expanding industrialization which
provided agriculture with machinery, fer-
tilizer, and a rewarding market for food.
Germany's big industrial areas have
grown up since the Eighties of the last
century. Since then agricultural population
had been steadily decreasing even as agri-
cultural production rose. In 1871 only 4.8
percent of Germans lived in big cities; in
1900, 16.2 percent; in 1925, 26.3 percent;
and in 1933, 30.1 percent. Roughly 50 per-
cent were dwelling in medium and small
towns and urban industrial districts. Only
Three Allied Choices
by RUSSELL HILL
New York Herald Tribune
Berlin, November 3
1. They may leave Germany with
enough industry to provide exports with
which to pay for imports sufficient to
support the present population. In this
event, controls would have to be im-
posed to insure against a resurgence of
the German war potential. •
2. They may curtail German industry
more drastically, but still balance the
budget by cutting down food consump-
tion until the population has been
considerably reduced. Europe's prob-
lems a generation from now might be
simplified if the population of Ger-
many were 40,000,000 instead of 70,-
000,000, but most Americans would not
enjoy watching the process. This pro-
cess, however, already has started in a
small way. In Berlin, for example,
death figures, particularly infant mor-
tality figures, have risen sharply.
3. Or, finally, they may artificially
support a larger population than is
warranted by the level of industry by
exporting food to Germany without ex-
pecting payment for it. Already hun-
dreds of thousands of tons of wheat
have been imported into the country,
and there is no chance that they can
be paid for in the near future. The
question over a period of years is one
which can be best answered by the
politicians at home.
a third of the population remained in the
villages and on the land — of which the
eastern section now is lost. Moreover, in
1871 there had been about 14 million wage
earners; by 1933 there were 26 million.
In a sense, war, defeat, dismemberment
and removals have "pastoralized" Germany.
But in food growing areas, the nation is
now far less well off than at the end of the
last cenutry, yet has held most of its large
wage earning population. Under these con-
ditions it would seem that Germany will,
for years to come, have to import more than
50 percent of the food supply for its mod-
ern population. For these imports it will
have to pay. In order to pay for the food
it will have to manufacture goods in peace
industries. If Germany is to keep civilian
industries going, to build and equip new
ones, and to reconstruct working class
housing, some of the heavy industries, now
on the removal lists, will be indispensable.
This was brought out inescapably by Prof.
Calvin Hoover whose memorandum to the
AMG disturbed the Russians so much this
fall.
For the paradox is that re-industrializa-
tion becomes necessary to permit even that
partial re-pastoralization which many have
considered the cornerstone of post-war se-
curity. This, then, is the pending dilemma
of high Allied decisions; and brings us to
that grave breakdown in German industrial
production indicated in my first article.
Production — Minus
Six months after V-E Day German in-
dustrial production ' lagged at 90 to 95
percent below normal. Thus, Col. James
Boyd of the AMG reported on September
23 that, of 14,130 factories in the U. S.
zone, only 2,264 were working, and of
these 995 had only 5 percent of their for-
mer production, "due to lack of working
power, food, transportation difficulties and,
above all, lack of coal." Two months later,
such meager showings were still the average
in the Anglo-American occupation zones
(The New Yor% Times, November 15).
Even where there is a bright spot in this
dour outlook, examination shows anything
but a silver lining. Reynolds Packard,
United Press correspondent, made a tour
of the Ruhr Valley, the only important
coal production center now serving Ger-
many. To quote his telegram from Essen
on November 4: "Millions of tons of coal
again are pouring from the Ruhr's great
mines. They touched their highest produc-
tion peak (since the end of the war) dur-
ing October when 4,200,000 tons were
mined. That is one third of the Nazis'
best efforts before the war." Postwar pro-
duction had more than doubled through
concerted efforts by the British — who had
raised mine-workers' rations to 3,400 calor-
ies, made repairs in transportation, and
improved the political treatment of the
mining communities.
What became of this 4.2 million tons of
coal dug in the Ruhr Valley in October
gives one key to the prevailing crisis in
distribution. Here are Mr. Packard's fig-
ures:
— 2 million tons were exported to Hol-
478
SURVEY GRAPHIC
! SEW MINI TOGETHER?
ONE WOULD THIN* TOU WANTED
TO RECOVER. » "
\
land, Belgium, Norway, Denmark,
Luxemburg.
— 600,000 tons went to the four Allied
armies occupying Germany.
— 325,000 tons were engrossed in run-
ning the mines themselves.
— Stock piles around pit-heads, which
could not be moved owing to a lack
of rolling stock, were augmented.
—The rest went into essential German
industries, transportation, gas and elec-
tric production — and totaled perhaps
half their normal requirements,
— But "not one bucket was going to
German civilians."
"Starvation is not the most urgent prob-
lem that the Germans are facing now. . . .
[That] is the problem of how to keep them
from freezing," wrote Raymond Daniell
on November 15. He should have added —
and how to keep them from idleness for
lack of fuel. In normal times 7 to 8 million
tons of coal were needed monthly to keep
the German economy going.
By October, some factories that had re-
opened had to close down once more. Cook-
ing gas and electricity were further cur-
tailed and people who had not been able
to provide themselves with enough wood
or other ersatz fuel, crept deeper into un-
heated shelters and cellars and into holes
in the rubble heaps of the destroyed cities.
"Troglodites," such worker are called in
the European press.
"United Surgery in Germany"
"As you look at these cavemen as they
attack modern devastation, the resurrection
of Germany as an industrial power in any
foreseeable time seems ridiculous." — So
Anne O'Hare McCormick wrote to The
New Yor^ Times on November 9 from
Berlin, which she defined as a "city on
relief." To quote further: "There is nothing
here t* support on any level a fifth of the
population. Thousands of old people and
women of all ages and classes are piling
up bricks and carting away rubble for a
meal a day. This futile drudgery is the
measure of two things — loss of manpower
and the amount of unproductive labor that
Germans will have to do before they can
think of reconstruction or rebuilding in-
dustry."
What is true in Berlin is true for many
other industrial areas. They are "cities on
relief," with only a minimum of trans-
portation, some service to operate municipal
utilities and hospitals, and to reopen repair
shops. Here and there industrial centers,
are beginning to revive. Dortmund is one
of them, surrounded by coal pits— a kind
of boom town growing up out of its ruins.
Exceptions, also, are the lignite industries
in western and eastern zones; some small
steel mills are making a start.
But as things stand today, "cleaning up"
is a major occupation throughout occupied
Germany. So is the painstaking repair of
broken water pipes, clogged sewers, and
Low © All Countries
blown-up roads; the piecing together of
vehicles and electrical equipment from the
junkyards. This, we are told, is too often
the present "level of industry."
The gigantic electrical manufacturing
plant of the Siemens Company was com-
parable to those of General Electric at
Schenectady or Westinghouse in Pittsburgh.
Its complicated machinery was stripped
clean at the fall of Berlin. A small factory
building has now been reopened there and
this winter 200 telephones will be repaired
each month. These patched up instruments
will add a bit to the 5,000 telephones left
in Berlin — against a former 500,000.
Few consumer goods are available. "No
matches, toothbrushes; no kitchen utensils;
nothing," wrote a friend of mine from the
French zone. "In one big hardware store
I saw three items — one little roaster, one
potato masher, and one food dish made
of cement."
Long-run Under-capacity
There has been talk about winter pro-
duction plans in the Russian zone. But
when you read carefully the reports of a
meeting of economic experts in Berlin on
September 26 and 27, you will find a
Saxon quoted as saying: "What are we
permitted to keep [of our industries]? That
we want to know. Let's get away from
talks about statistics; let's start to produce."
(Continued on page 491 )
DECEMBER 1945
479
The Plan That Kaiser Built
First set up in the war emergency to keep shipyard workers well, the Permanente
Health Plan shows how the average American can buy a complete health service.
SIDNEY R. GARFIELD, M. D.
FOR THE MAJORITY OF OUR FELLOW CITIZENS,
medicine is prohibitively expensive. Health,
on the other hand, is something almost any-
body can afford.
In this statement of economic fact there
is contained a solution to the problem that
is now uppermost in the minds of phy-
sicians, legislators, and public-spirited lay-
men: How shall we achieve a wider and
fairer distribution of the blessings of mod-
ern medical science?
It is clear that no satisfactory answer will
be found so long as doctors and hospitals
derive their income from ill health, sick-
ness, and accident. On this unsound eco-
nomic foundation, doctors have written off
annually a large portion of their labors in
bad debts, and hospitals have operated un-
der chronic deficit.
The alternative is as simple as it is effec-
tive. Instead of an intermittent sickness
and accident service, doctors and hospitals
should constitute themselves to render a
continuous health service. Such a service,
covering all branches of the science and em-
ploying all of its marvelous tools, can be
operated at a cost low enough to bring it
within the reach of all, including the all-
too-many who, because of financial in-
capacity, now seek medical care only in the
extremes of distress and danger. The pub-
lic will welcome such a service with en-
thusiasm. They will enroll voluntarily and
pay in advance. Doctors and hospitals will
find themselves not only solvent but in
command of surpluses to devote to research
and teaching, to new facilities and improve-
ment in their service.
A Three- Year Test
These declarations are made with con-
fidence and without qualification, because
they describe actual experience. A complete
health service has been provided for the
past three years to a prepaid membership of
more than 100,000 at its peak. Thanks to
its members who came in early and often
for treatment, this health plan established
clinical performance records that have given
new range to the demonstrated power of
preventive medicine. By keeping its mem-
bers well and active, it made a real con-
tribution to war production. And it has
made money, over all expenses, including
amortization of a sizable investment in
plan and facilities — money that has been
returned to the enterprise to support medi-
cal research.
This is the Permanente Health Plan,
which has ministered to the workers in the
shipyard and war plants operated by the
Kaiser organization at Vancouver, Wash.,
Oakland and Richmond on San Francisco
Bay, and at Fontana in southern California.
The plan was set up in the midst of the
social emergency created by the influx of
— By the originator of the Permanente
Health Plan formula. Its roots go back
to 1932 and a Henry ]. Kaiser construc-
tion project in the southern California
desert. There Dr. Garfield, fresh from
his hospital residency training, turned
what was to have been the industrial
health and accident service required for
workers into a complete medical service
on a prepayment basis.
Later, again in the Kaiser organiza-
tion, Dr. Garfield twice found oppor-
tunities to perfect his formula. Between
such ventures he has served on the
faculty of the University of Southern
California Medical School.
half a million in new population into these
four towns.
Though it started big and started
quickly, the Permanente Plan was no
makeshift. It had its beginnings a decade
before in a health plan organized for the
workers on a wilderness construction ven-
ture of the Kaiser organization. It had a
final dress rehearsal at Grand Coulee,
where a complete prepaid medical and hos-
pital service was provided for 5,000 work-
ers and their families. From these earlier
experiences important lessons were learned
and major policies defined for the guidance
of the Permanente Health Plan.
Like its predecessors, the Permanente
Plan was set up on the principle that it
should be entirely self-supporting, that is,
supported exclusively by the regular weekly
and monthly prepayments of its member-
ship. This principle has been rigidly main-
tained and the plan remains unsubsidized
by charity or paternalism. At the begin-
ning, members paid by payroll deduction,
weekly fees ranging from 50 cents for an
individual to $1.60 for a family of four or
more.
This prepaid income made it feasible to
finance the construction and complete out-
fitting of four new hospitals with a total
of nearly 850 beds.
One brief look at the out-patient clinics
of the Permanente hospitals is enough to
indicate the character of the relationship
between the plan and its members. Here
there is no hint of the usual clinic at-
mosphere, no ranks of stiff chairs and
benches, no indigent patients waiting their
turn. Permanente Health Plan members
are received in comfortably furnished wait-
ing rooms, and see their doctors by appoint-
ment. It is clear, at once, that these out-
patient clinics correspond to what is the
doctor's office in the usual scheme of things.
More important, it is the office of a number
of doctors whose training and talents are
pooled in group practice. Under the hos-
pital roof, with its laboratories and diagnos-
tic equipment close at hand, and with his
colleagues in other specialties in attendance,
each doctor is able to command a wide
range of the resources of his science at a
moment's notice.
From the out-patient clinic a good many
members are sent into the hospital itself,
on in-patient status; for it is a Permanente
principle that a patient who is sick enough
to be bedridden at home will get better
care and recover more quiakly in a hospital
bed. The Permanente hospitals, inci-
dentally, have no "private patient" pavilions
separated from wards. Minimum service is
"semi-private."
For his weekly prepayment fee, the war-
worker member of the Permanente Health
Plan was entitled to coverage of almost all
medical requirements. Service included
house calls — limited only by a small charge
on the first call for family members — full
examination and diagnostic service at the
clinic, hospitalization for a total of 1 1 1 days
during the year with full coverage of all
services — laboratory, X-ray, operating room,
etc. — nursing, and surgery. Family mem-
bers were covered in addition by pediatric
and obstetrical services. A charge of $60
for delivery was imposed to ease the burden
of the high wartime biithrate. Sole exclu-
sions were tuberculosis and insanity, though
both received diagnostic service.
The Best — at Average Cost
Last spring, in response to an invitation
from the Pepper Committee on Wartime
Health and Education, the Permanente
Health Plan was subjected to statistical an-
alysis to determine its validity as a basis
for a national program. By the simple de-
vice of dividing the number of dollars, doc-
tors, and beds by the number of members
covered by the plan, the following figures
were produced for comparison with the
national averages:
Permanente National
Health Average
Plan 1945 1932*
.8 1.2
3.4 3.6
$30.16 $30.08'
1 Committee on the Costs of Medical Care.
1 A large percentage get no service.
Doctors per 1,000
Beds per 1,000
Cost per capita per year
The surprisingly close approximation of
the Permanente physical budget to the na-
tional budget is no accident. The Per-
manente Health Plan was set up to provide
medical service for an average group of
American citizens at a price which they
could afford to pay. Actually, the service
thus rendered is equivalent to the best
available in the United States. At a cost
of several times that charged the health
plan membership, it is therefore the privi-
lege of only a few of our citizens. Or, put
the other way around, $30 per year does
not buy much in the way of service from
480
SURVEY GRAPHIC
the solo practice, fee-for-service doctors and
hospitals in our nation today.
What the close matching of the two col-
umns of figures does prove is that by ra-
tional and efficient organization of its re-
sources and economics, American medicine
can render its best service to everyone in
the nation at no appreciable increase in
cost. Allowing for depreciation of the dol-
lar between 1932 and 1945, the Permanente
scale model demonstrates that the job can
be done, with funds to spare for appropri-
ation to dentistry, public health, custodial
institutions, and the other items that are
covered in the national per capita budget.
While debate and argument rage over
alternative legislative means to obtain bet-
ter distribution of medical care, the Per-
and fairness of both methods. The weekly
flat rate charged for a family of four by the
Permanente Health Plan during the war
amounted to 4 percent on an annual in-
come of about $2,100. The same total for
a health plan can be raised from an average
cross section of the population by charging
4 percent of income in the income groups
between $1,000 and $5,000. At present,
families earning less than $5,000 pay 4 per-
cent and up for medical care, with the
lowest group paying as high as 6.2 per-
cent. A 4 percent health plan charge
would, therefore, constitute a reduction in
cost for the lower income groups, and the
S5,000 families would be required to pay
no more than they now customarily budget
for medical care. By this calculation, nearly
three quarters of the people in the U. S. arc
now competent to finance their own com-
plete medical service.
How many of these families can be en-
rolled?
The history of the Permanente Health
Plan provides ground for considerable op-
timism. Voluntary membership in the
Oakland-Richmond branch ascended stead-
ily during the three-year war period and
reached and stayed at 90 percent of the pay-
roll. Payments, of course, were collected
by payroll deduction and, during the war
years, the plan enjoyed the advantage of
enrolling its membership from a single
large population group. The more recent
experience of the Permanente Health Plan
indicates that these advantages do not con-
stitute a fine qua non to its successful sur-
vival. With decline in the shipyard pay-
roll following V-J day, it has been possible
to offer the plan to the public. Outside en-
rollment of individual, family, and group
memberships now outnumbers the payroll
membership. None of the new groups has
yet arranged to pay through payroll deduc-
tion; a great many members make indi-
vidual payments by mail or in person.
Strongly indicated is the conclusion that
a complete health service is something
which the public wants very much and
will go to some effort to get and pay for.
Group Practice
IB every American community which
boasts one specialist among its doctors,
manente Health Plan provides a model for
immediate, direct, constructive local action
by doctors and laymen who have concerned
themselves with this pressing social prob-
lem. There is no reason, if the obstacles
are fairly analyzed, why the equivalent to
a Permanente Health Plan cannot be set up
at once in almost every town in the nation.
Such plans can be sponsored by doctors
returning from the war, by existing group
practice organizations, by hospitals, con-
sumer and farm cooperatives, or by labor
unions.
The prototype has been engineered and
tested. Its reproduction in quantity should
present no insurmountable difficulties. Suc-
cessful operation requires the application of
four major principles — prepayment; group
practice; adequate facilities; and the econ-
omy of health.
Prepayment
A principle established in the first Kaiser
health plan, organized to serve the work-
ers on a construction venture in the south-
western desert, was that it costs more to
render a limited medical service than it
does to provide a complete health service.
Dollars paid for hospital plans alone or for
accident insurance alone must inevitably
take dollars from other items in the con-
sumer's medical budget. The sum of the
components, covered by separate payments,
is greater than the cost of complete medi-
cal care covered by a single lump sum.
The prepayment fee may be charged as
a flat rate or as a percentage of income.
There are valid arguments for the equity
DECEMBER 1945
PERMANENT PLAN
Contrasting charts from Permanente Health Plan
481
medicine today is conducted by group prac-
tice. The functioning collaboration between
general practitioners, obstetricians, pedi-
atricians and orthopedists, and so on along
the line that so many patients have traveled,
is informal group practice. The attending
staffs of most hospitals work together even
more closely as group practice units. But
the benefits of group practice are achieved
in these situations despite, and not because
of, the economic and social barriers that
divide and segregate doctors who are en-
gaged in solo practice.
In the Permanente hospitals the physician
groups are organized into efficient, oper-
ating partnerships. The doctors employ the
same laboratory and technical facilities,
keep the same single case history on each
patient, and maintain a constant inter-
change of ideas and knowledge.
Adequate Facilities
Modern medicine cannot be practiced out
of a little black bag. From day to day and
from patient to patient, the doctor, in order
to render satisfactory service, must have at
his command from $25,000 to $75,000 and
more in X-ray apparatus, microscopes,
electro-cardiagraphs, and so on — the list
grows longer and the investment larger with
each advance in the science. In addition,
even if he consults no other doctors, he
must have a staff of technicians to carry
out the precise and delicate operations re-
quired in each line of diagnosis. Obviously,
the doctor needs a workshop. The work-
shop is the hospital. That is where his
office ought to be.
Few hospkals in America are equipped
in all respects to conduct the full range
of services required. The nation, by the
testimony of the Surgeon General, requires
150,000 new general hospital beds to meet
immediate local shortages without allow-
ance for obsolete structures which should
be replaced. No exact estimate of the
shortage of apparatus and equipment has
been made. But, if the whole nation were
to enjoy the facilities available to the Per-
manente Health Plan membership, a total
new investment of $3,000,000,000 would be
required.
In order to function adequately as a
health center, the average modern 250-bed
general hospital in the United States re-
quires about $500,000 in new investment.
A rough allocation would budget $50,000
to modernize its laboratory and diagnostic
equipment, $200,000 for general repairs and
$150,000 for the construction of an ade-
quate out-patient department or doctors'
office building. The balance would be al-
located for the construction of community
health centers to serve smaller towns with-
in the city's market area.
The only adequate and fair security for
such an investment is assurance that a fair
return will be earned from the capital
equipment. Such a return can be guar-
anteed by the paid-up membership of a
health plan and, though it may require
some educational effort, it should not be
impossible to persuade local banking in-
stitutions that this is the case.
Adequate facilities, group practice, and
prepayment provide a new economic foun-
dation for the practice of medicine: the
economy of health under which it becomes
possible for the profession and its institu-
tions to derive their income from the well-
being of their patients rather than from
the disasters of disease and accident.
Since people spend most of their lives in
active well-being, health provides a surer
and larger source of income than their
periods of illness and incapacity. Prepay-
ment abolishes the risk and burden of fee-
for-service payment by the consumer. To
complete the economic logic, fee-for-service
payments to doctors and hospitals must also
be eliminated.
It follows that regular payments by
health plan members should be paid to the
doctors and hospitals as their regular as-
sured income. From this income, which is
earned and paid out of the good health
of the membership, the health plan can
budget expenditures for the treatment and
care of sickness and accident. Sickness and
accident therewith become as much a cost
to the medical profession as to the member.
The doctor's personal share in the in-
come of the health plan can be paid in the
form of a salary, or as a partnership share
in the group practice venture. There are
sound reasons why physicians should resist
and object to working on salaries for the
profit of others. The objection loses its
point, however, if the organization is non-
profit-making, or if earnings are returned
to improvement of facilities and service as
in the Permanente Health Plan. The part-
nership share, on the other hand, is the cus-
tomary source of income to such profes-
sions as the law, architecture, and indepen-
dent engineering practice.
In the Permanente Health Plan, during
the war years, doctors were paid on the
salary basis. They enjoyed, on the whole,
incomes equal to those earned by the more
successful members of the profession. To
internes and residents, the plan, further-
more, paid decent salaries — not the token
stipends that prevail by outmoded and un-
happy custom elsewhere. All staff members
received regular salary increases of $1,200
per annum.
With the first item in the health plan
budget disposed of, the rest is easy. There
are fixed charges on plant and equipment;
there is the payroll of lay staff and help;
and there are outlays for materials. Most
of these costs rise with an increase in the
hospitalization and treatment required by
the membership, in short, with increase in
the rate of illne'ss and accident.
It becomes, therefore, sound practice to
make appropriations for investigation of
the causes of illness and development of
preventive measures. These appropriations,
since they are directed at reductions in op-
erating costs, come under the heading of
investment.
In general, almost no funds today are
spent on preventive medicine because it
does not pay. The new economy of health
makes it pay, and puts behind preventive
medicine, for the first time, the powerful
force of economic interest. The returns that
are paid by preventive medicine make more
surpluses available above operating costs
for salary increases, new plant, and re-
search.
New Devices
In its brief experience, the Permanente
Health Plan has pioneered only a few of
the many measures and devices that will
some day be employed to advance preven-
tive medicine. One effective device was the
educational campaign conducted by the
plan among the shipyard workers. Illus-
trated articles in the shipyard house organ,
posters, lectures at lunch periods, and so
on, all contributed, no one can tell how
much, to prevention of respiratory and
other diseases and reduction in accidents.
A measurable result of this educational
effort appears, however, in the records of
the Permanente hospitals. Because health
plan members have come early and often
for treatment, the recovery ratios in all
major illnesses and surgical operations run
at an impressively high rate. The pneu-
monia deathrate, for example, has averaged
less than one percent during the past year,
with more than 500 cases on record. Simi-
larly low ratios of mortality and severity
have been established in cases of acute ap-
pendicitis, perforated ulcer, and other em-
ergency surgery, and records show that
most of these have come under care within
six hours.
A health plan is admirably designed to
provide the kind of statistical material that
is required for research in clinical medicine.
Records of the Permanente Health Plan
are kept with this end in view, and busi-
ness machine punch card techniques make
the information they contain readily ac-
cessible at all times. A rich mine for clini-
cal research, these cards hold the case his-
tories of the entire membership, each one
kept as a continuous single record with en-
tries by all of the specialists on the staff.
They cover not only the sick but the well.
Recently, with funds accumulated from
services, the Permanente hospitals have set
up research fellowships in clinical medicine.
This marks the first time that the average
American has been able to finance his own
medical care, from the construction and
equipping of the hospital through to the
sponsoring of new research.
The Permanente Health Plan looks for-
ward to an active future. Public member-
ship continues to increase, even in advance
of a solicitation campaign planned for later
this winter. The plan has recently set up a
community health center in connection
with the federal housing project at Vallejo,
Calif., forty miles from the base hospital
at Oakland.
If the Permanente Health Plan is feasible
in California, it can be made to work al-
most everywhere. No moment could be
more opportune than the present. Tens of
thousands of doctors who have been away
from their practice or who have never had
a practice, except as officers of the Army
and Navy Medical Corps, are looking for
new ties and bases of operations. Their
applications appear daily in the mail of
the Permanente hospitals. There is no
question of the public's eager receptiveness
482
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Buying Insurance Against Sickness
An enlightening analysis of self-protection against medical bills in the
United States — the numbers involved, and the extent of service provided.
PROPOSALS THAT NATIONWIDE HEALTH INSUR-
ance should be established by legislation
have raised questions concerning the extent
to which commercial group insurance and
voluntary prepayment plans for physicians'
services and hospital care now meet the
need for protection against unpredictable
medical costs.
The first question usually asked is: How
many people have these types of protection?
It is impossible to give an exact answer. Re-
ports from all group and prepayment plans
are not available; and some people belong
to more than one plan, thus creating an
amount of duplication. But roughly, the
total number in the United States who have
some insurance protection against hospital
or physicians' bills, or both, is probably be-
tween thirty and thirty-five million. This
figure does not include the unknown num-
ber of persons who have purchased in-
dividual health and accident policies from
commercial insurance companies.
To understand these plans we must clas-
sify them according to what they offer and
the sponsorship under which they are oper-
ated. Under commercial group insurance
policies the subscriber receives cash to reim-
burse him for all or part of his hospital and
surgical bills. In contrast, most prepayment
plans provide service rather than cash.
Plans Providing Cash Indemnities
During the past ten years there has been
a rapidly increasing growth in group in-
surance under which policyholders are re-
imbursed for hospital and surgical fees.
Originally, hospitalization benefits were
provided in combination with group life
or accident and sickness policies; at present
such benefits, as well as surgical benefits,
are provided by commercial companies
under separate policies.
The policies formerly covered only the
employe but recently the coverage has been
extended to employes' dependents. At the
end of 1944, some 4,900,000 employes were
eligible for hospital benefits under this form
of group insurance. About 1,400,000 of
them enrolled their dependents, making
approximately 8,000,000 persons eligible for
hospitalization indemnities. About 4,300,000
employes and their dependents, or approx-
imately 6,000,000 persons, were eligible for
surgical indemnities under such group in-
surance plans. The large majority of those
eligible for surgical care were also among
the groups enrolled for hospital care; in fact
some commercial plans required hospital
enrollment before surgical benefits could be
obtained.
Employes covered by group hospital in-
surance are entitled to a specified allowance,
DECEMBER 1945
MARGARET C. KLEM
— By a staff member of the Bureau of
Research and Statistics of the Social
Security Board; chief of its medical eco-
nomics section, division of health and
disability studies. The opinions ex-
pressed in this article are her own and
do not necessarily represent those of the
Board.
Miss Klem was formerly with the
Committee on the Costs of Medical
Care.
usually |4 or $5 a day, for hospital room
and board and an allowance toward in-
cidental hospital expenses. In general, the
same benefits are provided for all covered
employes in a company, regardless of their
income. Reimbursement usually covers a
maximum period of 31 days during a
continuing illness, except for maternity
cases, and there is no limit to the number
of periods for which benefits will be paid
if illnesses are due to different causes or
are separated by a certain period of time.
Hospitalization for dependents also varies
with the plan, some providing the same
benefits to employes and dependents and
others giving less to dependents. Hospital-
ization for maternity cases is usually in-
cluded for employes; wives of employes
also may receive this protection if an extra
premium is paid.
For employes, group insurance giving
surgical benefits provides cash remunera-
tion on the bas'is of a fixed schedule of
payments, according to type «f operation.
Payments usually vary from £10 to a max-
imum of $150. The employe is reimbursed
for the actual surgical fee charged, up to
the maximum listed in the contract sched-
ule for the type of operation performed.
If two or more operations are performed
at the same time, the patient is reimbursed
for the largest fee. Surgical benefits arc
sometimes provided to dependents at the
same rate as for employes, but in other
instances they are less. Obstetrical benefits
are usually available to employes' wives at
an additional premium charge.
Until recently, reimbursement for medi-
cal expenses under commercial group in-
surance policies was restricted almost en-
tirely to payments toward hospital and
surgical bills, and included no provision
for physicians' care in the office or home,
or for care of hospitalized medical cases.
A few policies now include cash reimburse-
ment for certain physicians' calls, but the
patient pays the costs of the first, the first
two, or the first three calls in each illness.
Hospitalization Only
Blue Cross — On July 1, 1945, membership
in Blue Cross hospitalization plans totaled
18,800,000. This recent growth is greater
than ever before, amounting to a gain of
17,000 new members daily during the first
six months of the current year. During
1944, new members had been added at the
rate of 12,000 daily, making the net growth
for the year 3,500,000, total membership at
the beginning of 1945—16,500,000. These
persons were affiliated with the 86 plans
in the United States and Canada.
The precursor of all Blue Cross hospital
plans is considered to be an experiment in
1929 by some, school teachers in Dallas,
Tex. Fifteen hundred of them obtained
group protection against hospital bills for
the sum of $3 each a semester. Their ex-
periment was successful and similar plans
were adopted in Dallas and elsewhere. On
January 1, 1937, more than 500,000 people
were participants in Blue Cross hospital
plans, and by the following January 1, more
MEMBERSHIP IN PREPAYMENT PLANS
Commercial insurance company group plans providing cash indemnities
Number of persons insured for hospital care indemnity, about 8,000,000; of these
about 6,000,000 are insured for surgical indemnities.
Plans providing hospitalization only
Blue Cross — 19,000,000
Others — 2,000,000
Plans providing physicians' services with or without hospitalization
Total membership about 5,282,000
Industrial plans— 1 ,500,000
Medical society plans
Washington and Oregon — 954,000
Michigan — 777,000
Other states — 863,000
Private group clinic plans — 406,000
Consumer-sponsored plans — 350,000
Governmental plans — 113,000
Farm Security Administration plans — 319.000
483
than 1,300,000 had been enrolled. Member-
ship two years later was about 4,500,000
and has more than quadrupled since then.
Other hospital plans — An estimate made
by the Northwestern National Life Insur-
ance Company indicates that probably
another 2,000,000 people belong to other
hospital service prepayment plans set up by
individual hospitals, by labor unions, credit
unions, cooperatives, and other groups.
This figure may not refer exclusively to
membership in plans providing hospital
care only but may include coverage in some
that also provide medical care.
Physicians' Services
The 5,280,000 people who are members
of prepayment medical care plans belong to
one of several types, which may be classi-
fied according to sponsorship as follows:
Industrial plans — those organized for the
employes of an industrial establishment,
and financed either by the employer, the
employes, or jointly.
Medical society plans — those organized
by state or county medical societies on a
statewide or county basis.
Private group dinics — organizations
owned and managed by one or more
physicians who usually do not engage in
individual private practice.
Consumer-sponsored plans — organized by
the subscribers themselves, who make ar-
rangements with a group of physicians to
provide service.
Governmental plans — usually established
for the employes or "clients" of certain gov-
ernmental agencies.
Farm Security plans — organized and fin-
anced by Farm Security Administration
clients.
All these plans are similar in certain
respects. Almost all impose some eligibility
requirements for enrollment. These restric-
tions vary not only with the type of plan
but also with the individual plans. Some
limit enrollment to groups, while many
enroll both groups and individuals, usually
giving groups the benefit of lower member-
ship dues. The majority of the plans in-
clude both subscribers and dependents in
their enrollment, and the five and a quarter
million people covered are about evenly
divided between these.
Many plans restrict the volume of service
given — that is, limit the number of physi-
cians' calls, the days of hospital service, the
amount of service during a yearly period.
Others limit the amount allowed for serv-
ices: a specified sum is allowed for each
call, a maximum is stipulated for surgery,
a maximum is fixed for all services to an
individual or a family during the year.
Membership is usually required for a speci-
fied period before a woman is eligible for
maternity care, and frequently her husband
is also required to have been a member for
a fixed period. A specified period of mem-
bership is also required in many plans be-
fore persons are eligible for surgery or
some other type of service. A few plans re-
quire a waiting period before a member
is eligible for any type of service.
Often services provided subscribers differ
from those given their dependents; the
latter frequently are eligible for less com-
prehensive care or only for services at re-
duced fees. In some cases, both subscribers
and dependents are entitled to additional
services at reduced fees.
Most prepayment medical care organiza-
tions offer services rather than cash reim-
bursement for medical expenses. Generally,
the members are eligible for hospital care.
In 1945, about 3,420,000 of the total of
5,280,000 members were entitled to hos-
pitalization as one of the benefits provided
by the plan itself, while the remaining
number probably also had hospitalization
coverage under a separate contract with the
Blue Cross or other agency. The medical
society plans in states other than Washing-
ton and Oregon provide little hospital cov-
erage under their own contracts, but their
members usually belong also to Blue Cross
hospital plans.
More than 30 percent of the persons be-
longing to these prepayment plans were en-
titled to some type of dental service, chiefly
diagnostic X-ray and extractions, while
about 40 percent were eligible for special
duty nursing, visiting nurse service, or both.
The outstanding differences between the
various types of prepayment organizations
are in the extent of physicians' services pro-
vided, and the extent to which they make
provision for dental service and nursing
care.
Industrial plans— These plans, regardless
of how they are financed, almost always
provide relatively complete physicians' care
in the office, home, and hospital.
Members of industrial plans financed
jointly by employer and employe are most
often eligible for dental and nursing serv-
ices, 78 percent being entitled to one or
more types of dental service and 71 percent
to some type of nursing service. Plans fin-
anced by the employes made some type of
nursing service available to 77 percent of
their members and almost 45 percent were
also eligible for some form of dental care.
Medical society plans — These plans in
Washington offer physicians' care in the
office, home, and hospital to their subscrib-
ers and dependents. Plans in Oregon offer
similar services to subscribers but do not
provide care to dependents. In these states,
85 percent of the members are eligible for
some form of nursing service, but less than
30 percent can receive dental services of any
kind.
Medical society plans in other states al-
most always limit their care to physicians'
services for hospitalized cases. Of the total
of 1,600,000 persons eligible for care in
these plans, 1,100,000 are entitled only to
care for hospitalized surgical cases, while
400,000 are entitled to care for all types of
hospitalized cases. Only 100,000, about 6
percent of their total membership, are
eligible for physicians' care in the office,
home, and hospital.
Another difference between these plans
and other types of prepaid medical care is
their combination of a service and a cash
indemnity plan. They have a fee schedule
which limits the amount to be paid for
each service. Customarily, if the family in-
come is below a certain figure the physician
receives only the amount set in the schedule,
but if the family income exceeds the level
specified he may make an extra charge.
Usually the total value of services for any
one illness or during a year's period is lim-
ited, and the family is liable for any addi-
tional amounts.
Many of these medical society plans have
under consideration the extension of their
service 'to include physicians' home and
office calls, but they are following the pro-
visions in commercial group insurance by
requiring the patient to pay for the first
calls (one, two, or three) in each illness,
and by limiting the total value of services
for home and office visits during the year.
Since the medical services are provided
by physicians in individual private practice,
these plans provide neither dental nor nurs-
ing service.
Private group clinics and consumer-spun-
sored plans — A majority of the members
of both these types of plans are entitled to
relatively complete physicians' care and hos-
pitalization. Private group clinics provide
some form of nursing service to 40 percent
of their members and dental service to al-
most 60 percent. Nursing service is seldom
provided under any types of consumer
sponsored plan. Such plans, financed partly
by the Department of Agriculture, provide
some form of dentistry to all members; in
other consumer sponsored plans only a
small percent of the members are entitled
to any type of dental care.
Government plans— Approximately 85 pe
cent of the members belong to associatio
for seasonal farm workers, domestic an
foreign, recruited, transported, housed
placed by the War Food Administration
a cooperating agency. These organizations
are government financed and members re
ceive relatively complete medical care.
addition, they are also entitled to some fon
of dental and nursing service.
|
I
Farm Security Administration plans —
At the beginning of 1945, these plans were
in operation in 37 states. Approximately 75
percent of the families enrolled are entitled
to general medical care. Surgeons' service in
addition to general medical care was avail-
able to 44 percent of the families. Hos-
pitalization could be received by 33 percent
of them through separate hospital plans and
by 39 percent through plans offering a com-
bination of hospital and medical services.
Dental care was available to 24 percent of
the families under separate dental plans
and to 10 percent through plans offering
combined services.
Expected Developments
. Although a substantial number of per-
sons thus have protection against the costs
of medical or hospital care either through
(Continued on page 490)
484
SURVEY GRAPHIC
A Milestone in Health Progress
PRESIDENT TRUMAN'S PROGRAM
IN JANUARY 1945, IN HIS ANNUAL MESSAGE
on the state of the Union, President Roose-
velt declared "adequate medical care" to
be one of the "basic human rights." Ten
months later, in a special message to Con-
gress, President Truman recommended that
this right be made effective through na-
tional health insurance and related mea-
sures. It is the first full-length Presidential
message in American history dealing solely
with health. It's a milestone.
On the morning this message was in the
newspapers, I sat just in front of two well-
dressed commuters who were discussing it
as our train sped toward New York.
"Did you see," said one, "that Truman
is proposing socialized medicine?"
"I haven't read all the article yet," an-
swered the other. "What he says is health
insurance. It can't be awfully socialized if
Truman wants it."
"My brother-in-law thinks it's terrible,"
the first went on. Bill's a big shot in the
medical society and he shouted at me:
'What's the matter with that Truman?
You always said he was a safe man.' "
Returned his friend: "Well, we've had
experience with the Blue Cross among
some of our work people. It's made me
think it would be a good thing if all of
them could have a doctor whenever they
needed him, as well as get into a hospital.
But, of course, we would have to give
the doctors a fair deal, too."
Bill and his colleagues would find things
easier if they would trust the sense of fair
play of their fellow-Americans. And those
people and organizations that are working
for national health insurance, as a means
of paying doctors, wouldn't be interested
if they hadn't confidence in doctors.
Said the President's message: "Apprecia-
tion of modern achievements in medicine
and public health has created widespread
demand that they be fully applied and
universally available."
What the Message Proposes
The President made five recommenda-
tions:
1. National Health Insurance, covering
most of the population providing for com-
prehensive physicians' services and hospital-
ization; with supplementary provision
(through federal grants to the states) for
medical care of needy persons who cannot
for lack of income be brought directly into
a health insurance system.
2. Federal grants, through the states, to
aid in the construction and improvement
of hospitals, clinics and health centers.
3. Federal grants, through the states, so
that public health, maternal and child
health services can be expanded to reach
every part of the country and all the people
who need them.
4. Federal aid for medical education and
research.
5. Cash benefits covering some of the
HEALTH— TODAY di TOMORROW
— A series by the chairman, Committee
on Research in Medical Economics; asso-
ciate editor, Survey Graphic.
wage loss due to temporary sickness among
employed persons. This is not part of the
health program as such. It should be dealt
with as one of the needed extensions of
the Social Security Act.
None of these proposals is novel. Bills
incorporating all of them, singly or in
combination, have already been introduced
in Congress. The Wagner-Murray-Dingell
bill is an omnibus measure covering the
whole field of social security; health insur-
ance and the other health programs are a
part of it. A new bill, introduced by Sen-
ators Wagner and Murray (S.1606), follows
the President's health message; thus enab-
ling a National Health Program to be dealt
with by Congress on its own merits. This
bill has been referred to the Education and
Labor Committee which will hold hearings
on it early next year.
The President's message does not pre-
scribe how the health program is to be
administered. A few broad policies are
stated, such as local responsibility in the
administration of physicians and hospital
services and the maintenance of freedom
for both patients and doctors. Non-govern-
mental agencies, including voluntary health
insurance plans, are given a definite place
within the framework of the national sys-
tem. All of these points are familiar parts
of proposed legislation.
Establishing Paying Power
So are the financial provisions. Health
insurance, says the message, should be sup-
ported by payroll deductions from em-
ployed persons and their employers and by
payments from self-employed persons, and
should be supplemented by general taxa-
tion if necessary to obtain the broadest
coverage. General taxation would supply
the funds for preventive services, hospital
and health center facilities.
The most fundamental health proposal
is assurance of purchasing power for medi-
cal service. The people need this assurance.
Physicians and hospitals, dentists and
nurses need it. National health insurance
would pool most existing expenditures for
medical care, and thus establish purchasing
power for low income groups and in low
income areas. Consequently, it would as-
sure better income for the average doctor.
For the first time in this country's history,
there would be an economic incentive for
physicians to live and for hospitals to op-
erate in many rural sections where health
personnel and facilities have been absent
or gravely insufficient.
By MICHAEL M. DAVIS
The President stresses the dependence of
the special health proposals upon this basic
one. Thus, he recommends expansion of
federal aid for maternal and child health
services. He states that "the health of
American children, like their education,
should be recognized as a definite public
responsibility." This is the principle on
which Senator Pepper and others based the
ambitious maternal and child health bill
which they introduced last summer (S.
1318). But the President insists that special
federal aid to the states for the health of
women and children shall be geared into
national health insurance financially and
administratively. Federal grants for public
health, maternal and child health purposes,
he goes on to say, "should be in proportion
to state and local expenditures and should
also vary [inversely] in accordance with
the financial ability of the respective states."
Congressional hearings have recently
been held on several bills which would set
up a National Research Foundation. The
President recommends special grants to
medical research and education, but again
emphasizes coordination. This special as-
sistance should be correlated with any gen-
eral aid which Congress may authorize for
scientific research as a whole.
Still again, after proposing grants for
hospital construction, he states: "Federal
aid in providing hospital facilities will be
futile unless there is current paying power
to maintain these hospitals upon a good
standard." Here he puts his finger on the
major deficiency of another special mea-
sure, the Hill-Burton bill (S.191). This
bill's laudable provisions for surveying
needs and granting aid to build or improve
hospitals would, if enacted separately, ben-
efit only those places which could give as-
surance, in advance, that they could main-
tain the facilities after these had been
provided. As Senator James E. Murray
wrote, "The poorest and neediest com-
munities will generally get little or no help
under S.191."
There are often many miles between
Presidential recommendations and congres-
sional enactment. There are educational
hills, organizational swamps, and political
rivers to cross. But a Presidential message
is a milestone nevertheless, from which past
progress may be scanned and future prog-
ress will be measured. An article written
immediately after the message appeared
cannot, of course, interpret the comments
of individuals, of agencies, and of the press.
It may, however, be helpful to put opposi-
tion and support in perspective.
The AMA Fights
For nearly thirty years the American
Medical Association has been officially
against the President's basic proposal. In
its long delaying action it has won some
battles but has given ground again and
again before a steadily broadening front.
DECEMBER 1943
485
In 1932, it faced a handful of experts in
the Committee on the Costs of Medical
Care and condemned their report propos-
ing voluntary health insurance as "social-
ism and communism, inciting to revolu-
tion." In 1938, in the National Health Con-
ference recommending compulsory health
insurance, it faced a representative gather-
ing of lay and professional people. In 1945,
confronted with this Presidential message,
it faces the American people.
The AMA opposed the Blue Cross hos-
pitalization plans during their infancy a
decade ago; it has accepted them. It op-
posed voluntary health insurance except on
the cash indemnity principle, but has had
to accept it on the service principle. It has
opposed federal action, but now accepts
the Hill-Burton bill.
Weapons Employed
The instruments of opposition deserve
some study. They include persons, pens,
paint brushes, poison gas, and velvet
gloves. The personal touch of fully misin-
formed physicians with their Rotary Clubs,
state legislators, congressmen and senators
has been developed into a system. Official
medical pens have for a generation dis-
seminated biased information about health
insurance. Paint brushes loaded with pink
pigment are utilized to smear opponents,
particularly physicians who speak openly
against AMA policies on these matters.
When national legislation became a po-
litical issue, as it has during the last few
years, the AMA organized against the
threat on a broader front, enlisting allies
and using new weapons. The "National
Physicians Committee for the Extension of
Medical Service" is technically independent
of the AMA, although the AMA has offi-
cially approved it. It is nominally gov-
erned by its doctor-members — all prominent
in the AMA hierarchy — but really repre-
sents an alliance of "organized medicine,"
some drug manufacturers and retailers, and
certain insurance companies. It has been
spending at least $250,000 a year since
1942 and may have achieved its goal of
raising $500,000 a year. About half of the
money is from doctors. Its millions of
pamphlets, its weekly releases to 12,000
newspapers, its speakers' bureaus and
canned advertisements are engineered by
well-trained salesmen.
Are you a practicing physician? If you
are, ask the National Physicians Commit-
tee for copies of its "Political Medicine"
pamphlet, to distribute, from a neat con-
tainer, to patients in your waiting room.
In the pamphlet they will be told that if
the Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill were made
law, the practice of medicine would be
run by bureaucrats under an autocrat, a
Gauleiter — the Surgeon-General of the
U. S. Public Health Service.
You will learn furthermore how the op-
position has broadened its base of attack
as well as its sources of support. "Com-
pulsory health insurance" would not mere-
ly deteriorate medicine, it would "establish
a core of collectivist control that surely
will be extended and under which Free
Enterprise in any field could not long sur-
vive." Thus, a typical broadside displays
"Trojan Horse Tactics in America." A
proud steed wearing a bridle marked "Com-
pulsory Health Insurance" reveals his in-
ternal organs to be a band of people labeled
"Collectivists." The prospective socializa-
tion of the drug business is frequently
played up.
The methods of the National Physicians
Committee threaten to identify medicine
with commercialism. A generation ago the
users of poison gas won battles but lost a
war.
"If You Must Accept"—
The velvet glove is something else again.
Its use springs from the policy: Delay as
much as you can, accept what you must,
grasp what you must accept. If, for ex-
ample, you have to take up the health
insurance idea, insert a velvet glove, filled
with a firm, sensitive hand, into any aper-
ture, and seize the works. Pass a law (as
in New Jersey and Ohio), or organize the
plan without a special law, so that the
medical society will control it. Support the
Hill-Burton bill so long as your allies in
the hospital world have the controlling
voice in the National Hospital Council and
so long as this council has a final, not
merely an advisory, say over the adminis-
trative regulations and the approval of
state plans.
William Green recently criticized this
part of the Hill-Burton bill, writing Sen-
ator Wagner:
"The American Federation of Labor
vigorously advocates the use of representa-
tive advisory bodies but it has never asked
and does not believe in any proposal to
place final public control of public funds
anywhere except in the hands of responsible
public officials."
Infiltration toward control is of course
the common policy of those who wage
rear-guard actions. At the national meeting
of Blue Cross plans, last October, the fol-
lowing resolution was passed:
"If the federal government decides to
use government funds for the payment for
hospital service to those unable to pay for
such service, that the Committee express to
the proper authorities the willingness of
Blue Cross to participate with such auth-
orities in working out practical methods of
cooperation."
In plain words, let Blue Cross plans be
the administrative agents in spending some
public money. Many sincere and fine-
spirited men in the medical, the Blue Cross,
and the hospital fields do not know, or
have not considered, the long and doleful
history of public payments without public
control. They have not taken home to them-
selves the tested principle that other peo-
ple's money should not be controlled by
those who will pay it to themselves or
their own agencies.
How will the President's message affect
the opposition? Probably it will magnify
both opposition and support. It will make
it harder to use pink paint brushes and
poison gas. It will compel political leaders,
medical and lay, towards more realistic
dealing with the issues. It will stimulate
conservatives and middle-of-the-roaders to
unite behind temporizing and partial leg-
islation, despite the President's warnings.
It will encourage fuller employment of
velvet gloves. It will — but wait and see.
Backing the Program
To analyze past, present, and potential
support is for another issue of this mag-
azine. There can be only a few words here.
Until less than a decade ago, compulsory
health insurance was backed by only a
few small "reform organizations," like the
American Association for Social Security
and the American Association for Labor
Legislation, both defunct now. By 1938,
there had developed the idea of a national
health program which included much more
than health insurance, having medical as
well as economic objectives, and covering
preventive as well as curative medicine.
United backing by organized labor dates
from about that time.
There is now official support from the
Farmers' Union, and active interest among
some Farm Bureaus and Granges, though
the American Farm Bureau Federation and
the National Grange still hold off.
During the last few years the principles
of this program have been endorsed by
many agencies, including among others the
National Lawyers Guild, the American
Association of Social Workers, the Inde-
pendent Citizens Committee of the Arts,
Sciences and Professions, the American
Public Health Association, and two bodies
of doctors — the Physicians Forum and the
Committee of Physicians for the Improve-
ment of Medical Care. The strategic weight
of this medical support rates far above the
relatively small proportion of doctors con-
cerned. The President's health program
would make such important contributions
to productivity, such large savings of eco-
nomic wastes and at such small cost, that
for these reasons alone it should and will
enlist strong support from many business
men.
An active organization is now needed,
including all these and other elements of
support from all parts of the country. Such
an organization should conduct an aggres-
sive campaign without taking responsibility
from, but instead stimulating, the much
more potent agencies of labor, business,
agriculture, women's, church, civic and
professional groups.
Such an organization will not have to
duplicate the budget of the National Physi-
cians Committee, any more than it would
ape that committee's methods. On its side
it would have two fortifications which the
National Physicians Committee cannot pur-
chase with all its money — a mass of truth
and a mountain of human need.
It is the fact of widespread, unmet medi-
cal needs; it is the realization of unsatisfied
human demands for health service, that
have advanced the front, on one salient
after another, during the last thirty years.
These needs, gradually becoming appreci-
ated, and these demands, slowly growing
vocal, have just called forth a message to
Congress from the President of the United
States. It is the pressure of these needs and
demands — not bombardment with epithets
— which before long will make the pro-
gram a legislative reality.
486
SURVEY GRAPHIC
LETTERS AND LIFE
White of Emporia
WILLIAM ALLEN WHITE LIVED HIS LIFE IN
the open, as a Kansas editor, a political
writer of national scope and a backer of
policies and movements that furthered
democratic principles. For forty-nine years
he was able to comment in public on local
and national affairs in the pages of his own
newspaper, which, by its influence on other
editors and political leaders, affected Amer-
ican life wholly out of proportion to its
circulation.
White began with a sense of responsi-
bility to the community and an independent
mind. These two traits put him on the
side of the insurgent movement in the Re-
publican party of the 1900s and the inter-
ests of the farmer and laborer as against
the great organizations that controlled the
markets. To trace the high spots of this
career should be a salutary lesson in the
social usefulness of the individual who
works for the betterment of conditions in
his time.
Deep Roots in Kansas
David Hinshaw has given opportunity
for another look at the career of William
Allen White in his book, "A Man from
Kansas" (Putnam; |3). It is a personal
record, illuminated, but not distorted, by
long years of association. Mr. Hinshaw
writes that when he was a farm boy near
Emporia, forty-eight years ago, he became
the Quaker Valley correspondent of the
Emporia Gazette in order to receive that .
newspaper as compensation. Long after,
when the Progressive movement split the
Republican party in Kansas, he joined
White to promote the fortunes of the new
group and the two became "captain and
crew of the good ship Bull Moose of
Kansas."
Mr. Hinshaw knew White intimately and
he understands Kansas. He should be able,
therefore, to portray White as he was in
his own homeland and to trace the influ-
ence of Kansas air, and Kansas fighting
spirit, on this practical liberal.
William Allen White was an individual
who did not allow himself to become sub-
merged in a large organization. Far from
remaining a back number because he chose
to run a small town newspaper, he made
Emporia a terminal on the line that had
New York and Washington at its eastern
end.
In his first statement of principles he
said: "This world is made better by every
man improving his own conduct — no re-
form is accomplished wholesale." With
this confidence in the individual, he also
retained confidence in the homely sur-
roundings in which he did most of his
work and lived with his family. It would
(All books
HARRY HANSEN
have been easy, says Mr. Hinshaw, for
White to have moved to Chicago or New
York, taking advantage of opportunities to
enter large newspapers there. But he saw
his association with the Gazette as an op-
portunity; to suggestions that he delegate
much of this work he replied that "with-
out it he would be separated from the
people — get lost." „
The Human Equation
Such an attitude is not unique, but it is
rare in America, and no one knows what
the midlands have lost by the steady proces-
sion of able minds to the political and lit-
erary capitals. Some writers have realized
how much simple and wholesome living in
small communities means to their art. Sin-
clair Lewis is an example of a metropoli-
tan writer who time and again has been
making an attempt to strike roots far from
literary markets — at present in Duluth.
White saw beyond the veneer, the man-
nerisms that people put on; he esteemed
character, and Emporia gave him as many
genuine examples of that as any other com-
munity.
White was obviously affected by the in-
dependent spirit in Kansas politics, al-
though he had nothing but contempt for
Populism. He had already shown his lib-
eral leanings when he wrote for McClure's
Magazine in the late 1890s, and .we are
told that he was wholly sympathetic with
Ida M. Tarbell's study of the Standard Oil
Co. But it was Theodore Roosevelt, more
than any other leader, who won William
Allen White's allegiance.
Mr. Hinshaw's comment on this relation-
ship gives readers an opportunity for re-
valuing the services of Theodore Roosevelt
to the emerging protest against stand-
patism and reaction and to understand the
extent of the disappointment with William
H. Taft. In these days T. R. appears as
one of a line of movers and shakers; in the
early part of this century he was the su-
preme representative of the movement
against privilege. As White said, he "dram-
atized a new phase of the truth about free-
dom, its economic implications."
Only a man like David Hinshaw, who
grew up in the Middle West and shared
its attempt to break economic barriers that
were rigidly clamped on by the Republican
party, can properly estimate the importance
of T. R.'s leadership in the West. When
White spoke of "that exuberant personality,
that joyous, burning flame that was Theo-
dore Roosevelt" he was not indulging in
oratory; he was recording the impression
that T. R. made on western men. This
spirit later supported some of the reforms
of Woodrow Wilson and it was the Repub-
ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will be
lican party's inability to adopt its principles
that led the party to defeat.
White, always aware how much the human
equation meant to issues, saw how many
different men worked for democracy. He
believed in constant repetition of the simple
truths of living, kindliness, neighborly help,
fair dealing, honesty, generosity — "continu-
ous interpretations and preachings." He
wrote: "Until an idea commands the re-
spect of highclass, stable, conscientious, un-
selfish men, it gets nowhere." He wrote
of democracy:
"In a democracy the best statesmanship
is patience; it is willing to take licking after
licking, not caring for majorities, but caring
chiefly for convincing the people, trusting
the people when [they become] convinced
to use such weapons as the movement pro-
vides to achieve their desire. We must
learn to labor and to wait."
A Stabilizing Influence
Although William Allen White's political
ideas moved forward with the years, he
never was able to break with precedent and
tradition as completely as Franklin D.
Roosevelt. Rather, his hope was in Wen-
dell Willkie, who had something of the
breezy, open, western challenge, without
advocating changes too radical for the
American middle class. But he had gone
a long way from his editorial of 1896,
"What's the Matter with Kansas?" and his
ridicule of the judge who declared that pro-
duction should be for use, not profit.
A few years ago White explained to Mr.
Hinshaw why he so frequently gave his
name to organizations that often went far-
ther than he could:
"It is so easy for men of some standing
and some property to line up on the right.
Lining there they convince those who do
not have standing and property that society
in its privileged strata is aligned against
them. It inclines to make class feeling.
So, as you know, I have always lent my
name to organizations that went a little
farther to the left than I would be willing
to go if I had any executive responsibility
in government or any administrative or-
ganization. . . .
"It seems to me the emphasis of our
politics in this century will be largely upon
that readjustment of income and, perhaps
to an extent incidental thereto, a readjust-
ment of title in property, not all property,
but certain property affected by public
use. . . .
"I do want to be an influence for the
stabilization of the social conflict, which I
feel will take nearly a century to achieve."
Mr. Hinshaw says White's strength lay
in interpretation, and there he puts his
postpaid)
DECEMBER 1945
497
Two new books
in the public
health field . . .
PUBLIC
MEDICAL
CARE
Franz Goldmann, M.D.
The first attempt ever made
to give a composite picture
of public medical care as a.
social movement.
"Dr. Goldmann writes clearly
and out of a thorough knowl-
edge of his subject. . . . His
book represents an impor-
tant contribution to sounder
thinking and doing with re-
gard to public medical care.
The general public, whose
care is in question, should be
fully aware of the facts con-
tained in this authoritative
book." - New York Times.
"Excellent analysis, interpre-
tation and appraisal . . . Inter-
esting, readable, and highly
recommended." Library
Journal. $2.75
RADIO
in HEALTH
EDUCATION
Prepared under the Auspices
of (he New York Academy ol Medicine.
A basic and critical evalua-
tion of objectives and tech-
niques in radio health educa-
tion. First in a new series
—Frontiers in Public Health
Education — it is addressed
to health educators, social
workers, radio personnel, and
health organizations'. $1.60
COLUMBIA
UNIVERSITY
PRESS
2960 BROADWAY
NEW YORK 27, N. Y.
hnger on one of the great functions of
journalism. When we ask why the news-
papers of so many smaller cities have lost
all editorial influence, we can find the an-
swer in studying a newspaper like the
Emporia Gazette, which did not.
White was not the slave of money-
making. He did not have to make his
newspaper a bigger and better money-
maker, all his days. It sufficed that it was
a going concern, and that he was under
no obligations to flatter the prejudices of
local business and industry. If he was a
booster, it was in the intelligent sense of
being proud of his town and glad to see
its progress.
The reason many newspapers are in-
nocuous is because they are neutral. They
move with business. Few of them express
and interpret the ground swell in American
politics, as White did. But the ground
swell is there, nevertheless. And when it
sweeps new men into office, it brings with
it its own interpreters.
THE GERMAN TALKS BACK, by Heinrich
Mauser. Holt. $2.50.
THE FREE STATE, by D. W. Brogan.
Knopf. $2.
THE APPEARANCE OF THESE TWO BOOKS AT
the same time is coincidental but their
subject matter leads quite naturally to joint
consideration. Mr. Hauser has as his aim
to interpret Germany to the American peo-
ple and to explain why the Germans loathe
our particular brand of democracy. Mr.
Brogan, a Scotsman, says that he is ad-
dressing "those intelligent Germans (who
must exist) who may now be pondering
the problem of why twice in a generation
Germany has been involved in catastrophe
— and has involved her neighbors." He ex-
plains Anglo-Saxon democracy and the
German inability to understand its under-
lying principles.
Mr. Hauser is fluent, readable, journal-
istic. His premises are broad and hastily
brushed over. He understands the tech-
nique of propaganda and by shock treat-
ment keeps his audience under control. He
recognizes his precarious position in claim-
ing to understand America while he pre-
fers Germany. He professes good will in
undertaking his difficult task but is not
convincing either in his logic or intention.
Mr. Brogan is a scholar, not easy to
read, and an honest advocate of democ-
racy. As a historian he draws from a rich
background in discussing Western democ-
racy. He is temperate and effective in trac-
ing Germany's evolution from a congeries
of disunited nations to a united tyranny.
He portrays Germany as immature, with
hereditary defects — a country which "ex-
alts the irrational" and "elects to return
to barbarism."
The publishers of "The German Talks
Back" have gone to considerable pains to
justify the publication of a book which
they as well as the author know will be
distasteful to American readers both be-
cause of content and manner of presenta-
tion. The assumption is that the book
represents the attitude of a majority of Ger-
mans and therefore must be taken seriously.
Footnotes throughout by Hans J. Morgen-
thau point out certain inaccuracies ot
statement, but it is doubtful if American
readers would be led astray by Mr. Hauser.
Whatever importance the book has — and
I for one hope that the publishers have
exaggerated Mr. Hauser's claim to speak
for Germany — derives not from the merit
of the argument but simply from the num-
ber who think that way. He disdains to
discuss Germany's case from the standpoint
of moral principle; in fact he appears so
lacking in understanding of the part princi-
ple can play that the reader is ready to
take issue with him at times and protest
that there are Germans actuated by other
than selfish and materialistic motives. He
goes so far in showing the base character
of both Germans and Americans that the
human race becomes despicable and its
future unimportant. His purpose is ap-
parently to frighten the democracies into
strengthening Germany as a . bulwark
against communism. Yes, this, which is
certainly hackneyed, is the main conclusion
of the book.
Mr. Brogan's dissertation upon the char-
acteristics of Western democracy, the con-
ditions necessary to its growth, its capacity
for self-analysis and criticism, its sturdy
adherence to individual and impersonal
standards of value, provides ample material
for the refutation of much of Mr. Hauser's
special pleading. "The Free State" is also
suited to more constructive purpose, since
here is real understanding of how both
Germany and the Anglo-American democ-
racies came to be as they are.
New Yor^ City SYDNOR H. WALKER
PUBLIC MEDICAL CARE, by Franz Gold-
mann, M.D. Columbia University Press.
#2.75.
"IF WE COULD FIRST KNOW WHERE WE ARE
•and whither we are tending, we could
better judge what to do and how to do
it." With this quotation from Abraham
Lincoln, Dr. Goldmann introduces his
book. It is a fitting motto for what is
unquestionably the most comprehensive and
most penetrating study that has ever ap-
peared of the development of public re-
sponsibility for medical care in the United
States.
Much has been written about the gen-
eral topic of health needs in this country,
and much also about ways and means of
meeting these needs. But in most of these
writings, little attention has been paid to
the numerous and complex programs al-
ready in existence, with all their virtues
and faults, for the provision of medical
services paid for from taxes and admin-
istered by governmental agencies. Obvious-
ly we can leam much from a serious
appraisal of our present programs and
practices and from the lines of their his-
torical development. This book presents
such an opportunity.
The main chapter headings give a good
indication of the author's skillful approach
to the mass of historical and current ma
terial on the subject: "The Pattern ol
Progress", "The Growth of Public Hospi
tals", "From 'Free Dispensary' to Publii
488
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC^
SURVEY GRAPHIC
Medical Center", "The Development of
Programs of Public Medical Care for 'Per-
sons in Need' ", "Administration of Public
Medical Care: its Present Framework", and
"Planning for Medical Care." In each chap-
ter historical developments are traced, pres-
ent patterns described, general trends an-
alyzed. The hodge-podge of financial, ad-
ministrative, and professional responsibility
for the public medical programs of today
receives a much needed emphasis.
The section on planning is short and is
largely confined to presenting, in an orderly
and incisive manner, the issues which must
be faced and the questions which must be
answered if we are to proceed in any logical
fashion with improving . the organization
and distribution of medical service in this
country.
Dr. Goldmann writes with clarity and
grace; it is a delight to encounter a serious
professional study which is also highly
readable.
Not all readers will agree with the an-
alysis made in this book nor with the
conclusions reached. Some will wish for
more tables, graphs, statistics. Others may
feel that some programs with which they
are familiar should have received greater
attention. A number may not accept easily
Dr. Goldmann's forthright treatment of
taboo subjects, like "socialized medicine",
"free choice of physician", and so on,
which often are handled by other authors
with great delicacy, not to say aloofness.
But there will be few indeed who will
not agree that this is an exceedingly in-
formative and provocative book, well worth
careful study. It should be required reading
for all public administrators in the fields
of health and welfare, for social workers,
public health nurses, and, indeed, for all
physicians, hospital administrators and
others in the health professions who are
aware of the public's interest in better
medical care and are searching for the
means to provide it.
DEAN A. CLARK, M. D.
Medical Director
Health Insurance Plan of Greater New
THE PHILOSOPHY OF AMERICAN
HISTORY, 2 vols., by Morris Zucker. The
Arnold-Howard Publishing Co. Inc. Each
volume, $4.50, set, #8.50.
IN THESE TWO STOUT VOLUMES MR. ZuCKER
ambitiously attempts to discover history's
laws and to transform the historian's craft
from a humanistic art to science. History
in the era of civilization, Mr. Zucker argues,
is the product of ineluctable social laws,
casual in nature. These laws, variously
called social forces, the laws of social mo-
tion, arise from the interactions of the
three most important "dependent variables"
in society operating in a given time: the
state, the economy, and the ideology. These
three elements are in constant flux, but
their relationship in a particular historical
era always produces definite social forces.
In any era, according to Mr. Zucker, the
laws of social motion are all derived from
the social relations arising from the char-
acter of private property in the means of
production. In the era of capitalism those
forces stem from the nature of capitalist
production.
Upon applying his mechanistic "Histori-
cal Field Theory" to the American scene,
Mr. Zucker claims to have discovered a
special corollary — the "Theory of the Con-
tinuing American Revolution." According
to the latter, the War for Independence was
an inevitable social, people's revolution.
And the democratic forces that it let loose
have continued to operate and are working
today, together with the inexorable decay
of capitalism, to usher in a coming era of
Social Democracy.
Fundamentally, the "Historical Field
Theory" is a Marxian, materialist interpre-
tation of history dressed up in the language
of modern science. Mr. Zucker credits Ein-
stein's theory of relativity with having in-
spired his own concept of the "Historical
Field." But his major assumptions are taken
from Marx. Thus, the state and the "ideo-
logical superstructure" appear as familiar
Marxian categories. The state is defined as
the instrument of the dominant class "to
preserve the basis of property relations,"
while all ethical, moral, political, and jural
concepts become nothing more than deriva-
tives of the "relations of production which
dominate a given society."
Readers of these provocative volumes will
find them written forcefully, and with
great human sympathy, which is much
more than one might expect in a work that
Earning Two Salaries in Spare Time
Sold Articles and Stories, Thanks to N.I.A.
"Since having received my certificate from the N.I.A., I have been
receiving regular monthly salaries from a weekly and city daily
newspaper. Besides, I have sold several short articles and feature
stories. I have worked under great difficulties, as I have had the care
of an invalid. Anvone who has an aptitude (or writing, ooulil do no
better than to take the N.I.A. Course." — Mrs. Frances E. Brown,
Box 161, Arcadia, La.
How do you KNOW you can't WRITE?
Have you ever tried?
Have you ever attempted even the least bit of training, under competent guidance?
Or have you been sitting back, as it is so easy to do, waiting for the day to come when
you will awaken, all of a sudden, to the discovery, "I am a writer"?
If the latter course is the one of your choosing, you probably never mill write.
Lawyers must be law clerks. Doctors must be internes. Engineers must be draftsmen.
We all know that, in our time, the egg does come before the chicken.
It is seldom that anyone becomes a writer until he (or she) has been writing for some
time. That is why so many authors and writers spring up out of the newspaper business.
The day-to-day necessity of writing— of gathering material about which to write- — devel-
ops their talent, their insight, their background and their confidence as nothing else
could.
That is why Newspaper Institute of America bases its writing instruction on journal-
ism — continuous writing — tlie training that has produced so many successful authors.
Learn to write by writing
NEWSPAPER Institute training is based on the New York Copy Desk Method. It starts and
keeps you writing in your own home, on your own time. Week by week you receive
actual assignments, just as if you were right at work on a great metropolitan daily. Your writing
is individually corrected and constructively criticized. Thoroughly experienced, practical, active
writers are responsible for this instruction. Under such sympathetic guidance, you will find
that (instead of vainly trying to copy some one else's writing tricks) you are rapidly developing
your own distinctive, self-flavored style — undergoing an experience that has a thrill to it and
which at the same time develops in you the power to make your feelings articulate.
Many people who should be writing become awe-struck by fabulous
stories about millionaire authors and, therefore, give little thought
to the $25, $50 and $100 or more that can often be earned from ma-
terial that takes little time to write — stories, articles on business, fads,
books, current events, travels, homemaking, local, church and club
activities, etc. — things that can easily be turned out in leisure hours,
and often on the impulse of the moment.
A chance to test yourself
Our unique Writing Aptitude Test tells whether you possess the fun-
damental qualities necessary to successful writing — acute observation,
dramatic instinct, creative imagination, etc. You'll enjoy taking this
test. The coupon will bring it, without obligation. Newspaper Insti-
tute of America, One Park Avenue,, New York 16. N. Y. (Founded
1925)
NOTICE TO
CANADIANS
Newspaper Institute's
operations in Canada
have been approved by
the Foreign Exchange
Control Board. To
facilitate all financial
transactions, a special
permit has been as-
signed to their account
with The Canadian Bank
of Commerce, Montreal.
Newspaper Institute of America,
One Park Ave., New York 16, N. Y.
Send me, without cost or obligation, your Writing Aptitude Test and further
information about writing for profit, as promised in Survey Graphic, December.
Mr.
Mrs.
Miss ,
Address Zone ...... State .
(All correspondence confidential. No salesman will call on you.) 86 W-o&-
Copyright 1945 Newspaper Institute of America
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
DECEMBER 1945
489
How CAN THERE BE PEACE
BETWEEN LABOR and MANAGEMENT?
Helpfully discussed for executives of today and tomorrow in —
HUMAN LEADERSHIP
IN INDUSTRY
THE CHALLENGE OF TOMORROW
By Sam A. Lewisohn
President, Miami Copper Company
A challenge, a warning and a guide to executive leaders to assume the full responsi-
bility which is theirs for improved human relations in industry. Its timely message
throws helpful light on current labor controversies and strikes which require a high
order of leadership to settle.
A. M. ROCHLEN, Director of Industrial and Public Relations, Douglas Aircraft Com-
pany: "A brilliant analysis of industrial relations by an eminent authority. Both
Labor and Management can profit immeasurably by it ..."
ALVIN E. DODD, American Management Association: "Mr. Lewisohn has written with
great clarity and characteristic simplicity about matters that are of enormous impor-
tance to American management and labor."
GEORGE W. TAYLOR, Chairman, N+
ttonal War Labor Board: "All those who
are vitally concerned with the need for
improved labor relations, and that in-
cludes most of us, will secure a better
understanding about how to achieve the
goal from a reading of this book."
at all bookstores
#2.00
HARPER & BROTHERS
A
denies that history has anything to do with
abstract morality. Scholars working in the
social sciences will either be amused or out-
raged by the numerous acrid references to
the "professorial." But what is much more
important, they will question Mr. Zucker's
assumptions and find very serious weak-
nesses in his methods and conclusions. For
in these volumes, as in almost every other
philosophy of history, the facts are tailored,
when necessary, to fit the theory. This fre-
quently results in extremely doubtful and,
at times, absurd generalizations and start-
ling contradictions.
In the final analysis, Mr. Zucker asks
that he be judged not only by the validity
of his analysis of the past but by the suc-
cess of his predictions about the history of
the next two decades. That is a fair re-
quest. But I do not think that it will be
necessary to wait twenty years to say that
his theories have not quite revolutionized
historical thought as Copernicus did "in
astronomy, Darwin in biology, and Ein-
stein in physics."
OSCAR ZEICHNER
Instructor in History
City College, New Yor{
THE PATTERN OF SOVIET POWER, by
Edgar Snow. Random House. #2.75.
If YOU ARE INTERESTED IN THE DIRECTION
of Soviet power in Russian-occupied Eu-
rope, including its impact on postwar Ger-
many; if you have questions about Soviet
influence in the Polish settlement, and in
the "two Chinas" of today, then you should
read Edgar Snow's new book, "The Pat-
tern of Soviet Power."
The range of vital world questions about
Soviet foreign policy covered in this book
is tremendous. I'n addition to the foregoing
you will find new answers to related issues
of Soviet internal affairs. For example, how
soon can the Russians surpass their pre-
war levels of industrial output? What hap-
pened to the Communist Party machine
under the German occupation of the
Ukraine? What is being done in Russia
to the German war prisoners? How do
the Russians feel about the new strict
divorce laws designed to strengthen the
family and raise the birthrate, the one sure
means of replacing the war dead and peo-
pling the Soviet land's great empty spaces?
To get his answers Edgar Snow again
took a swing around Soviet Russia in 1944.
He reports on life under the Soviets as
they look forward to the tomorrow of
peace. And in looking to the future, he
has more thoroughly than any previous
writer gone into a new question that may
be asked with increasing frequency as
Premier Stalin climbs up in years: Who
among the high ranking Soviet leaders is
likely to succeed Stalin? Snow's informa-
tion and speculations about the members of
the all-powerful Politburo make interesting
and instructive reading.
In his best-seller "The People on Our
Side," Mr. Snow dealt with how our Rus-
sian allies mobilized for the supreme effort
in the trying days of retreat. In his new
book he gives a comprehensive presentation
of what they think and of why they move
as they do, facing the complexities of re-
construction in Europe, and of allied vic-
tory in the Pacific. There is much of value
in this book, not the least of which is the
author's inimitable style and his firm grasp
of reality. ANDREW J. STEIGER
Co-author of "Soviet-Asia"
SICKNESS INSURANCE
(Continued from page 484)
cash or service benefits, the amount of cash
payments and the types and amount of
medical care available are limited. More-
over, enrollment restrictions and the costs
of membership prohibit many people from
participating in prepayment plans. Com-
mercial companies are increasing the bene-
fits provided through their group policies
and it can be anticipated that they will con-
tinue to do so. The financial barrier may
be lowered, if employers continue to pay
all or part of the premiums for group pol-
icies, as many did while they had federal
war contracts.
Further developments may also be ex-
pected in prepayment medical care organ-
izations. Members of the professions pro-
viding medical service, and the public, have
indicated their desire for greater availability
of medical services and for arrangements to
protect people against unexpected medical
bills while assuring adequate remuneration
to the professions and institutions providing
the service. There are differences of opinion
only on the methods to be used in pro-
viding the protection, and these are chiefly
centered on whether it should be done on
a voluntary or compulsory basis.
A recent "Constructive Program for
Medical Care," adopted by the American
Medical Association, recommends that hos-
pital and medical care insurance should be
extended on a voluntary basis.
The nursing profession, through joint
action of the American Nursing Association
and the National Organization for Public
Health Nursing, has gone on record as
favoring the expansion of prepayment
health insurance plans with provision for
nursing service, including nursing care in
the home. It has also expressed the belief
that in addition to voluntary effort, govern-
ment assistance is necessary for attaining
adequate distribution of health services.
Early in 1945, the Council on Dental
Health of the American Dental Association
recommended the inauguration of experi-
mental dental service prepayment plans
under the direction or supervision of com-
ponent dental societies.
The American people themselves, through
public opinion polls, have also expressed
their opinion on health insurance. Accord-
ing to George Gallup, 59 percent of the
people polled wanted an extension of social
security laws to cover medical care and 75
to 85 percent wanted an easier method of
paying doctors' bills. Surveys sponsored by
opponents of federal health insurance as
well as by persons favorable to a national
plan have both indicated that a considerable
portion of the public is interested in health
insurance.
490
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
SURVEY GRAPHIC
FROM THE RUBBLE UP
(Continued from page 479)
You will notice the Number 1 item listed
for production by the Berlin Metal Work-
ers is a light plough "which if necessary
could be drawn by human power." Or you
will come upon a report describing how
one of the several overland power lines,
formerly supplying Berlin, is in process of
being pieced out by lengths of insulated
cables from other lines which are beyond
repair. The chairman of this conference,
Leo Skrzypcsinski, is chief German Eco-
nomic Administrator in the Russian zone
and likely to be a key man in any central
administration of Occupied Germany.
It has been said that German industries
grew under the bombardments, that their
present potential is higher than before the
war, that one after another chimneys are
beginning to smoke. But this is irrespons-
, ible talk. The real balance sheet as I have
analyzed and compared diverse sources
looks more like this: —
— At least 25 percent of industrial ca-
pacity was irreparably destroyed by
bombing.
—There has been much wartime deteri-
oration of machinery in the remaining
75 percent.
— Perhaps half of this remainder has
since been "removed" by occupying
powers.
—Technical capacity has been diminished
through the "removal" of scientific in-
stitutes coupled with confiscation of in-
ventions and technological processes.
— There is the coal deficit.
— Air losses among civilians were high-
est for industrial workers.
— Vast numbers of skilled German crafts-
men, war prisoners in France, Belgium
and Russia, are now working at en-
forced labor.
—The surviving population has been in-
creased by evacuees, but its productiv-
ity has deteriorated — through malnu-
trition, lack of shelter, and the dislo-
cation of normal living. There are
unnumbered crippled and sick.
The acute temporary problem of under-
production thus merges into a serious long
run problem of under-capacity to feed 60
odd million people, and at the same time
to meet occupational costs for an indefinite
period and reparations in kind in the West
in addition to those exacted in the East.
Unsettled Requests
This, then, is the background of the
difficulties confronting the Allies in imple-
menting the hope-charged Potsdam prom-
ise to the German people of "opportunity
to prepare for the eventual reconstruction
of their life on a democratic and peaceful
basis." I am convinced that the overwhelm-
ing majority of British, American, and
Russian people intend to fulfill this inten-
tion of their leaders. But there is no deny-
ing the tremendous difficulties in the way.
No one knows them better than Russell
alities in the New Yor^ Herald Tribune.
Of three choices open to the Allies, he
essentially discards the second as outrage-
ous; th« third as stupid. Is he over-optimis-
tic in feeling that the first and remaining
choice is still open to the Allies — that is,
to leave Germany with enough industries
to assure self-support? [See page 478.]
In addition to the massive Russian in-
dustrial "removals" in the East, there are
what are termed "unsettled requests" —
which may balk even emergency moves.
First among them comes the list of forty
of the biggest industrial plants in the West
which the Soviet Union has repeatedly pre-
sented.* The AMG has announced the
release of the first of twelve factories by
the Americans; the British MG, the first
of fourteen. The American list includes two
machine tool and two automotive plants,
and the British list includes not only the
world famous Krupp Works in Essen but
the Blohm and Voss Shipyards in Ham-
burg, largest in Germany' and Europe, and
also some of the chief chemical plants, ma-
chinery works and machine tool plants.
' All of these establishments were con-
verted by the Hitler regime into war in-
dustries. All of them are reconvertible now
to peace industries. Even the Krupp Works
(standard war factory of Germany in 1918)
was employed throughout the first decade
of the Weimar Republic in civilian pro-
duction. Blohm and Voss was a shipyard
for rebuilding the German merchant ma-
rine. Convertibility, therefore, cannot be
the sole criterion. Even the clock industries
in the Black Forest, says Lord Vansittart,
produced fuses during World War II.
Toothbrush factories turned out machine
gun shells.
Through it all, the Allied experts, on
the one hand, have to weigh security fac-
tors in the claims of victorious and liber-
ated nations for reparations in kind; on
the other hand, they confront the need of
the defeated to make a living.
Rhine-land and Ruhr
To my mind, the most serious threat to
any "eventual reconstruction" of a self-
sustaining German economy on a "demo-
cratic and peaceful basis" is the pressure
to match in the West 'the dismemberment
already carried out in the East.
Twice invaded from the Reich since the
turn of the century, the French naturally
fear future aggression from that same quar-
ter— all the more because in this war Ger-
many has been so overwhelmingly balked
in the opposite direction by Soviet Russia.
"No French government could survive if
it agreed to a German government em-
powered to give orders in the West in
towns that were never Prussian, while it
* The recent three-day conference in the Russian
zone, mentioned earlier, may prove a turning point
of great importance. To quote Russell Hill's report
in the New York Herald Tribune: "One of the most
important subjects discussed was industrial produc-
tion. Zhukov announced that the Soviet Union has
now removed all the capital equipment it wants for
reparations from this zone and that whatever is left
will remain. He said further that some of the dis-
mantled plants will be restored, although production
from these factories will go to Russia as repara-
tions." Judgment as to these announced changes, as
well as more favorable present production figures in
Saxony and Thuringia must await further reports.
OCIALISM
achieved by the
people banding
together in the
trade unions, cooperative so-
cieties, and a political party,"
writes John Strachey.
Here are the ideas and aims
of the British Labor Move-
ment presented by the new
Assistant Secretary of Avia-
tion in the Atlee Cabinet.
$2.00
At Your Bookstore o
Order Direct Throu
PHILOSOPHICAL LIBRARY
Publishers
15 East 40th Street
New York 16, N. Y.
GIT THE FACTS I
PALESTINE
YEAR
BOOK
Never before has
there been a com-
[ prehensive presen-
tation of valuable
facts about Pales-
tine in a single
volume. Whether
you write, speak
'on world affairs, or
are just interested, this
is the book you need!
Just published and fact-
packed with 532 pages j>f
up-to-date information. '
19"x37" AUTHENTIC
MAP OF PALESTINE!
Included with PALESTINE YEARBOOK is
a detached map. precise and up-to-date.
Fill into handy pocket in back oi volume.
AT YOUR BOOK DEALER OR ORDER FROM:
i
Hill who, during the conquest of Germany
and since, has fearlessly reported grim re-
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
DECEMBER 1945
BOOK DEPT., Zionist Org. oi Amer.
1720 SIXTEENTH ST.
WASHINGTON 9. D. C.
Please lend me the PALESTINE YEAR-
BOOK. Check for $3.50 enclosed. I under-
itand that I am to receive a 19"x27" map
without charge.
Name
Address _....
City
i
L~"' ........ - ............................................... — w.,
Zone ............ ... State ........... - ................. _____ ...... I
491
LOUIS ADAMIC'S
NATION
OF
NATIONS
The colorful story of our
various national groups,
showing how each has
helped to make our coun-
try great. A new and ex-
citing kind of history
which for the first time
rounds out the story of
America and brings these
groups into proper focus.
A NATION OF NA-
TIONS is a book that
Americans of all na-
tional, racial and re-
ligious backgrounds will
be reading and referring
to for decades to come.
With IS pages of photograph*.
.41 all bookstores. $3.5(1
HARPER & BROTHERS
MULTIGRAPHINC
MIMEOGRAPHING
ADDRESSING
FILLING-IN
FOLDING
METERING
COMPLETE MAILINGS
• • •
Quick Service Letter Company
INCORPORATED
53 PARK PLACE— NEW YORK
TELEPHONE— BARCLAY 7-9633
FOR YOUR FRIEND IN NEED.1
Unique mailing service
Send an original verse a day
On engraved Individual cards
Sealed First Class.
INSPIRATIONAL - PERSONALIZED.
Each day a different verse1
Each verse a different thought.'
Each thought a different "lift".
Complete set - a memo for keeps
We will send:
The message you want
To the ones you want
At the time you want
80S St. Nicholti AT«not
N«w York 31. N. T.
could not do so in towns that are Prussian
— Koenigsberg, Stettin, Danzig, Breslau."
The words are those of Foreign Minister
George Bidault on November 4, immediate-
ly after the French elections, outlining the
program of the Movement Republican
Populaire, the strongest party in the new
Constituent Assembly.
The consistent demand of the French
government ever since Potsdam for the
detachment of the Rhineland and the Ruhr
has been one of the chief obstacles to
quadripartite cooperation in Germany. Be-
cause of their "unwillingness," General
Eisenhower's last report said, "no real
progress was made towards the creation of
the five central German agencies proposed."
He was seconded by Marshal Montgomery.
The situation has been made even more
complicated by the Russians. They had sys-
tematically opposed internationalization of
the Ruhr (controlled by the French bloc),
but were reported by John Reston in The
New Yort^ Times (October 28) as favoring
it now — with Germany and Russia partici-
pating in the control. Marshal Stalin told
Senator Pepper on September 30: "We
must take away from Germany the power
to wage war in the future. If that is to be
done, the Ruhr must be taken away from
Germany, because it was the Ruhr that
furnished Germany a major- part of its
power to wage war."
In his recent book, former Secretary of
the Treasury Morgenthau put it thus: "The
coal cannot be taken away from the Ruhr
... so the Ruhr should be taken away
from Germany ... in fact no German
should be left in the Ruhr at all." There
have been other American spokesmen who
rejected the proposal. Thus, Alfred M. Lan-
don, Republican candidate for the Presi-
dency in 1936, called it "vindictive and
imperialistic . . . ghastly and insane."*
There are further- territorial demands
which would involve more industrial set-
backs for a new Germany — those of the
ir-
I
to the western border, as to the "industrial
level" that is to be left to Germany in
terms of plants and tools, fuel and raw
materials, and as to the minimum stand-
ards of living envisaged by the Potsdam
agreement. It is reported that there is still
a wide gulf between British, American,
and Russian figures.
Thus, in steel capacity to be left intact,
the Russians are said to prescribe three
million tons, the Americans seven million,
the British ten — the average after the last
war and before Hitler lifted it to twenty-
three in the Nazi rearmament drive. Clear-
ly, there will be emergent need for steel i
reconstruction is to get under way. WhiL
it may be disputed how many industri
are irreparably lost, there cannot be dii
pute about the centers of German cities
and towns that are rubble heaps.
AMG plans — as conceived last summer
before the extent of industrial removals in
the Eastern zone were fully known — were
based, we are told, on cutting down iron
and steel production to some 50 percent of
prewar use, and eliminating the greater
part of the synthetic industries (except for
the production of fibers). A report from
Frankfurt-am-Main carried by The New
Yor^ Times in August, listed plants slated
for complete dismantling and removal in
the production of "locomotives, except for
minimum • domestic requirements; heavy
steel forgings and castings; machine tools
weighing more than 20 tons; large central
station power generating and distributing
units; heavy tractors, trucks and passenger
cars; all high temperature and high pres-
sure equipment essential to the manufac-
ture of synthetic material." In addition—
"facilities beyond those necessary for mini-
mum German requirement in the non-
ferrous metals, mining and electrical power
industries."
There are indications that production
difficulties have modified American atti-
tudes since. Witness the Calvin Hoover re-
Dutch for a border district in compensa- port to the AMG (see my earlier article,
tion for areas flooded by Nazi armies; those Survey Graphic tor October). Debates going
of the French for the left bank of the forward about the "level of industry" :-
Rhine and the Saar; additional claims by
the Czechs.
Reparations and Revival
These are distinct from demands for
reparations in kind put before the Paris
Reparations Conference — those of Norway
for example, as high as four billion dollars;
France, 80 billion. The total, East and
West, runs above the trillion mark — a bill
far beyond anything postwar Germany can
meet in any calculable period. While the
U.S.A. and Great Britain may be satisfied
with the confiscation of German assets and
patents abroad, the smaller countries can-
not and will not be magnanimous in the
light of the war damages inflicted on them
by the Nazi campaigns and occupations.
This gives outside as well as inside
urgency to early and definite decisions as
* Returning in raid-November from an eight-week
personal investigation in Germany for President Tru-
man, Byron Price, wartime director of censorship,
was outspoken against further dismemberments. He
backed the plan to set up a central German admin-
istration, recommending the fullest exercise of diplo-
matic means to break the deadlock.
in
general, about "export and import plans,"
and so on, are of tremendous importance
for the future but largely academic for the
present. "No matter what policy decisions
are taken," to Russell Hill's mind, condi-
tions in Germany are such that maximum
standards of living envisaged at Potsdam
"could not in any case be reached for many
years." From an opposite angle have coi
accusations of failure of the Western gov
ernments to abide by Potsdam decisions —
in Russian propaganda, statements by Lord
Vansittart and by an emotional section of
the American press.
To help readers clarify their minds in
the face of the daily barrage of discussion,
let me quote from three sources that, to
my mind have insight and competence:
From the editorial page of The Times,
London, October 25: "The extreme gravity
of the situation is that Germany even with-
in the more favorable limits likely to be
assigned to her cannot possibly be self-
supporting in food. In order to purchase
492
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC^
SURVEY GRAPHIC
tood from abroad and cease to be a burden
on chanty, she must have a substantial
volume of exports; and therefore a large
and productive industry. Germany cannot
maintain anything like the whole even of
her reduced population from the land, and
must find industrial employment for a
large number ... if they are not to starve.
"In this light the greatest shortcoming
of Allied policy in Germany is revealed in
General Eisenhower's report as the absence
of any concerted measures to encourage the
reestablishment in Germany of a peacetime
industry to replace the war production
which had played so prominent and so
pernicious a part in modern German econ-
omy. That Germany should produce is not
purely a German interest . . . the point
can be reached and perhaps has already
been reached where such a policy may ap-
proximate closely to cutting off one's nose
to spite one's face."
"... the breakdown is already a fact.
A policy of confiscating the tools of Ger-
many and further transfers may endanger
the whole of Europe."
From General Eisenhower: (The state-
ment to which the London Times refers
is to be found in the section on "General
Economic Conditions" of his September
report released on October 15.) "The final
determination of an allowable standard of
living for the German people has not been
made; but it is apparent that what will be
available to them in the near future will
remain below any standard we would wish
to impose.
"Therefore, our short term objective is to
remove unnecessary restrictions and to stim-
ulate the Germany economy so that it will
not be necessary for more than the mini-
mum assistance to be given from outside
Germany.
"On a somewhat longer term view, the
removal of German productive potential
by reason of reparations will be sufficient
to prevent any resurgence of the German
economy for a long time to come."
From a Memorandum of the National
Engineers Committee (representing Amer-
can societies of civil, mining, metallurgical,
mechanical, electrical and chemical engi-
neers): "Elimination of German industries,
leaving agriculture as the sole occupation,
would produce an economic dislocation and
social chaos of destructive magnitude not
only in Germany but throughout Europe.
Furthermore, severe restrictions of this na-
ture probably would be repudiated by
world public opinion in a relatively short
time resulting in a repetition of the after-
math of World War I."
"The present danger is not a revival of
German power of aggression," says the
'London Times, "but a splitting up of Ger-
many into sectors which will become pawns
in a game of rivalry between the victorious
powers."
What assurance is there of a constructive
alternative? What is the democratic po-
tential of the German people which the
American public has been told, again and
again, hardly exists? I will try to answer
these questions in a third and concluding
article.
COUNSELING METHODS
FOR PERSONNEL WORKERS
By Annette Garrett
Smith College School for Social Work
Counseling and Human Behavior. Basic Counseling Methods. Specific Counseling Prob-
lems, and Relationships between Counseling and Case Work are the major divisions of
the book.
Case workers and counselors in business and industry will be especially Interested in
the greater co-operation between their iields which this book envisages. For anyone
whose work involves extensive interviewing, the principles presented will have great
value.
187 pages, clotbbound, 52.00
FAMILY WELFARE ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA
122 East 22nd Street New York 10, N. Y.
SURVEY GRAPHIC GIFT RATES
First one year gift subscription plus
The British and Ourselves, $2.
Each additional gift subscription, only $1.50
ORDER IMMEDIATELY
Survey Graphic, 112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
ORDER ANY BOOK
described or adver-
tised in this issue
USE THIS COUPON ! < Books sent postage free anywhere in U. S. )
312
^^ To: Your local bookseller
or, Donbleday, Do ran Book Shops,
Mail Order Department, 9 Rockefeller Plaza, New York 20, N.Y.
Please send me the following books for which I enclose $ ;
(PRINT TITLES OF
BOOKS WANTED) '
Name-
Address
LZone No.
City (IF ANY) Slate
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
DECEMBER 1945
49 «
FIGHTING AGAINST TIME
(Continued from page 475)
BY FRENCH BOOTSTRAPS
(Continued from page 476) '
American army and navy surpluses which
are immediately available for use both here
and overseas.
Now the American taxpayer has already
bought these military stocks as part of the
war effort. With their repurchase by
UNRRA, the United States government's
account will be credited accordingly. That
is, purchases which the American taxpayer
has already made in any case will be used
to meet our UNRRA commitment. And
may I also point out that it is better for
the domestic economy of the United States
if UNRRA buys up large amounts of mili-
tary surpluses, rather than have them
dumped in American laps at the very time
when our manufacturers are busy making
plans for postwar production.
What We Are Fighting For
Through it all, UNRRA fights against
more than starvation and epidemic. There
are other grim dangers which follow in the
wake of famine and pestilence. Hungry
men are desperate men, especially when
their children are also hungry. The men of
Europe and the Far East have fought
against the enemy — in armies and in the
underground. They did not make such
sacrifices, during the war, to die by star-
vation in peacetime. Let us remember that
it was we in the United Nations who asked
them to blow up their bridges, to wreck
their railroad tracks and rolling stock, to
burn their crops and sabotage their factory
machinery. For by this means they could
hasten victory for us and shorten the war
for all.
If hunger and epidemic continue in
Europe and the- Far East, no one can fore-
see the political and economic reaction.
The international scene is already compli-
cated enough without courting a new tide
of social disaster.
More — in his recent Navy Day speech on
foreign policy — President Truman warned
against "a loss of faith in the effectiveness
of international cooperation" and added
that in an atomic age this "would be
nothing short of disaster." UNRRA is the
first concrete example of United Nations
cooperation; the only one equipped at pres-
ent for practical action. If it were now
abandoned, this would register more dra-
matically than anything else that loss of
faith of which President Truman warned.
In short, UNRRA not only represents
the finest practical expression of humani-
tarianism on the part of the people of the
United States and the other United Na-
tions. It not only represents, at the same
time, enlightened self-interest on our part —
in overcoming famine, epidemic, and so-
cial unrest in war stricken Europe and
Asia so that they may again stand on their
own feet. UNRRA today represents a chal-
lenge— to decide whether that same spirit
of international cooperation, which made
military victory possible, will continue to
bind the nations together to meet and mas-
ter the problems of peace.
clothes in the freezing rain and wind, are
putting in on the farms and in the beet
fields — these things just do something to
you.
ILO's New World Committees
During the opening days of the Paris
meeting, I asked various delegates what
they considered the most important issue
to be brought before the Conference. Re-
plies varied from "Adopting the Children's
Charter" to "Amending the Constitution to
make sure Russia will come in." Cutting
across every special field of interest, how-
ever, was the common concern over restor-
ing to activity the paralyzed industrial and
economic functions of Europe. Production,
and more production, of food, clothing,
coal, shelter — this was the subject to which
everyone quickly turned.
The ILO's newly established worldwide
industrial committees were therefore hailed
as a vitally significant step toward this end.
One delegate, who is a member of the .Gov-
erning Body, told me they had never had
such thorough agreement on a course of
action. M. Parodi, the French Minister of
Labor, made special reference to their po-
tentialities in his presidential address. He
said: "Your conference, the first to be held
since the peace and in a peace which we
have barely won — has an immense task but
also certain solid bases. . . . Thanks to its long
technical experience and using to the best
advantage the international industrial com-
mittees which the Organization has re-
cently created and which can be, if we
wish, efficient tools to examine with clarity
a difficult and new situation, the ILO can
contribute in a large measure to showing
the peoples the way of organized peace."
To M. Parodi's mind, the tripartite struc-
ture of the Conference, composed as it is of
representatives of government, employers
and labor, constitutes its "originality and
vitality." The new committees, which also
are tripartite, will move into action in the
near future. They cover coal mining,
inland transport, textiles, iron and steel, the
metal trades, petroleum products, civil en-
gineering, and public works. Two of them,
on coal mining and inland transport, are
meeting in London in December.
At the close of the session, as at the be-
ginning, my feeling was that no other meet-
ing place could have better contributed to
the success of the conference than Paris.
Those who had been so fortunate as to
know and love the Sorbonne in other days
must have felt that to gather there was the
rarest of homecomings. Those who, like
myself, were experiencing its inimitable
quality for the first time, felt increasingly
each day that all the best of its great past
was silently but powerfully present. That
seemed to enfold our efforts to bring nearer
to realization those freedoms and human
equalities which the "immortals" of the
Sorbonne had long since visioned and de-
fined with a clarity unsurpassed by the pro-
nouncements or programs of today.
THE BOOKSHELF
•*V»v
•i .i*\m i
iiikvill!
!Kii-wii!i f
CREATIVE CROUP EDUCATION
S. R. Slavson
Fourth printing of this practical guide to progressive
education. It "explores the relation between group at-
titudes and social progress and phrases the whole in
terms both readable and easy to translate Into action."
$2.50
ASSOCIATION PRESS
347 Madison Avenue New York 17
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
Official Journal of tile American Sociological Society.
IB addition to papers and proceedings of the So-
ciety, it contains articles on sociological research,
news notes, book reviews, and forebm correspondence.
Subscription $4.00 a year - Special library rate $3-00
Address: Managing Editor
American Sociological Review
U. S. Department of Agriculture, Washington. D. C.
ANSWERS to
DIVORCE, SEPARATION &
ANNULMENT
Legal Questions
(Written by a Lawyer and Indexed for
easy reference)
Postpaid 91.OO
SAUL STEI.NLAUF, 565 Fifth Ave., New York 17
WHAT BOOKS 00 YOU WANT?
We quote lowest market prices. No charge for
locating Hard-to-Find and Out-of-Print Books.
All books. OLD or NEW. mailed !>OST FUEK.
SEARCHLIGHT BOOK COLLECTIONS
22 East 17th St., New York City
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF NURSING
shows the part which professional nurses take in
the betterment of the world. Put it in your
library. $3.00 a year. 1790 Broadway at 58 St.,
New York 19. N. Y.
Write for our FREE bargain catalogues of books
at 30%-70% reductions. Any book mailed post-
paid in USA. THE NATIONAL BOOKSELL-
ERS, 1182 Broadway, New York City 1.
POETS ATTENTION: HIPPOCRENE, a new
quarterly, pays for material from subscribers ;
also awards $150 in prizes. $1.50 a year. First
issue now on sale at Brentano's. Address
HIPPOCRENE, 125 West 70 St.. New York 21.
MAGAZINE SUBSCRIPTIONS
SUBSCRIBE TO YOUR FAVORITE MAGA-
ZINES and newspapers, any number in one order;
only one bill to pay, in instalments if desired,
after I enter subscriptions at publishers' lowest
prices, club rates, etc. Institutional accounts
expedited. Catalog SG, free. JOHN CREHORE,
Postbox 2329-G, Washington 13, D. C.
LANGUAGES
29 LANGUAGES BY LINGUAPHONE. Russian.
Spanish, Portuguese — Direct conversational method
for mastering any language quickly, easily, cor-
rectly at home. Send for FREE book. LINGUA-
PHONE INSTITUTE, 50 RCA Bldg., New
York 20. CI 7-0830.
FOREIGN BOOKS
SCHOENHOF'S FOREIGN BOOKS, INC.
1280 Massachusetts Avenue, Dept. SV
Cambridge 38, Mass.
"POWHATAN" INDIAN PIPE
SEND a dollar bill for genuine "Powhatan" hand-
made Indian clay smoking pipe, replica famous
original Virginia antique, two long stems, his-
toric booklet, directions, enjoyment, and care.
Rustic container, postage prepaid. PAMPLIN
PIPE CO.. Richmond, Virginia.
FROM AN ADVERTISER
October 5, 1945
" You rmght be interested to
know that from an advertisement we inserted
in the July issues of the Survey, we secured
cne children's case worker and stand a fair
chance to get another. Any device that
yields even one worker these days is some-
thing to write about."
An Advertiser
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
494
SURVEY GRAPHIC
WORKERS WANTED
POSITIONS OPEN IN ALASKA
ALASKA DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC
WELFARE
DISTRICT WORKERS-
SOCIAL SERVICE WORKERS
pply: Alaska Merit System, Box 201, Juneau,
laska, via airmail, supplying minimum qualifica-
ions.
A
A
tions.
There are positions open at the present time for two
District Workers and two Social Service Workers.
District Worker: salary range— $250 to $280 per
month ; appointments at the minimum ; minimum re-
quirements — college, 4 years) graduate study, 1
year at recognized school of social work which must
have included courses in Child Welfare and Public
Welfare administration and supervised field work in
child and family welfare; experience — three years in
the past six years of social work, one year of which
must have been in Child Welfare, one year in Public
Assistance and one year in a supervisory capacity.
Social Service Worker: salary range — $225 to $255
per month; appointments at the minimum; minimum
requirements — college, 4 years; graduate study, 1
year at recognized school of social work which must
have included courses in Child Welfare and Public
Welfare administration and supervised field work in
child and family welfare ; experience — two years in
the past five years in social work, one year of
which must have been in Child Welfare and one
year in Public Assistance.
MANAGING EDITOR. Distinguished magazine
specializing in social-economic articles. 8236
Survey.
SUPERVISOR, professionally trained and experi-
enced, to have charge of a family service depart-
ment in multiple service Jewish case work agency.
Responsibilities include supervision of workers and
students, administration of unit and community
committee work. Salary range $2700 to $3800.
8215 Survey.
CASE WORKERS. Two, professionally qualified,
by Jewish Family and Children's Agency offering
good supervision and special interest assignments.
Classifications Case Worker I and Case Worker
II provide excellent salary range. 8210 Survey.
CATHOLIC Family and Child Care Casework
Agency needs graduate social worker. Oppor-
tunity for advancement. Good salary, according
to training and experience. Catholic Charities,
418 N. Twenty-fifth St., Omaha, Nebraska.
HEADWORKER wanted, man preferred, for small
settlement house in Philadelphia, operated by a
Protestant Church. Enrollment approximately 300.
Applicant should have experience in operating
summer camp. Address Karl Rtigart, 26 S. 20th
Street. Philadelphia 3.
WANTED: Case Worker with training for Family
and Child Care Agency. To do boarding home and
adoption work. Catholic Charitable Bureau, 224
Washington Avenue, Bridgeport, Connecticut.
WANTED: Trained Social Worker with institu-
tional experience. Write to Mrs. Thomas Lynch,
Westmoreland Children's Aid Society, Greensburg,
Pa.
NATIONAL SECRETARY FOR DEPARTMENT
OF ORGANIZATION. Leading Jewish liberal
organization seeks highly qualified man to execute
present plans for expanded chapter activity
throughout the country. Background in organiza-
tional work and Jewish life, desirable. Excellent
salary. Full details in first letter. 8256 Survey.
EXPERIENCED PROGRAM DIRECTOR for
Adult Activities in association developing new and
different adult program. Challenging joh, inter-
esting colleagues, salary $2.000. Write Executive
Director, Y. W. C. A., Ninth & High Streets,
Des Moines 9, Iowa.
TRAINED, experienced children's caseworker
Yakima branch, Washington Children's Home So-
ciety, serving five scenic, central counties. Agency
provides automobile. Starting salary $2280 to
$2520, depending on qualifications. Travel ex-
penses will be paid to Yakima. Opportunity for
worker with initiative in a progressive private
children's placement agency. Address inquiries to
Box 90, University Station, Seattle 5, Washington.
CASE WORKER for Private Agency. Suburb of
Chicago. Excellent opportunity. Good salary.
Educational possibilities. Lutheran Child Welfare
Association, Addison, Illinois.
TRAINED CASE WORKER for well established
agency with progressive standards in Central New
York city of 100,000. Excellent opportunity _ for
intensive case work in general family relation-
ships, youth problems ana with unmarried moth-
ers. Permanent position, immediate opening. Ref-
erences exchanged. 8255 Survey.
WANTED: ASSISTANT DIRECTOR in large
Hospital Social Service Department. Give full
details including background of training and ex-
perience. 8260 Survey.
WORKERS WANTED
WANTED
TOP FLIGHT CAMP EXECUTIVE
With proven successful experience to serve as
Operational Director of a group of
ORGANIZATION CAMPS
(or Boys and Girls In New England
Must have highest type of character, experience and
ability. Year round direction of business, opera-
tions, program and expansion.
Apply 8252 SURVEY.
BOYS' CLUB MANAGER
Man of excellent character and
Proven Executive Ability
in Boys' Club Field for large established Boys'
Club in New England. Must have complete
technical knowledge of program and operation.
Write Box 82S4 Survey.
Opportunities Available
WANTED — (a) Intake worker to join social work
staff in new position created by development of
clinic specializing in neurological and psychiatric
cases; organization has teaching affiliations; $200
to $300 ; Middle West, (b) Social worker to es-
tablish and direct department; 200-bed hospital,
Pennsylvania. (c) Health educator or social
worker to take charge of family relations depart-
ment ; Department of Health large city in the
Southwest; would work closely with the school
board; immediately, (d) Psychiatric social worker
experienced in psychiatry or child guidance work;
new clinic operated by university ; duties include
serving as admission officer; beach resort city of
the West; $2100-$2400. SGI 1-1, The Medical
Bureau (Burneice Larson, Director), Palmolive
Building, Chicago, III.
WANTED
pa
NTED by the Children's Division of the De-
artment of Welfare of Baltimore — Case Workers
ith professional training or experience in child
placing. Unusual opportunity to work under
well qualified supervisors in an agency with good
standards in child care. Reply to Miss Esther
Lazarus, Assistant Director, 327 St. Paul Place,
Baltimore 2, Maryland.
CASE WORKER Catholic Agency with broad
family and Children's program. Salary commen-
surate with training and experience. 8251 Survey.
CHILD PLACING AGENCY wants professionally
trained child welfare caseworker. Salary range
$1,950. to $2,450. Write Miss Marie Jester,
Executive Secretary, Hampden County Children's
Aid Association, Springfield, Massachusetts.
IMMEDIATELY NEEDED in connection with
Southeastern Branch of the Children's Home So-
ciety of Florida at Miami, 2 trained, experienced,
capable Senior Case Workers and 1 Junior Case
Worker. Must be persons of unquestioned good
health, character and habits, and able to furnish
references. Good salary, permanent employment
and an opportunity to do a real Case Work job
with a State-wide, non-sectarian Child Placing
Agency. Apply to: 403 Consolidated Building,
Jacksonville, Florida.
TWO TRAINED CASEWORKERS, experienced
in the child placing field ; one replacement for
homefinding and supervision of children in board-
ing homes and one for new position in state wide
adoption program. Iowa Children's Home Society,
209 Davidson Building, Des Moines 9, Iowa.
QUALIFIED CASE WORKERS with' or without
experience for day nursery and family work.
Forty-five minutes from New York City. Pre-
vailing salaries. Psychiatric consultation service.
The Bureau of Family Service, 439 Main Street,
Orange, N. J.
CASE WORKER for position with child placing
agency offering boarding care and placements for
adoption. Liberal salary. Apply-^-Children's Bu-
reau, 400 West Hill Avenue, Knoxville 42, Tenn
WANTED: Home Service Case Workers with
training and experience for work with the Armed
Forces, ex-servicemen and their dependents. Apply
Fresno County Chapter, American Red Cross,
2823 Fresno, Fresno 1, California.
PSYCHIATRIC CASE WORKER in a small child
guidance agency within the metropolitan area of
New York. Opportunity for intensive psycho-
therapeutic work with children under direction of
an outstanding nationally known psychiatrist.
Apply Jewish Child Guidance Bureau, 682 High
Street, Newark, N. J.
EXECUTIVE SECRETARY with extensive social
service case work experience for social agency in
southern Jersey resort. 8253 Survey.
HOSPITAL ADMITTING WORKER for large
hospital in Northern New Jersey. Experience in
public welfare or other social work desirable.
8245 Survey.
BOOKPLATES
FREE CATALOG, showing several hundred beau-
tiful desitrin
ANTIOCH BOOKPLATES. Box 218, Yllltw Sprints, Okb
HOBBY
PROFITABLE HOBBY painting textiles, neckties,
lampshades, leather, oilcloth. Complete illustrated
instruction book $1.50. ALBY STUDIO, 1374 E.
8th, Brooklyn 30, N. Y.
REAL ESTATE
FOR SALE: An ideal home or resort on Rio
Grande River. Paved road; 18 miles from Albu-
querque ; surrounded by government land ; excep-
tional romantic setting in corner of desert where
the trees begin; excellent view; wonderful year
around climate; extra well built, roomy, modern
house; 495 acres, or less if desired. A bargain.
Perry Robb, Bernalillo, New Mexico.
PRINTING
PERSONAL NAME STICKERS printed with
your name and address. 500 for SI. Box 24,
Richmond Hill, N. Y.
PROFESSIONAL SERVICES
SPECIAL ARTICLES, THESES, SPEECHES.
PAPERS. Research, revision, bibliographies, etc.
Over twenty years' experience serving busy pro-
fessional persons. Prompt service extended.
AUTHO.RS RESEARCH BUREAU, 516 Fifth
Avenue, New York, N. Y.
RESEARCH : Congressional Library, Government
Bureaus, etc. Questions, literary or scientific in-
vestigations, genealogy, business errands, attended
by experts. Circular free. CREHORE, Box
2329-G, Washington 13, D. C.
BOOK REVIEW drudgery done for you by expert-
enced lecturer, newspaper and SRL reviewer.
Henrietta Hardman, Central Village, Connecticut.
EMPLOYMENT AGENCY
GERTRUDE R. STEIN, INC.
AGENCY, 64 West 48th Street, New
York. Wise. 7-4961. A professional
bureau specializing in fund-raising, group
work, institutional, casework and medi-
cal social work positions.
SITUATIONS WANTED
MALE CASE WORKER, brief professional experi-
ence delinquent boys, seeks post where lengthy
newspaper publicity background can help offset
inexperience. 8230 Survey.
SUPERVISOR, now employed, wishes position in
Arizona. Interested in Casework Supervision, but
will consider allied fields. MSW Degree ac-
credited school. 8258 Survey.
WOMAN SUPERINTENDENT; small institution;
20 years' experience. Can carry complete admin-
istration and simple effective case work program.
Interested in dependent children. 8259 Survey.
VOCATIONAL COUNSELING SUPERVISOR,
Female, 10 years' experience in both counseling
.and placement of "normal" and handicapped, in-
cluding veterans in both categories. Social work
background with experience in Medical, Chil-
dren's and Family Welfare agencies. Member
AASW. Want administrative assistant or super-
visory job with case work or vocational agency in
New York City. 8261 Survey.
RATES
Classified Advertising
Noo.di.pl.r
Minimum Oiarg.
Dlxonnu . .
SSe por Un.
8e per word
p.r In.erUon
. . . 10% „„ ,|, In.ertlon.
15% on twelv* Insertion*
CASH WITH ORDER
SURVEY GRAPHIC
112 E. I9th Street, New York 3, N. Y.
DECEMBER 1945
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
495
DIRECTORY OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS
Social, Economic and international Planning
AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE
(QUAKERS)— 20 South 12th Street, Philadel-
phia 7, Pennsylvania; Clarence E. Pickett,
Executive Secretary. "Whatever concerns
human beings in distress, whatever may help
free individuals, groups and nations from
fear, hate or narrowness — these are subjects
for the Committee's consideration."
Principal activities include RELIEF: in Fin-
land. France, elsewhere in Europe, China,
India: REFUGEE AID: in United States
and abroad; RACE RELATIONS: resettle-
ment of Japanese Americans, improvement
of housing and employment for Negroes;
WORK CAMPS: for students in Mexico and
United States; EDUCATION: Institutes of
International Relations to promote study of
religious and economic bases for peace and
postwar reconstruction. The Committee also
has administered Civilian Public Service
Camps for conscientious objectors.
Since 1917 AMERICAN JEWISH CONGRESS has
concerned itself with protection of rights of
Jews. Activities now embrace situation in
United States, Latin America, and Europe.
Its program includes defense against 'anti-
Semitic propaganda, combating economic dis-
crimination, law and legislation with a view
to strengthening democracy, political repre-
sentation on behalf of rights of Jews, and
amelioration' of conditions for refugees.
Maintains the INSTITUTE OF JEWISH AFFAIRS,
a research body to gather and publish the
facts of Jewish life; publishes CONGRESS
WEEKLY, a Jewish review. Is American
branch of the WORLD JEWISH CONGRESS.
1834 Broadway, New York 23, New York.
AMERICAN RUSSIAN CULTURAL ASSOCIATION
— Devoted to strengthening cultural ties
between U. S. and U. S. S. R. Lectures,
Public Events Exhibitions, Classes, Private
and Group Lessons in Russian given by
graduates of Russian Universities. For full
information address American Russian Cul-
tural Association, 200 West 57th St., New
York 19, N. Y.
AMERICAN SOCIETY FOR PUBLIC ADMINIS-
TRATION, 1313 East 60th Street, Chicago 37A,
Illinois. A national organization to advance
the science of public administration. All
members receive official quarterly journal
Public Administration Review, which presents
articles on current administrative practices.
Discussion groups for members in metro-
politan areas. Membership $5.
BTVAI B*RITH — Oldest and largest national Jew-
ish service and fraternal organization whose
program embraces manifold activities in war
service, Americanism, youth welfare, war re-
lief, education, community and social service,
inter-faith good will, defense of Jewish rights
and philanthropy. Membership 200.000 in-
cluding women's auxiliaries and junior units
—1003 K Street, N.W., Washington, D. C.
BUREAU OF INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION —
1*97 Broadway, New York 19, N. Y. H. H.
Giles, Executive Director. A non-profit
agency committed to long-term educational
work with schools so that Americans who are
of many different religious beliefs, racial
strains, and ethnic origins will live together
in harmony and with mutual respect.
The Bureau (1) works with school adminis-
trators and teachers to develop local and
city-wide programs of intercultural educa-
tion; (2) promotes intensive experimentation
and study of methods; (3) publishes books
for teachers and children; (4) reprints and
distributes materials and audio-visual aids
suitable for school and community groups;
(5) serves as a center for consultation; (6)
offers teachers in-service courses in intercul-
tural education; (7) sponsors leadership train-
ing and intercultural education workshops.
Information concerning publications and other
activities sent on request.
THE INTERNATIONAL CITY MANAGERS' ASSO-
CIATION, 1313 East 60th Street, Chicago. To
aid in improving municipal administration (1)
annually issues The Municipal Year Book,
an encyclopedia of information about munici-
pal activities in the 2.042 United States
cities over 5,000; (2) publishes Public Man-
agement, a monthly journal devoted to local
government; (3) issues special research re-
ports such as Planning for Postwar Munici-
pal Services, and The Police and Minority
Groups, etc.; (4) provides a series of eight
practical correspondence courses in municipal
government. Write for a complete list of
publications and a catalogue on training
courses.
NATIONAL CONGRESS OF PARENTS AND
TEACHERS— An educational organization of
over three million men and women, working
together in 28.000 local associations to pro-
mote the welfare of children and youth.
Conduct a nation-wide program devoted to
home and school education, parent education,
health and social services. One of its major
projects is the preparation and distribution
of Parent-Teacher publications, among which
are the "National Parent-Teacher," official
magazine, and a monthly Bulletin, both issued
on a subscription basis; Proceedings of An-
nual Meetings; Community Life in a Democ-
racy; The Parent-Teacher Organisation. Its
Origin and Development. Write: Mrs. William
A. Hastings. President, 600 South Michigan
Boulevard, Chicago 5, Illinois.
NATIONAL CONSUMERS LEAGUE, 348 Engineers'
Building, Cleveland 14, Ohio. A voluntary
organization founded in 1899 to awaken
consumers' responsibility for conditions under
which goods are made and distributed, and
through investigation, education, and legis-
lation to promote fair labor standards. Mini-
mum membership fee including quarterly
bulletin. $2.00. Elizabeth S. Magee, General
Secretary.
NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH WOMEN. 1819
Broadway, New York 23, N. Y. FIFTY
YEARS' SERVICE TO FAITH AND
HUMANITY. SERVICE TO FOREIGN
BORN — Immigrant aid, port and dock work,
naturalization aid. Americanization classes,
location of relatives in war-separated families.
SOCIAL WELFARE AND WAR ACTIVI-
TIES— Council houses and clubs, nurseries,
clinics; scholarships, camps, teen-age can-
teens; work with handicapped. Participation
. in national wartime programs through educa-
tional protects and community activities.
EDUCATION DIVISION — Contemporary
Jewish affairs, international relations and
peace, social legislation. Study groups under
national direction keep Jewish women through-
out country alert to vital current issues. 215
Senior Sections in United States. 100 Junior
and Councilette Sections. 65,000 members.
NATIONAL FEDERATION FOR CONSTITU-
TIONAL LIBERTIES— 205 East 42 St., Room
1613, New York 17, N. Y. A national
federation through which labor, church, civic,
fraternal and farm organizations, as well as
individual citizens, work to protect and ex-
tend civil rights in the tradition of the
American Constitution.
Maintains a national office in New York,
and a Washington Bureau to provide accurate
and timely information on civil rights issues
— through publications, meetings, and special
legislative assistance.
NFCL Subscription Service: $3 per year for
individuals'; $5 for organizations.
NATIONAL INFORMATION BUREAU. INC.,
205 East 42nd Street. New York 17,
N. Y. A non-profit Bureau, established in
1918, to improve standards in the field of
philanthropy, national and international, and
to advise contributors in their giving. It
was asked about 750 different philanthropic
organizations during 1944. The Bureau in-
vestigates agencies and reports whether
eleven essential standards as to reliability
and effectiveness are met. Bureau mem-
bers who are eligible for its confidential
reports, on approved and non-approved
agencies, include individuals, corporations,
chambers of commerce, 700 local community
chests and councils, and 29 foundations.
Publishes annually "Giver's Guide to Na-
tional Philanthropy," price 10ct and periodic
newsletters to members. Inquiries welcomed.
NATIONAL PEACE CONFERENCE, 8 West 40 St.,
New York City 18, is composed of repre-
sentatives of National men and women's or-
ganizations whose programs include in whole
or in part an interest in world affairs.
Through monthly meetings, special institutes
and popular pamphlets, the Conference con-
tributes to education of public opinion for an
organized world. Publication list upon re-
quest. Dr. Walter W. Van Kirk, Hon.
President; Dr. John Paul Jones, President;
Miss Jane Evans, Administrative Vice Presi-
dent.
THE NATIONAL VOCATIONAL GUIDANCE
ASSOCIATION, Christine Melcher, Executive
Secretary, 82 Beaver Street, Room 510, New
York 5, is the professional organization for
counselors and others engaged and interested
in vocational guidance and the publishers of
OCCUPATIONS, the Vocational Guidance
Journal.
THE POST WAR WORLD COUNCIL, a non-parti-
. san, non-profit organization, was formed for
the purpose of focusing the attention of the
liberal opinion-forming public upon major
political and social issues which are vital to
lasting peace.
The PWWC issues news releases and pub-
lishes pamphlets and a monthly News Bul-
letin on vital issues contributing something
positive to buttress the hope and sanity of
this postwar world and to combat the con-
fusion it is in.
If interested in further details or member-
ship, send your name and address to : POST
WAR WORLD COUNCIL, 112 East 19th
Street, New York 3, New York.
PUBLIC OWNERSHIP LEAGUE OF AMERICA —
Facts about America's 10,000 publicly owned
projects— Bi-monthly, illustrated Magazine
and News Letter — Extensive Bulletin and
leaflet service. "Studies in Public Power" —
25 chapters — latest data on Bonneville, Grand
Coulee, TVA and other federal and munici-
pal projects— ^For individuals, study groups
and organizations. Send lOc for descriptive
booklet and samples. Full service $5.00 per
year. Address: 127 N. Dearborn St., Chi-
cago 2, Illinois.
SURVEY ASSOCIATES. INC.— 112 East 19th St.,
New York 3. A cooperative educational
society built around a periodical rather than
a campus, and carrying forward swift re-
search and interpretation in the fields of
family and child welfare, health, education,
civics, industrial and race relations, and the
commori welfare. Publishes monthly Survey
Graphic, Magazine of Social Interpretation
without counterpart, and Survey Midmonthly,
Journal of Social Work. Membership, $10,
and upwards.
WORLD PEACE FOUNDATION— A non-profit or-
ganization founded in 1910 by Edwin Ginn
for the purpose of promoting peace, justice
and good will among nations. This purpose
is accomplished through the objective presen-
tation and interpretation of the facts of
American foreign relations through publica-
tions, study groups and a Reference Service.
Publications: Documents on American For-
eign Relations, 1938 — (annual); America
Looks Ahead (a pamphlet series) ; and other
titles.
The Foundation has available a pamphlet
series entitled Problem Analyses (I-XX,
$1.00), published by the Universities Com-
mittee on Post-War International Problems.
Information concerning publications and other
activities sent on request. 40 Mt. Vernon
Street, Boston 8, Massachusetts.
This DIRECTORY appears In Survey
Graphic four limes a year including
special numbers. Its columns are open to
social action groups organized to promote
good government, better education, city
planning and housing, improved Industrial
and labor relations, the safeguarding of
civil liberties, land conservation, study of
the Arts— economic and social planning
in their widest aspirations. Rates are
modest^— Let the Advertising Department
tell you about them !
496
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
SURVEY GRAPHIC
SMITH COLLEGE
SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL WORK
A Graduate Professional School Offering Educa-
tional Programs Leading to the Degree of Master
of Social Science.
Plan A covers three summer sessions of academic
study and two winter field placements in qualified
case work agencies in various cities. This program
is designed for students without previous training
or experience in social work.
Plan B covers two summer sessions of academic
study and one winter field placement. This pro-
gram is designed for students who have had satis-
factory experience in an approved social agency
or adequate graduate work.
Plan C admits students for the first summer session
of academic study. Students who elect a full pro-
gram may reapply to complete the course pro-
vided a period of not more than two years has
intervened.
Academic Year Opens June 25, 1946
For further information write to
THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8
Northampton, Massachusetts
WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY
School of Applied Social Sciences
WINTER AND SPRING INSTITUTES
*******
Vocational Counselling
December 6 through December 8, 1945
*******
Psychopathology
January 17 through January 19, 1946
*******
Programs For Youth In Rural Areas
February 14 through February 16, 1946
*******
Case Work Problems Involving The
Use Of Authority
March 14 through March 16. 1946
*******
Institute For Board Members
April 4 through April 6, 1946
Next Semester Begins February 11, 1946
for Details On Institutes and Regular Courses Inquire
Admission Office
2117 Adelbert Road, Cleveland 6, Ohio
Umbemtp of Chicago
of Social Sertict Abtniirietrjrttott
ACADEMIC YEAR 1945-46
Winter Quarter begins January 2, 1946
Spring Quarter begins March 25, 1946
SUMMER QUARTER, 1946
(Dates to be announced later)
ANNOUNCEMENTS
Giving complete program and requirements
for admission will be sent on request.
SIMMONS COLLEGE
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK
Professional Education Leading to the degnt of M.S.
Medical Social Work
Psychiatric Social Work
Community Work
Family and Child Welfare
Public Assistance
Social Research
Catalog will be sent on request.
51 Commonwealth Avenue Boston, Mass.
SURVEY GRAPHIC READERS
are invited to make use of our Book Order Department to
order books of any and all publishers. They will be sent
postage free anywhere in the United States. Send list to
Book Order Department
SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.
112 East 19 Street. New York 3. N. Y.
NEW HARPER BOOKS
for Survey Readers
THE EXECUTIVE
IN ACTION
By MARSHALL E. DIMOCK
Prolessor of Political Science,
Northwestern University
This book is the first example of a detailed analysis of the
day-by-day work of managing in terms of how an able
executive initiated and operated a complex business organiza-
tion. "Its distinctiveness arises from his focus upon the
executives and from his very frequent references for illus-
tration to an actual organization." — HENRY S. DENNI-
SON, I >f unison Manufacturing Co. "To the man aspiring
to get ahead 'The Executive in Action' will provide an
overall picture of the scope of functions of the manage-
ment ladder. For the man already an executive, it serves
as a check guide on his daily activities." — GLENN L.
I.ARD1NER, I'ift President, l-orslmann Woolen Company.
$3.00
OURSELVES, INC.
The Story of Consumer Free
Enterprise
By LEO R. WARD
A vivid, personalized story of visits among typical families
of the 3,000,000 members of the consumer cooperatives,
which dramatizes the human values of this growing move-
ment. ". . . . immensely concrete, immediate, real. . . . His
book is strong documentation of his faith — a book at once
entertaining, extraordinarily informing and heartening."—
( hicago Tribune. "So convinced that it is convincing, the
book is as lively as the subject." — .¥<•«• York Herald Tribune.
$2.50
]ust the gift for Veterans
6 WAYS TO GET
A JOB
Postwar Edition
By PAUL W. BOYNTON
Industrial Relations Department
Socony-Vcrcuum OH Company, Inc.
Here is a book that will help veterans find the careers best
suited for them. The author has helped thousands of job
seekers get the jobs they want and in this book makes
available his tested program of six steps that assures any
job seeker of finding and holding the right job. Get this
book for your veteran friends and help them achieve their
job success. There is no better gift. $1.50
AMERICAN
LABOR UNIONS
What They Are and How They Work
By Florence Peterson
Director, Industrial Relations Division.
Bureau ol Labor Statistics. 17. S. Department of Labor
All who would know the facts and speak intelligently about
organized labor should read this book. It answers countless
questions arising in the minds of all today regarding the
what, why and how of organized labor. It will help every
citizen to better understand the problems which face a
national Industry-labor Conference. "... a veritable mine
of information and a most useful source of reference." —
New York Herald Tribune. $3.00
Published under the auspices of the
Institute of Religious Studies
WORLD ORDER:
Its Intellectual and Cultural
Foundations
Edited by F. Ernest Johnson
Teachers College, Columbia Dnirertitr
These lectures by authorities in the various fields show how
the assurance of enduring peace can be aided by new ap-
proaches to culture^ philosophy, religion, jurisprudence, ad-
ministration, education and relief. Among the contributors
are Margaret Mead, Irwin Edman, Father LaFarge, Mon-
signor Ryan, Chester I. Barnard, etc. $2.00
CIVILIZATION
AND GROUP
RELATIONSHIPS
Edited by R. M. Maclver
Froieisot oi Sociology. Columbia Unirersity
This book analyzes types of group relationships in modern
society — cultural, educational, economic, industrial and re-
ligious— and the problems connected with them. Among the
contributors are Eduard C. Lindeman, I. L. Kandel, Robert
A. Lynd, Mark Starr, Bishop Tucker, Father LaFarge,
etc. $2.00
At your bookstore or from
HARPER & BROTHERS
49 East 33rd Street N. Y. 16, N. Y.
For u§e to Utav?
Princeton Theological Semmary-Speer Library
1 1012 00323 8690